This past week, Republicans amplified a barrage of strange and racist claims about Haitian immigrants, including falsely suggesting that they’re consuming people’s house pets.
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America’s long history of anti-Haitian racism, explained
The unfounded attacks came from official party social media accounts, lawmakers, and from both members of the GOP’s presidential ticket. Vice presidential candidate JD Vance said Monday that “Haitian illegal immigrants” are “causing chaos,” while former President Donald Trump emphatically, and falsely, claimed during his Tuesday debate with Vice President Kamala Harris that, “they’re eating the pets of the people that live there, and this is what’s happening in our country.”
The comments echo well-worn tropes, and past attempts to tie Haitian immigrants to everything from the spread of illness to upticks in crime.
Republicans have elevated these messages as they seek to make immigration a flashpoint in the November election, capitalizing on voters’ dissatisfaction with current trends. The attacks also come as rampant political instability and gang violence in Haiti has displaced thousands of people — and as the Biden administration has approved temporary protections and humanitarian parole for some new arrivals.
The stereotypes the GOP is harping on, however, have been around for much longer.
In fact, as experts tell Vox, these types of ugly attacks are the byproduct of centuries of anti-Black racism and xenophobic sentiment, which have been used over and over to justify restrictive immigration policies that single out Haitian people. The decision to resurface them in 2024 is, once again, creating a palpably dangerous environment, and adding to this legacy.
“It’s a part of a very old historic pattern,” Regine Jackson, a sociologist and the Dean of Humanities at Morehouse College, told Vox. “It’s the idea that they could do something so inhuman, so un-American. That’s the message underneath, that these people will never be like us.”
Anti-Haitian racism has deep roots
Attacks on Haitian immigrants tap into the longstanding US framing of Haiti as a threat.
“Racism and xenophobia against Haitians among white Americans can be traced all the way back to the Haitian Revolution when Haitians … [overthrew] the system of slavery and [established] the world’s first Black republic,” Carl Lindskoog, the author of a book on the US’s detention of Haitian immigrants, told Vox. “Since then, Haitians have been seen by many white Americans as a threat to white rule and have been treated as such.”
In 1804, Haitians successfully overthrew colonial rule and enslavement by France. Concerned that Haitians’ victory would inspire enslaved people in America to pursue a similar revolution, the US did not recognize Haiti’s independence for nearly six decades.
Following the revolution, France used military force to demand financial restitution for loss of the colony, forcing Haiti to borrow money to cover its demands. The US and France provided those loans — and used them to continue exerting control over Haiti’s finances for years. In total, a New York Times investigation found that reparations to France cost Haiti’s economy $21 billion and directly contributed to poverty and financial problems that still plague the country to this day.
The US also occupied Haiti by force from 1915 to 1934, more than a century after its successful revolution, under the flimsy justification that it was there to ensure political stability following the assassination of multiple Haitian presidents. In reality, it mounted the occupation to prevent France or Germany from gaining ground in the region, which was viewed as strategically valuable. During this time, the US set up a system of forced labor, and sold Haitian land to American corporations.
The takeover also sent a demeaning message: that Haiti wasn’t capable of handling its own affairs.
“A lot of scholars have talked about … rhetoric that’s used to justify invasion around civilizing a society,” says Jamella Gow, a sociologist at Bowdoin University. “This notion of Haitians as backwards, criminal and dangerous started way back then.” The association of Haiti with voodoo practices, something self-help author Marianne Williamson, who ran in the Democratic presidential primary in 2020 and 2024, evoked this week, is another tactic that’s been used to suggest that they’re a “mysterious … migrant other,” says Gow.
In the decades since, the US’s treatment of Haitian immigrants has built on and reinforced these ideas. That was evident in the 1970s, when a wave of Haitian migrants sought asylum in the US as they tried to escape political persecution from US-backed dictator Jean Claude Duvalier. Many of these arrivals were detained and denied asylum, though they met the qualifications for it.
These practices set a precedent for the detention of asylum-seekers, a punitive approach the US still employs now. In a 1980 Haitian Refugee Center v. Civiletti case, the Fifth Circuit ruled that the US government had singled Haitians out and practiced blatant racism in its immigration policies. Despite this decision, then-President Jimmy Carter and his successors managed to find loopholes to keep up this approach. In the years that followed, while a surge of Cuban and Haitian migrants came to the US around the same time, Haitian people were far more likely to stay in detention compared to their Cuban counterparts.
