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Donbas has been Ukraine’s ravaged heartland for eight years. Here’s why Putin wants it | CNN

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Donbas, a sprawling and beleaguered heartland area that blankets a lot of jap Ukraine, has been the entrance line of the nation’s battle with Russia since 2014.

However now its folks, already scarred by eight years of preventing, are bracing for an assault much more intense. An impending battle for management of the territory is predicted to outline Russian President Vladimir Putin’s invasion, after his forces suffered pricey failures in Kyiv, and throughout central and northern Ukraine.

Satellite tv for pc photographs have proven Russian navy convoys and resupplied models shifting in the direction of Donbas for a large-scale offensive, and Ukraine’s international minister has warned the world of an impending battle there that may “remind you of the Second World Struggle.”

A Russian victory within the area would appall the West however may salvage Putin’s struggle goals, whereas a defeat may cement his invasion as a historic failure. Both approach, it’s virtually sure to devastate but extra of the Donbas area, a traditionally and culturally vital place whose proximity to Russia has dictated a lot of its turbulent existence.

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Those that have lived in and studied the area describe it as an unbiased and gritty middle of trade that has remained suspicious of outdoor forces for many years.

However the waves of battle there since 2014 have reshaped and wounded its cities, and it’s alongside its line of contact that each the Ukrainian and Russian navy are most dug in – making for a well-recognized however unpredictable new section of struggle.

Chimneys, factories and coal fields have dotted the panorama of Donbas for many years, and since its two main cities had been based – Donetsk by a Welsh ironmaster in 1869, and Luhansk seven a long time earlier by a Scottish industrialist – trade has been the lifeblood of the area.

The title Donbas is itself a portmanteau of the Donets Coal Basin, and all through a lot of the twentieth century it served an outsized position as the commercial heartland of the Soviet Union, pumping out coal in huge portions.

“The Soviet Union intensively developed the Donbas as an industrial middle,” mentioned Markian Dobczansky, an affiliate at Harvard College’s Ukrainian Analysis Institute. “It was a spot that set the tempo of Soviet industrialization.”

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It was a spot, too, of “extraordinarily high-stakes industrial manufacturing, and repression,” Dobczansky provides. “Terror was current underneath Soviet rule. Repression occurred all around the Soviet Union, nevertheless it occurred intensely within the Donbas.” Suspicion, arrests and present trials had been rife.

An increase in metal and metallic manufacturing, the creation of a railroad and the event of a transport trade within the port metropolis of Mariupol diversified Donbas past its coal mining roots.

However within the three a long time for the reason that fall of the Soviet Union, the area’s financial would possibly has shriveled. “Within the Nineteen Nineties, the Donbas noticed the ground drop out economically,” Rory Finnin, affiliate professor of Ukrainian research on the College of Cambridge, informed CNN.

A decline in residing requirements and rampant poverty plagued the area throughout its preliminary transition from communism, Finnin mentioned, and Donbas is now usually likened to the Rust Belt areas of america, the place once-thriving heartland areas have struggled to adapt. However an upturn in fortunes adopted the flip of the century; Donbas stays Ukraine’s industrial epicenter, complimenting the agricultural manufacturing of the remainder of the nation.

Whereas prosperity within the area has wavered, one steadfast attribute of its inhabitants has not. The folks of Donbas have and stay “fiercely unbiased,” Finnin mentioned. “It marches to the beat of its personal drum.”

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The area’s long-standing industrial pull has attracted folks from throughout Jap Europe over the previous century, and it has had robust social and financial ties to neighboring Russia in addition to to the remainder of Ukraine. Not like a lot of central and western Ukraine, which had traditionally modified fingers between numerous European empires, Donbas spent a lot of the previous millennium underneath the management of Russia.

Within the nation’s solely post-Soviet census in 2001, simply over a half of the inhabitants of Donbas was made up of ethnic Ukrainians and a 3rd of ethnic Russians. Russian is by a long way essentially the most extensively spoken language in Donbas, in contrast to in western Ukraine. However the nation as an entire has a practice of multilingualism and the connection between language and nationwide id is tenuous there, consultants say.

