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GOP impeachment backers wrestle with their own political survival after Tom Rice’s loss | CNN Politics

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GOP impeachment backers wrestle with their own political survival after Tom Rice’s loss | CNN Politics



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After Rep. Tom Rice turned the primary electoral sufferer of Donald Trump’s revenge marketing campaign in opposition to the Republicans who voted to question him, a GOP colleague who had additionally backed the previous President’s impeachment reached out to the South Carolina lawmaker and tried to console him.

“I instructed him afterward, I stated, ‘A lot for the adage that members of Congress are extra involved about their subsequent election than their job right here,’” retiring Rep. Fred Upton of Michigan recalled telling Rice, in a nod to the truth that his impeachment vote is probably going what price him in final week’s Republican major for South Carolina’s seventh Congressional District.

Whereas Upton’s feedback have been meant to raise Rice’s spirits, additionally they function a actuality verify for the Home’s remaining pro-impeachment Republicans combating for survival in aggressive primaries: supporting Trump’s impeachment – and persevering with to forcefully and publicly rebuke the previous President, like Rice did – is politically perilous in at this time’s GOP.

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“You impeach the Extremely MAGA king, you get the boot,” stated firebrand Republican Rep. Lauren Boebert of Colorado, a Trump ally and vocal supporter of the makes an attempt to overturn the 2020 election.

The so-called impeachment 10 – who nonetheless communicate by a bunch chat and have provided one another recommendation and luxury amid a barrage of assaults from Trump and his allies – are wrestling with their very own political survivals after watching their numbers dwindle. At the least half of them gained’t return to Congress subsequent yr, with Rice dropping his major to a Trump-backed challenger and 4 of them opting to retire as an alternative of duke it out, though a few of these selections have been influenced by redistricting.

Now, in hopes of stanching the bleeding, these remaining Republicans are attempting to discern what, if any, classes could be discovered from Rice’s demoralizing – if not considerably anticipated – loss.

There could possibly be no less than one vibrant spot for the group: California Rep. David Valadao, who voted to question Trump however has stored his head down since then, seems prone to have edged out a far-right challenger for a spot within the common election as counting from the state’s June 7 top-two major continues. However Valadao didn’t should compete in opposition to anybody endorsed by Trump, and his district is much much less conservative than Rice’s deep-red seat in northeast South Carolina.

“We now have completely various kinds of districts, we have now completely various kinds of election processes,” Valadao stated. “Everybody handles their scenario in a different way.”

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Upton expressed optimism Sunday when requested by CNN’s Dana Bash on “State of the Union” if there could be any Home Republicans left prepared to face as much as Trump after the midterms.

“We’ll see when these primaries are over. However I feel there’ll be among the 10 which might be standing,” he stated.

Nonetheless, between Rice and Valadao, there’s a rising consensus that the important thing to survival after crossing Trump is to mute the general public criticism and concentrate on hyperlocal points.

“If I have been (Rice), I’d have mentioned the problems,” stated Rep. Joe Wilson, a fellow South Carolina Republican. “Him and Trump really agreed on the problems. The most effective that might have been carried out is to emphasise the problems.”

The impeachment Republicans who’re nonetheless staring down major challenges later this summer season appear to be heeding that precise recommendation, cautious of centering their campaigns on an anti-Trump playbook.

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Rep. Dan Newhouse, who represents Washington state, instructed CNN: “We’ve bought a technique in place specializing in the problems that matter most to my constituents.

Freshman Rep. Peter Meijer of Michigan stated he’s cognizant of the outcomes of different races however wouldn’t say how that’s affecting his personal marketing campaign technique.

“Each district is completely different, each challenger is completely different. So I’m not going to get into marketing campaign technique. However we’re very aware of what we’ve seen in different races,” he instructed CNN.

Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler, one other Washington state lawmaker who voted to question Trump for inciting the January 6 riot, virtually turned a witness within the Senate trial after revealing what Home Minority Chief Kevin McCarthy instructed her about his personal dialog with Trump as a mob was storming the US Capitol. However since then, she’s largely prevented the nationwide limelight and any Trump discuss, opting to return to her concentrate on native points.

Requested whether or not she’s frightened that Rice’s major defeat is a warning signal for her personal race, Herrera Beutler instructed CNN: “I be ok with it.”

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Rice didn’t return a request for remark, and he was not within the Capitol following his major defeat. He did, nevertheless, flip to a well-known face to function his proxy for ground votes: Meijer.