The stigmatization of Haitian immigrants continued, too, in subsequent decades, including efforts to associate Haitians with illnesses, such as HIV. In the early 1980s, when no scientific name had been given to HIV/AIDS, the press and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention deemed it the 4H disease — which stood for “Haitians, Homosexuals, Hemophiliacs, and Heroin users,” in part because some of the early cases of the illness included Haitian people.
A fear of HIV — and the framing of Haitian immigrants as carriers of disease — was among the reasons that led the US to detain Haitian asylum seekers at Guantanamo Bay during the 1990s. (Thousands were detained and deported, while some who were HIV-positive were threatened with indefinite detention.) That’s part of a long history of the US government deeming immigrants health hazards in order to stymie their entry into the country — a practice that was again embraced during the Covid-19 pandemic.
Both the Trump and Biden administrations used a federal authority known as Title 42 to turn away migrants due to public health concerns during and following pandemic. Haitians were one of the largest groups turned away at the southern border on these grounds, Lindsvoog said.
Other attacks on Haitians were also evident in both administrations, such as when Trump himself referred to Haiti as a “shithole” country, and when border patrol officers were captured riding on horses and using their reins to confront Haitian immigrants under Biden.
These types of attacks have real consequences
In the town of Springfield, Ohio, the latest GOP invective is already doing real-world harm.
On Tuesday, Trump gave the conspiracy its largest platform yet, and since then, the claims about the immigrants, which have been repeatedly debunked, have only spread.
In the wake of all this, Haitian immigrants in Springfield — the town in which the GOP claims the pet eating is taking place — have experienced property damage and are keeping their children home from school out of concerns for safety, the Haitian Times reports.
Springfield’s city hall was also evacuated on Thursday in response to a bomb threat, and two elementary schools were evacuated on Friday due to concerns about public safety. The municipality’s mayor has said he believes both incidents are tied to the claims that have been made about Haitian migrants.
Springfield, a town of roughly 60,000 people in the southwestern part of the state, has found itself in Republican crosshairs due to the changes it’s seen since 2020. About 15,000 Haitian people have moved to Springfield for jobs following a manufacturing boom there, and while the growth in population has helped rejuvenate the town, it’s also put pressure on social services in the form of longer wait times at medical clinics and more competition for affordable housing, fueling some animosity toward the newcomers.
That anger only intensified in 2023, following a school bus accident that killed 11-year-old Aiden Clark, since the driver of the car involved was a Haitian immigrant. Republicans and right-wing figures have since invoked Clark’s death to highlight the threat immigrants pose — something his parents have begged them to stop doing.
This hostility toward Haitian immigrants has resulted in neo-Nazis and Republican lawmakers spreading lies about immigrants eating not just pets, but also ducks from the local parks. There is no evidence of this, Springfield officials have said. One instance of a woman — neither an immigrant nor of Haitian descent — eating a cat took place in Canton, Ohio, which is many miles away.
Tropes about people eating pets aren’t new, and have long been used to demonize immigrant communities in the US, including Asian immigrants. Such stereotypes allow Republicans to paint immigrants, including Haitian people, as “forever foreigners” in a bid to ostracize them. The focus on pets, in particular, is designed to undercut immigrants’ humanity, and to suggest that they could harm something people hold dear, says Jackson.
”This kind of language, this kind of disinformation, is dangerous because there will be people that believe it, no matter how ludicrous and stupid it is, and they might act on that kind of information and act on it in a way where somebody could get hurt. So it needs to stop,” White House spokesperson John Kirby said at a press briefing Tuesday.
Vance downplayed these concerns after Tuesday’s presidential debate when he was asked about his comments by NBC’s Yamiche Alcindor. “What do I think is a bigger problem? Insulting 20,000 people or the fact that my constituents can’t live a good life because Kamala Harris opened the border?” Vance said.
As US history — and the threats Springfield faced this week — makes clear, however, these racist ideas can have a direct influence on policies, and lead to immediate, and dire, consequences.
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Park Ranger Dies After Falling Into a Crevasse on Mt. McKinley
A ranger who was assigned to a climbing patrol on Mount McKinley in Alaska, North America’s tallest peak, died after falling into a crevasse on Thursday, the National Park Service said.