The cities of Donbas lie “far-off from the metropolitan facilities, (and) far-off from the massive cities” in central and western Ukraine, mentioned Dobczansky. “Folks may flee to the Donbas and get misplaced.” Western-influenced, pro-European politics has usually not been embraced in Donbas because it has within the west of Ukraine.

That sense of disconnect from the capital Kyiv and different metropolitan facilities has given rise to an unlimited assortment of native actions, and was the backdrop upon which pro-Russian separatists tried to grab management following Moscow’s annexation of Crimea.

However Finnin and others warn “it’s essential to not fall to notions that the Donbas is pro-Russian or anti-Ukrainian,” an idea that has been stirred up relentlessly by the Kremlin since 2014 however is roundly debunked by consultants.

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In an unique CNN ballot performed by Savanta/ComRes shortly earlier than Russia’s invasion started, folks within the easternmost area of Ukraine, which incorporates Donbas, principally rejected the concept Ukrainians and Russians are “one folks,” and comprehensively disagreed that the 2 states ought to develop into one nation.

Fewer than one in 5 folks there felt that approach, in comparison with a couple of third of Russians who did, demonstrating the shortage of want to alter nationwide allegiance regardless of the area’s longstanding cultural connections with Russia.

“(Professional-Russian) separatism previous to 2014 was a distinctly minority place,” and no organized motion existed, Dobczansky mentioned. Opinion polls – and the area’s personal vote for independence in Ukraine’s 1991 referendum – affirmed Donbas’ want to depart Soviet-era allegiances behind.

“Folks would have a really robust sense of being a coal miner, or a metallic employee, or being within the proletariat,” he added. “Folks (additionally) had a way of being part of the Ukrainian republic, however the concept was that the Donbas transcended nationwide identities.”

Regardless of its transfer into independence together with the remainder of Ukraine in 1991, Donbas has maintained a spot within the psyche of Russian management.

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A well-known Soviet propaganda poster from 1921 dubbed Donbas “the center of Russia,” depicting the area as a beating organ with vessels stretching throughout the Russian empire. Earlier than then, the area was a part of the idea of “Novorossiya,” or New Russia, a time period given to territories in the direction of the west of which the Russian empire had expansionist concepts.

Cities like Luhansk and Donetsk are traditionally “locations that (Russians) may see a sure model of themselves,” Finnin mentioned.

And that historic picture may nonetheless persist inside Putin’s personal worldview, consultants counsel.

Observers have usually steered that Putin’s desired endgame is to rebuild the Soviet Union by which he first rose up the ranks. Anna Makanju, former director for Russia on the US Nationwide Safety Council, final month steered that Putin “believes he’s just like the czars,” the imperial dynasties that dominated Russia for hundreds of years, “probably known as by God so as to management and restore the glory of the Russian empire.”

Almost all of Mariupol's infastructure has been destroyed during devastating Russian assaults.

However such a mission couldn’t be tried with out an effort to recapture Donbas, given its emotional resonance because the Russian empire’s industrial spine. “It’s symbolically crucial; the Donbas equipped the whole Soviet Union with uncooked supplies,” Dobczansky mentioned.

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It’s in that context that Putin has refocused his stuttering invasion on the area the place his battle with Ukraine started eight years in the past. US intelligence intercepts counsel Putin has refocused his struggle technique on reaching some sort of victory within the east by Could 9, Russia’s “Victory Day” that marks the Nazi give up in World Struggle II.

“There’s each risk that Putin will transfer now to successfully bisect Ukraine; that may give him sufficient to have the ability to declare a victory domestically, and allay his critics that this has been a botched invasion,” mentioned Samir Puri, a senior fellow in city safety and hybrid warfare on the Worldwide Institute for Strategic Research (IISS), who labored as a ceasefire observer in Donbas between 2014 and 2015.

“Taking the Donbas (can be) a comfort prize, as a result of Kyiv is now out of Russia’s navy grasp, nevertheless it’s a superb comfort prize,” Puri mentioned.