One notable exception to the keep-your-head-down technique among the many impeachment Republicans is Wyoming Rep. Liz. Cheney, who has pulled no punches since voting to question Trump final yr. Her continued public criticism of Trump’s election lies price Cheney her spot in Home GOP management. And she or he has taken on a high-profile position on the Home choose committee investigating the January 6, 2021, assault on the US Capitol, serving as its vice chair alongside Chairman Bennie Thompson, a Democrat from Mississippi.

In contrast, a lot of the different impeachment 10 have stored the choose committee at an arm’s size. Cheney and retiring Illinois Rep. Adam Kinzinger, who additionally serves on the panel, have been the one Republicans who supported the creation of the choose committee. And most of them have stayed comparatively silent concerning the slew of damning revelations about Trump’s makes an attempt to remain in energy which have come out throughout the panel’s string of public hearings.

However notably, even Cheney’s first two marketing campaign adverts have been laser-focused on native points – not her work on the January 6 committee or warnings about Trump being a menace to democracy. Cheney is taken into account to be probably the most susceptible of the remaining impeachment Republicans, with Trump and his allies placing appreciable vitality into defeating her in her ruby-red Wyoming district. However highly effective names within the GOP institution have lined as much as help Cheney, who has constructed an enormous struggle chest and is pitching herself as a champion for Wyoming voters.

Nonetheless, Trump and his allies have seized on Rice’s major defeat as an indication of momentum for the MAGA wing.

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“Similar factor’s going to occur in Wyoming to Virginia ‘resident’ Liz Cheney, that occurred in South Carolina to Congressman ‘Impeach Grasp’ Tom Rice, who misplaced as an incumbent by 28 factors!” Trump posted on social media final week.

One other latest instance of strolling the Trump tight rope is freshman Rep. Nancy Mace. In a little bit of cut up display screen from Rice, Mace, additionally a South Carolina Republican, beat again a Trump-endorsed major opponent after drawing Trump’s ire for strongly condemning his position within the January 6 assault on the Capitol, although Mace didn’t vote for impeachment.

All through her marketing campaign, Mace emphasised her conservative voting report, help for Trump’s insurance policies and endorsements from different big-name Republicans comparable to former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley. Mace even filmed a video exterior Trump Tower in New York, calling herself one in every of “Trump’s earliest supporters.” Whereas the opposite impeachment Republicans haven’t gone almost as far, Mace has proven the political upsides to softening her Trump criticism in a aggressive Republican major.

Nonetheless, lawmakers warning that each district and race is completely different. And, not like Rice, GOP management has been on the lookout for methods to spice up Meijer and Herrera Beutler, who characterize swing districts that might have an effect on the GOP’s effort to recapture the Home majority. Nonetheless, even with social gathering leaders on their facet, their victories are hardly assured.

“You’ve set to work exhausting,” Upton stated. “And the others, I imply, they’re working actually exhausting.”

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This story has been up to date with extra response.

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Dutch pensions to invest €100bn in risky assets boosting Europe’s defence efforts

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Dutch pensions to invest €100bn in risky assets boosting Europe’s defence efforts

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Dutch pension funds are set to plough tens of billions of euros into risky assets in Europe, as their move to a system without fixed benefits supports the continent’s efforts to attract investment and bolster its defence sector.

Reforms being rolled out in the Netherlands could lead to its €2tn pensions industry — one of the largest in the world — boosting investment in private equity and credit investments by about 5 percentage points over the next five years, said the head of the biggest Dutch asset manager.

The “largest part” of the anticipated €100bn is expected to be deployed in Europe owing to “more attractive valuations” and a wish to have a “real-world impact”, Ronald Wuijster, chief executive of APG Asset Management, told the Financial Times.

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He added that Dutch funds might be able to do “even more” to finance defence initiatives in the continent, saying that APG had already invested about €2bn in companies that contribute to the defence industry.

Wuijster’s comments came as the EU has been under pressure to raise defence investment, with former European Central Bank president Mario Draghi last year calling on the bloc to boost investments by €800bn annually to keep up with US and China. US President Donald Trump has also demanded governments shoulder a greater burden for Europe’s security.

“There used to be a penalty for private investments and for credit risk that is now diminishing, which increases the budget to take more risk,” Wuijster said.

He added that the reforms would allow investors to consider assets with “a slightly higher risk profile”, predicting an increase of “five-ish” percentage points in risky assets, as well as higher allocation to private assets and credit spreads. 

In 2023, Dutch senators passed a law to transition the country’s occupational pension system into a model in which pension funds no longer guarantee a fixed retirement income to members. The transition is expected to take place between 2025 and 2028.

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The old defined benefit system pushed the schemes into liquid, low-risk assets such as government bonds by requiring pension funds to closely match assets with long-term pensions owed.

The funds will now be able to set target returns that can fluctuate with market movements, removing some liability driven constraints and increasing their risk appetite.