Officials identified the ranger as Robin Pendery, 33, of Enumclaw, Wash., a seasonal employee for the park service, and said she had been near a camp that sits at about 14,000 feet up the mountain when she fell. Parks Service workers responded immediately, the agency said, but Ms. Pendery did not survive. It did not release further details about the incident.
Ms. Pendery’s death came just over a week after three members of a Latvian climbing expedition died in an accident on the same mountain in Denali National Park and Preserve.
The Park Service said that Ms. Pendery had joined the mountaineering staff at the park in 2024.
“We are heartbroken by the loss of a member of our Denali family,” Brooke Merrell, the park’s superintendent, said in a statement. “Our mountaineering rangers dedicate themselves to serving visitors and helping others in one of the most challenging environments in the world. Today, we mourn the loss of a valued colleague, friend and teammate.”
Ms. Pendery was a nursing student at the University of Washington, according to her LinkedIn profile, and then became a registered nurse. She had nearly a decade of experience as a seasonal mountain guide, including for Alpine Ascents International, an expedition company based in Seattle.
A biography page for Ms. Pendery on the Alpine Ascents website said that, along with Mount McKinley, she had climbed Mount Rainier, Mount Baker and Mount St. Helens in Washington State and Mount Hood in Oregon.
“She was a serious and compassionate professional,” Gordon Janow, the director of programs for Alpine Ascents, wrote in an email on Friday. “Highly respected by peers, thorough, competent and an absolute pleasure to spend time with. We guided together in India, and her level of care for clients and passion for the mountains were unsurpassed. We’re devastated and her companionship will be sorely missed.”
Mount McKinley, which soars to 20,310 feet above sea level, was renamed as Mount Denali, the name long used by Alaska Native tribes, by President Barack Obama in 2015, but last year, President Trump reinstated the name that honored the former U.S. president William McKinley.
The recent stretch of the climbing season in the national park, which typically runs from late April through mid-July, has been particularly deadly.
Last week, three members of the Latvian Mountaineering Association died and a fourth was critically injured in what officials described as an accident at about 18,000 feet on the mountain.
The recent death toll is above average for the mountain, where more than 130 people have died since the park started keeping records more than a century ago. Three people died in Denali National Park in 2025, according to Park Service data, and there was one death in the park in both 2024 and 2023.
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See Where the L.A. Mayoral Candidates Have Done Best So Far
The final matchup for the Los Angeles mayoral runoff remains unsettled, but precinct-level returns show the contours of the race. The incumbent mayor, Karen Bass, secured one of the two spots in the November election, but Spencer Pratt and Nithya Raman are battling for second.
The results on the map reflect the nearly 500,000 votes that were tabulated on election night, which include early and mail-in votes that were returned early and ballots cast in-person on Election Day. Election officials are still in the process of counting hundreds of thousands of ballots in the race, and high-level updates will continue to be reported each day through at least June 12. But updated precinct-level data is not expected to be released until the end of June.
That means these results reflect voters who participated earlier in the process. On Wednesday, Thursday and Friday, as ballots that arrived later began being processed, the updated results were notably more favorable to the Democrats than they were to Mr. Pratt. The lead Mr. Pratt had over Ms. Raman as of the end of election night had been cut in half as of Friday.
Even so, the incomplete results highlight the socioeconomic fault lines that have divided the city in this election and the coalitions that each candidate has built:
Karen Bass
Ms. Bass leads handily in the Black, Latino and white liberal strongholds that underpinned her 2022 election.
Three areas of support in particular stand out for her: South Los Angeles, where she got her start as a grass-roots activist during the crack cocaine epidemic; East Los Angeles and the East Valley, where organized labor routinely turns out Latino voters; and bastions of older white Democrats, like Mar Vista, which were part of her district when she served in Congress.
Wealthy precincts like Pacific Palisades, which was ravaged by wildfire last year, spurned her, but the Palisades also overwhelmingly opposed her in 2022.
Spencer Pratt
Mr. Pratt has done well so far in the most affluent parts of the city, including Pacific Palisades, where he grew up and where his family’s home burned down in the fires last year.
As a registered Republican, he also did well in pockets of MAGA conservatism like the Sunland-Tujunga area in the far northeast San Fernando Valley.
He won over some Jewish communities on the city’s Westside with direct appeals to pro-Israel voters and also did well in expatriate Iranian-American hubs like Tehrangeles in Westwood.
Nithya Raman
Ms. Raman, who was elected to the City Council in 2020 with the support of the Democratic Socialists of America, has maintained her urban progressive base in places like Echo Park and Silver Lake, where she lives.