Putin’s annexation of Crimea and the occupation of components of Donbas by Russian-backed rebels in 2014 delivered to a crashing halt a interval of accelerating prosperity within the area.

Struggle broke out in 2014 after Russian-backed rebels seized authorities buildings in cities and cities throughout jap Ukraine. Intense preventing left parts of Luhansk and Donetsk within the fingers of Russian-backed separatists.

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The separatist-controlled areas in Donbas grew to become referred to as the Luhansk and the Donetsk Folks’s Republics. The Ukrainian authorities in Kyiv asserts the 2 areas are, in impact, quickly Russian-occupied. The self-declared republics haven’t acknowledged by any governments, apart from Russia and its shut ally Syria, and the Ukrainian authorities has steadfastly refused to speak immediately with the leaders of both.

However on the bottom, residing amid battle grew to become a lifestyle. “Jap Ukraine residents had been residing in a twilight zone – they had been within the entrance line of a geopolitical regardless of, and there was a way of powerlessness,” mentioned Puri, who hung out on both sides of the road of contact whereas observing the ceasefire.

A destroyed tank belonging to pro-Russian fighters in 2014.

Greater than 14,000 folks have died within the battle in Donbas since 2014, together with 3,000 civilians caught up within the battle. Ukraine says that since 2014, virtually 1.5 million folks have been compelled to flee their houses, with over half of the registered internally displaced individuals staying within the areas of Donbas that remained underneath Ukrainian management and about 160,000 resettling within the wider Kyiv area.

Russia has in the meantime aggressively tried to fire up separatist feeling within the area, which it has then pointed to as a justification for invading. Russian passports had been provided to residents from 2019, and Kremlin messaging each in Russia and in separatist-held components of Donbas has closely performed up notions of ethnic Russians being focused.

“In propaganda since 2014, the Donbas has develop into a sacrificial lamb in Russian narratives,” Dobczansky mentioned.

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“It’s the place the place the Russians have cultivated a cult of victimhood. They’ve managed to show their very own fomenting of a struggle right into a narrative of victimhood by the hands of Ukrainian nationalists,” he added. “They hammer this level house.”

That pretext in the end led to Putin, two days earlier than he launched his full-scale invasion of Ukraine, declaring the Donetsk and Luhansk areas unbiased in a gap salvo to his struggle on the nation.

Whether or not the battle for Donbas would be the ultimate chapter of Russia’s struggle, or merely its subsequent section, stays to be seen. However by zeroing in on the area, Putin has introduced his assault on Ukraine full circle.

“The Donbas was the frontline for eight years, so the navy positions on each side are terribly well-fortified,” Dobczansky mentioned.

The secessionist battle in Donbas has been pricey however stagnant for the reason that preliminary surges of pro-Russian forces in 2014; the traces of the battle have barely moved in a number of years, with trenches operating alongside the purpose of contact from the southern coast to the Ukrainian-Russian border north of Luhansk.

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Ukrainian International Minister Dmytro Kuleba mentioned earlier this month that “the battle for Donbas will remind you of the Second World Struggle, with giant operations, maneuvers, involvement of 1000’s of tanks, armored autos, planes, (and) artillery.”

“This won’t be an area operation primarily based on what we see in Russia’s preparations,” Kuleba mentioned at a information convention in Brussels.

The terrain and local weather of the area doesn’t distinction dramatically with the remainder of Ukraine, however battle there accommodates its personal distinctive options.

“It’s going to be very completely different to what folks have been seeing in Kyiv and Mariupol,” Puri mentioned. “The Ukrainian frontline mixes city and rural territory … among the city territories that Ukraine (can be defending) had been already devastated in eight years of shell hearth.”

Already, populous cities like Mariupol have been decimated by Russian bombardments. The same destiny is probably going for different city facilities in Donbas, and evacuations have been urged from these within the path of anticipated Russian advances.

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Now Russia will seemingly try to encircle Ukrainian troops within the east and may assault from northern cities the place they’ve amassed troops, like Izium, in addition to from the south and east. A battle for management of Sloviansk has been anticipated, given its strategically vital place within the path of a possible Russian land hall.