This was a significant step because “psychologically, it puts the funds closer to regular lifecycle investing . . . and on that measure, Dutch pensions are probably taking too little risk”, Wuijster said. 

ABP, which is responsible for the pensions of Dutch civil servants and is by far the largest fund managed by APG with €544bn of assets, expects to transition to the new system by 2027.

At the end of last year, just over a quarter of ABP’s assets were in private markets. About 40 per cent of its private equity exposure was in Europe, which also had 57 per cent of its global allocation in private credit.

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Wuijster said this geographical balance could continue under the new system, and that the shift into private assets and credit would be “a very gradual process” taking place “over the next five years”. 

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FCC chair opens investigation into Disney and ABC over DEI practices

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FCC chair opens investigation into Disney and ABC over DEI practices

The Walt Disney Co. logo appears on a screen above the floor of the New York Stock Exchange on Aug. 8, 2017.

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Brendan Carr, who was picked by President Trump to chair the Federal Communications Commission, said he’s ordering an investigation into the Walt Disney Co. and its ABC television network over concerns that they are “promoting invidious forms of DEI discrimination,” referring to diversity, equity and inclusion practices.

In a letter to Disney CEO Robert Iger, Carr said the FCC’s Enforcement Bureau will review whether Disney or ABC have violated any FCC equal employment opportunity regulations. He added that the probe will apply to both past and current policies.

“Numerous reports indicate that Disney’s leadership went all in on invidious forms of DEI discrimination a few years ago and apparently did so in a manner that infected many aspects of your company’s decisions,” Carr wrote on Thursday.

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The inquiry comes after Disney scaled back its diversity efforts, either by dropping certain initiatives or softening language around DEI.

Among the changes, Disney+ shortened its warning about racist stereotypes on certain classic movies, like Aladdin and The Jungle Book, removing a longer message written in 2020 that also expressed the company’s commitment to an inclusive community.

Last month, Disney also told employees it would replace “Diversity & Inclusion” for “Talent Strategy” as a performance factor to evaluate executive compensation, Axios reported.

In the letter on Thursday, Carr said although he acknowledged Disney’s recent efforts, he wanted to make sure they were not just surface-level, adding that “all discriminatory initiatives” needed to come to an end.

“Although your company recently made some changes to how it brands certain efforts, it is not clear that the underlying policies have changed in a fundamental manner,” he said.

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Carr took issue with Disney’s Reimagine Tomorrow initiative, which he accused of being a “mechanism for advancing its DEI mission.” The initiative’s social media described itself as a platform meant to amplify “stories and storytellers that inspire a more inclusive world.” While some of its social media accounts remain active, the Reimagine Tomorrow website itself was taken down last month, according to archived versions on the Internet Archive. Axios first reported the website deletion.

Carr also cited a 2020 memo outlining ABC’s updated inclusion standards, which required at least 50% of regular and recurring characters must be drawn from “underrepresented groups.” The same applied for actors and writing staff, according to The Hollywood Reporter.

In a statement, Disney said: “We are reviewing the Federal Communications Commission’s letter, and we look forward to engaging with the commission to answer its questions.”

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‘Should I Fire Him?’ Inside Trump’s Deliberations Over the Fate of Michael Waltz

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‘Should I Fire Him?’ Inside Trump’s Deliberations Over the Fate of Michael Waltz

For much of this week, President Trump was consumed by a single question. What should he do about his national security adviser, Michael Waltz?

“Should I fire him?” he asked aides and allies as the fallout continued over the stunning leak of a Signal group chat set up by Mr. Waltz, who had inadvertently added a journalist to the thread about an upcoming military strike in Yemen.

In public, Mr. Trump’s default position has been to defend Mr. Waltz and attack the media. On Tuesday, the day after Jeffrey Goldberg of The Atlantic broke the story about being included in the chat, the president said Mr. Waltz was a “good man” who had nothing to apologize for.

But behind the scenes, Mr. Trump has been asking people inside and outside the administration what they thought he should do.

He told allies that he was unhappy with the press coverage but that he did not want to be seen as caving to a media swarm, according to several people briefed on his comments. And he said he was reluctant to fire people in the senior ranks so early in his second term.

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But for Mr. Trump, the real problem did not appear to be his national security adviser’s carelessness about discussing military plans on a commercial app, the people said. It was that Mr. Waltz may have had some kind of connection to Mr. Goldberg, a Washington journalist whom Mr. Trump loathes. The president expressed displeasure about how Mr. Waltz had Mr. Goldberg’s number in his phone.

On Wednesday evening, Mr. Trump met with Vice President JD Vance; the White House chief of staff, Susie Wiles; the White House personnel chief, Sergio Gor; his Mideast envoy, Steve Witkoff, and others about whether to stick with Mr. Waltz.