Her focus on affordability and her public policy expertise yielded support in dense neighborhoods with lots of cash-strapped, educated renters, like Los Feliz.
She has also done well in precincts around college campuses like Occidental College and the University of Southern California.
Of course, these results will change as the rest of the ballots are tallied over the next few weeks. Election officials have not provided an estimate of how many ballots remain uncounted specifically in the Los Angeles mayoral race, but countywide figures suggest that a substantial share of the vote is still outstanding.
As of Friday night, Los Angeles County had reported 1.6 million ballots counted and estimated that roughly 540,000 ballots remained countywide, with more still arriving. Late mail-in ballots have been more favorable to the Democrats this cycle, so the final results may move toward Ms. Bass and Ms. Raman at even higher rates than they did for Ms. Bass in the 2022 primary.
Rick Caruso, a centrist Democrat and former Republican, led on election night in 2022, but Ms. Bass steadily gained ground over the following weeks. She ultimately overtook him, winning the primary with 43 percent of the vote to Mr. Caruso’s 36 percent.
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Democrat Xavier Becerra wins the top spot in November’s race for California governor
Democratic candidate for governor in California, Xavier Becerra, speaks to supporters during his election night gathering at La Plaza de Cultura y Artes on June 2 in Los Angeles, Calif.
Mario Tama/Getty Images
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Mario Tama/Getty Images
SAN FRANCISCO — Democrat Xavier Becerra will advance to the November election for California governor, according to a race call by The Associated Press. After days of counting ballots, it remains unclear who will claim the second spot in the fall.
In California’s unusual primary system, all candidates, regardless of party, appear on a single ballot open to any registered voter. The top two candidates then move on to the general election. An estimated 3.5 million uncounted ballots remain. The state also counts mail-in ballots that arrive up to seven days after Election Day, as long as they are postmarked by Election Day.
The state hasn’t had a wide-open primary like this one since the late 1990s. The winner in November will lead the country’s most populous state, facing a large deficit and other obstacles, including the state’s high cost of living, homelessness and wildfire risk. Incumbent Gov. Gavin Newsom, a Democrat, is term limited and is widely thought to be running for president in 2028.
Becerra, former Health and Human Services secretary under President Joe Biden, has staged one of the most surprising comebacks in recent state political history. As recently as April, polls were showing Becerra — also a former member of Congress and California attorney general — languishing in single digits in a crowded field.
“The people of the great state of California, in the greatest nation on earth, have spoken — loudly and proudly,” Becerra said in a written statement. “We will not be bought. We will not be bullied. And we are never backing down. November, here we come.”
For second place, Republican businessman Steve Hilton still has an edge over billionaire Democratic activist Tom Steyer, but Steyer has been gaining ground as ballots continue to be counted.
Hilton was endorsed by President Trump in April, and in later polls, he pulled ahead of Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, the other major Republican in the race. British-born Hilton is a former Fox News commentator who also served as a political adviser to former British Prime Minister David Cameron. He has campaigned for change in California after 16 years under total Democratic control.
A Hilton win would set Becerra on a glidepath to victory. Winning statewide would be an uphill battle for any Republican in a state where there are nearly twice as many Democrats as Republicans, and no GOP candidate has won statewide in 20 years.
Steyer would present a rockier road for Becerra. If the billionaire former hedge fund manager makes the runoff, it will set up a costly intraparty fight. Steyer has spent more than $213 million of his own money to boost his candidacy, making the race the most expensive gubernatorial election in California.
It’s already been an election season of unexpected developments. Some of the state’s most high-profile Democrats — former Vice President Kamala Harris, U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla and California Attorney General Rob Bonta — all stayed out of the race from the beginning.
In April, the race was disrupted when then-U.S. Rep. Eric Swalwell’s campaign for governor imploded amid allegations of sexual assault and harassment. Swalwell resigned from Congress shortly after the accusations surfaced and has denied assault allegations.
Swalwell had been gaining in polls and racking up high-profile endorsements and his exit seemed to primarily benefit Becerra.
The narrowing field also quieted Democrats’ fears of splitting their vote to the extent that Bianco and Hilton would win the top spots in the June primary. That would have resulted in a guaranteed Republican governor in a state where Democrats outnumber GOP voters 2 to 1. Instead, though, Becerra surged. He has been aided by political groups operating independently of his campaign.
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