Being nearer to Russia and Crimea might also ease among the provide points that blighted Russia’s doomed assaults on central Ukraine.

As Russian columns head in the direction of Donbas, they may little doubt encounter Ukrainian forces which have intimate information of the cities and cities they’ve been defending for almost a decade. Ukraine’s high normal, Valery Zaluzhny, and far of the military’s high guard have on-the-ground expertise preventing within the area after 2014, and a number of other Ukrainian officers have described the battle for Donbas because the pivotal subsequent section of the struggle.

“It’s extra comfy, militarily, for the Russians to combat a struggle within the Donbas than it was in Kyiv, Sumy, or Kharkiv,” mentioned Dobczansky. “However it’s additionally the place the place the Ukrainian military’s most skilled and fortified models are positioned … in order that they’ll face essentially the most extreme resistance.”

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French businesses court Marine Le Pen after taking fright at left’s policies

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French businesses court Marine Le Pen after taking fright at left’s policies

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France’s corporate bosses are racing to build contacts with Marine Le Pen’s far right after recoiling from the radical tax-and-spend agenda of the rival leftwing alliance in the country’s snap parliamentary elections.

Four senior executives and bankers told the Financial Times that the left — which polls suggest is the strongest bloc vying with Le Pen — would be even worse for business than the Rassemblement National’s unfunded tax cuts and anti-immigration policies.

“The RN’s economic policies are more of a blank slate that business thinks they can help push in the right direction,” a Cac 40 corporate leader said of Le Pen’s party, which is ahead of other groupings in the run-up to the two-round vote on June 30 and July 7. “The left is not likely to water down its hardline anti-capitalist agenda.”

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Another major business leader and investor in France added: “If you had told me two weeks ago that the business world would be rooting for the RN and counting [President Emmanuel] Macron out, I would not have believed it.”

Both spoke anonymously out of fear of commenting publicly on politics during the lightning legislative election campaign triggered by Macron after his centrist alliance was crushed in European parliament elections by the RN. 

Le Pen’s lieutenant Jordan Bardella, who is expected to be prime minister if the RN wins an outright majority, had already begun to woo business leaders in closed-door meetings in recent months, said investment bankers in Paris and executives.

Jean-Philippe Tanguy, an RN MP who works on economic policy, said he had been getting calls from lobbyists, investors and companies eager to understand the party’s plans. 

“We’ve told them that the RN will hold the line on deficits and present a credible plan,” he said. “The markets will be severe on us, so we really have no choice but to do so.” 

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Markets responded to the political uncertainty by sending the blue-chip Cac 40 index down more than 5 per cent between the announcement of the elections just over a week ago and Monday’s close.

The spread between benchmark French and German bond yields — a market barometer for the risk of holding France’s debt — has risen 0.31 percentage points since the election was called in the sharpest weekly move since the Eurozone debt crisis in 2011.

Another high-level executive said the prospect of either far-right or leftwing parties setting France’s economic strategy was “a choice between the plague and cholera”.

Both the far right and the leftwing New Popular Front (NFP) alliance want a radical break with Macron’s business-friendly economic policies. 

The president has cut production taxes on corporations, made it easier for companies to fire workers and wooed foreign companies, including JPMorgan Chase, Pfizer and Amazon, to invest in France. Unemployment has fallen and recession has not set in as elsewhere in Europe.

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But his government has also hugely expanded public borrowing during the Covid-19 pandemic and the energy shock linked to the war in Ukraine.

Skyline of La Défense financial district in Paris
The financial district of La Défense in Paris. Le Pen has sought to reassure business, claiming that markets find the party’s project ‘reasonable’ when they read the details © Emmanuel Dunand/AFP via Getty Images

The RN, which has not issued a full economic programme, has signalled it could revoke Macron’s flagship pensions reform later in the year after an audit of public accounts. It has made this a key campaign promise.

The party has said it will keep its promises to cut value added tax on energy and fuel, which the government says will cost €16bn. But in a sign of the far-right’s attempts to reassure voters and the markets, Bardella on Monday night postponed a €7bn VAT cut on household necessities. The RN also says it would give French companies preference in procurement, a violation of EU competition rules.