Late Thursday, as the controversy swirled, Mr. Trump summoned Mr. Waltz to the Oval Office. By the next morning, the president signaled to people around him that he was willing to stick with Mr. Waltz, three people with knowledge of the president’s thinking said.

People close to Mr. Trump say Mr. Waltz has been able to hang on in part because some in the administration still support him, and because Mr. Trump has wanted to avoid comparisons to the chaotic staffing of his first term, which had the highest turnover of top aides of any presidential administration in modern history.

And while Mr. Trump can always change his mind, the episode shows Mr. Trump’s willingness to disregard external pressures in his second term, while also grappling with the limits of the loyalty tests he imposed for staff across the administration.

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Even before the Signal leak, Mr. Waltz was on shaky footing, viewed as too hawkish by some of the president’s advisers and too eager to advocate for military action against Iran when the president himself has made clear he prefers to make a deal.

An association with Mr. Goldberg, however hazy, gave Mr. Waltz’s opponents more fuel to feed the skepticism.

Some of Mr. Trump closest allies have questioned whether Mr. Waltz, a former George W. Bush administration official, was compatible with the president’s foreign policy. Mr. Waltz had gotten crosswise with Mr. Vance and Ms. Wiles in policy discussions, particularly regarding Iran, according to several people briefed on the matter.

In a statement, the White House press secretary, Karoline Leavitt, said Mr. Trump has a team whose members debate each other but know that he is the “ultimate decision maker.” “When he makes a decision, everyone rows in the same direction to execute,” she added.

Weeks ago, a discussion arose among some aides about whether Mr. Waltz was ideologically aligned with the president. Mr. Trump, who has at times been effusive in private about Mr. Waltz, made clear he did not want to start the cycle of dismissals so early in his second administration, according to two people briefed on the conversation. Mr. Trump, who regretted pushing out his first national security adviser, Michael T. Flynn, after less than a month in 2017, believed it would feed a narrative that he engenders chaos.

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After the Signal thread leaked, someone shared on X a snippet of a 2016 video of Mr. Waltz, produced by a group primarily funded by the billionaire Koch brothers. Speaking as a military veteran, Mr. Waltz looked directly into the camera as he condemned Mr. Trump as a draft-dodger and said, “Stop Trump now.” That snippet drew attention from Mr. Waltz’s critics.

By contrast, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s job appears to be safe, even though he shared detailed information about strike times for the attack on Houthi militants in Yemen in the Signal thread. MAGA stalwarts like Charlie Kirk have defended him online.

Mr. Hegseth “had nothing to do with this,” the president said on Wednesday.

Mr. Hegseth survived a bruising confirmation process in the Senate after being pushed through with help from Mr. Vance, and he has a solid relationship with Mr. Trump.

While Mr. Waltz may keep his job, the controversy has reminded Mr. Trump’s aides that the president’s strategy of crisis management — doubling down and denying, no matter how problematic the facts are — does not seem to work as well for them as it has over the years for Mr. Trump.

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When the Atlantic story broke, Mr. Waltz denied meeting, knowing or communicating with Mr. Goldberg. But that claim was quickly called into question by photos that surfaced from a 2021 event at the French Embassy in Washington, where Mr. Goldberg and Mr. Waltz were pictured standing next to one another. Mr. Waltz’s allies dismissed the idea that the photo suggested the two men knew each other.

But the reality is that while Mr. Trump has demanded loyalty from his staff, some top officials are longtime Washington hands who have relationships, past experiences and contacts with people whom Mr. Trump despises.

“I would say the principle of getting a bunch of yes men and yes women around him is the guiding principle, a foundation of which is not having, or renouncing, any past that may be proof to the contrary,” said John R. Bolton, who worked as Mr. Trump’s third of four national security advisers and then wrote a revealing book about his time in the White House.

“Anybody who’s been around Washington 10 years, 15 years, has all kinds of backgrounds,” Mr. Bolton said.

In Greenland on Friday, Mr. Vance, who was traveling with Mr. Waltz on a visit to try to apply pressure for the United States to take over the territory, made clear that Mr. Waltz was at fault for adding Mr. Goldberg to the Signal thread.

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But Mr. Vance, who was also in the group chat and has defended Mr. Waltz internally in the past, made a point of doing so again. It was a sign that Mr. Trump was ready to move on, for now.

“If you think you’re going to force the president of the United States to fire anybody, you’ve got another think coming,” he said. “President Trump has said it on Monday, on Tuesday, on Wednesday, on Thursday, and I’m the vice president saying it here on Friday, we are standing behind our entire national security team.”

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