Le Pen has sought to reassure business. “Financial markets don’t really understand the National Rally’s project,” she told Le Figaro on Sunday. “They have only heard the caricature of our project. When they read about it, they find it rather reasonable.”

The leftwing NFP alliance has not made similar overtures. But it depicts its economic plans as more responsible because of billions of euros in planned tax rises to pay for the increased spending. 

“We will finance this programme by dipping into the pockets of those who can most afford it,” said Olivier Faure, head of the Socialist party.

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The NFP’s programme includes scrapping Macron’s pension reforms, increasing public sector salaries and welfare benefits, while raising the minimum wage by 14 per cent and freezing the price of basic food items and energy.

It would reintroduce a wealth tax, scrap many tax breaks for the better-off and raise income tax for the highest earners. 

Corporate bosses recoil at such ideas. “The left’s economic programme is totally unacceptable and would amount to France leaving the capitalist system,” said a high-profile entrepreneur anguished over the choice in the election. “Bardella may look reassuring but the far right represents a threat to democracy, not only the economy.”

Others are more sanguine. Matthieu Pigasse, an investment banker at Centerview who specialises in sovereign debt advisory, said the French economy was “protected by the euro” and the EU itself, even if the Eurosceptic RN has long criticised them.

“In a historical irony, the euro will immunise [the economic impact] from the left or the far-right,” he told L’Express magazine.

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Additional reporting Ben Hall in Paris

Video: Why the far right is surging in Europe | FT Film
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The federal government puts warnings on tobacco and alcohol. Is social media next? : Consider This from NPR

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The federal government puts warnings on tobacco and alcohol. Is social media next? : Consider This from NPR

Social media platforms are part of what the U.S. Surgeon General is calling a youth mental health crisis.

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Social media platforms are part of what the U.S. Surgeon General is calling a youth mental health crisis.

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Emma Lembke was only 12 years old when many of her friends started using phones and social media.

“Each one of them, as a result, was getting pulled away from kind of conversation with me, from hanging out with me, from even, like, playing on the playground, hanging out outside at school. It felt as though my interactions were dwindling,” Lembke told NPR.

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It wasn’t just her experience. On average, teens in the U.S. are spending nearly 5 hours on social media every single day.

You’re reading the Consider This newsletter, which unpacks one major news story each day. Subscribe here to get it delivered to your inbox, and listen to more from the Consider This podcast.

And the children and adolescents who are spending these hours on social media seem to be paying the price.

Those who spend more than 3 hours a day on social media have double the risk of mental health problems like depression and anxiety.

Clinical psychologist Lisa Damour, who specializes in adolescent anxiety says the more time a teen spends on their phone, the less likely they are to be focusing on other aspects of their life.

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“Too much time on social media gets in the way of things that we know are good for kids, like getting a lot of sleep, spending time with people and interacting face to face, being physically active, focusing on their schoolwork in a meaningful way,” Damour told NPR. “So that’s one place that we worry about that they are missing out on things that are good for overall growth.”

The Surgeon General’s call to action.

Vivek Murthy, U.S. Surgeon General, has called attention to what he has called the “youth mental health crisis” that is currently happening in the U.S.

This week, he published an op-ed in the New York Times calling for social media warning labels like those put on cigarettes and alcohol, in order to warn young people of the danger social media poses to their mental wellbeing and development. He cites the success of the tobacco and alcohol labels that have discouraged consumption.

“The data we have from that experience, particularly from tobacco labels, shows us that these can actually be effective in increasing awareness and in changing behavior. But they need to be coupled with the real changes, [like] the platforms themselves,” Murthy said in conversation with Consider This host Mary Louise Kelly.

“Right now, young people are being exposed to serious harms online, to violence and sexual content, to bullying and harassment, and to features that would seek to manipulate their developing brains into excessive use.”

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Part of Murthy’s guidance includes keeping children off of social media platforms until their critical thinking skills have had more time to grow and strengthen against what the algorithms might be showing them.

“Imagine pitting a young person, an adolescent, a teenager against the best product engineers in the world who are using the most cutting edge of brain science to figure out how to maximize the time you spend on a platform. That is the definition of an unfair fight, and it’s what our kids are up against today.”

New guidelines moving forward.

Damour says that the Surgeon General’s call for a label is a great start to addressing the larger issue of how phone addictions are affecting young people.

“The other thing that is really important about the Surgeon General’s recommendation is that he’s calling for legislation. He’s calling for congressional action to get in there and help with regulating what kids can be exposed to, she said. “And I think this is huge right now. This is entirely in the laps of parents, and they are left holding the bag on something that really should be managed at a legal congressional level.”

Both Murthy and Damour say that raising awareness of certain strategies for parents can also help teenagers maintain more balanced lives.

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This can include:

  • Waiting until after middle school to let kids get social media profiles.
  • Using text messages as an intermediary step in allowing teens to keep in touch with their peers.
  • And maintaining “phone free zones” around bedtime, meals, and social gathering.

This episode was produced by Marc Rivers, Kathryn Fink and Karen Zamora, with additional reporting from Michaeleen Doucleff. It was edited by Courtney Dorning and Justine Kenin. Our executive producer is Sami Yenigun.

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Mark Rutte offers deal to Viktor Orbán as he seeks to clinch Nato top job

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Mark Rutte offers deal to Viktor Orbán as he seeks to clinch Nato top job

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Dutch prime minister Mark Rutte has promised to give Hungary’s Viktor Orbán an opt-out of Nato activities supporting Ukraine if he is made secretary-general of the military alliance, in a pledge aimed at securing Budapest’s support after months of vetoing his proposed appointment.

Rutte, who is backed by 29 of Nato’s 32 member countries to become the next secretary-general — including the US, UK, France and Germany — has had his path blocked by Hungary’s prime minister, the alliance’s most pro-Russia member.

Rutte and Orbán, who have clashed several times in the past, met on the sidelines of an EU leaders’ dinner in Brussels on Monday night, raising expectations Budapest’s block on the Nato appointment — which requires unanimity among alliance members — could soon be lifted.

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The Dutch prime minister promised that under his tenure, Hungary would have a right to opt out of Nato activities in support of Ukraine and taking place outside the territory of its members, according to two people briefed on the discussions.

Orbán has long argued against western support for Ukraine as Kyiv seeks to defend itself against Russia’s full-scale invasion.

A spokesperson for Rutte said he and Orbán had a “good conversation” on Monday evening, and primarily discussed the outcome of a meeting last week between Nato secretary-general Jens Stoltenberg and the Hungarian prime minister.

“PM Rutte will confirm to PM Orbán in writing what they have discussed. It was a good and open conversation and the two agreed to focus on the future,” the spokesperson added.

A Hungarian government spokesperson declined to comment.

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Stoltenberg told Orbán last week that Hungary could opt out of Nato activities to support Ukraine, such as a plan for the alliance to take more control of military supplies to Kyiv and training of Ukrainian troops, as well as long-term financial support.

“I think that’s a good solution that will enable us to move forward on more support for Ukraine within the Nato framework without Hungary blocking,” Stoltenberg said at the time.

In the meeting between Rutte and Orbán on Monday evening, which took place as the EU’s 27 leaders discussed who would fill the bloc’s top jobs for the next five years, the Dutch prime minister did not apologise for past remarks about Orbán at Brussels summits, one of the people briefed on the discussions said.

Rutte has clashed with Orbán over the latter’s hardline views on homosexuality and Hungary’s judicial reforms.

The Dutch prime minister, who is likely to leave office in July after a new government is formed in The Hague, already has the backing of US President Joe Biden for the post of Nato secretary-general.

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In addition to Hungary, Slovakia and Romania, whose president Klaus Iohannis has campaigned for the Nato job, have yet to publicly back him.

Rutte said the planned new Dutch government, which involves his liberal party but also far-right leader Geert Wilders, would continue to support Ukraine.

“When it comes to foreign policy, the new cabinet will fully continue its course in Europe and Nato with Ukraine,” he added. “There will be no change.”

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