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Considering a ‘Donut Theory’ of Development in Minnesota

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Considering a ‘Donut Theory’ of Development in Minnesota


In my former line of work (helping to support local public health departments from the position of a cubicle in the Capitol complex in St. Paul), much hay was made out of a notion of bridging a “rural-metro divide” between the Twin Cities and its surrounding suburbs and the rest of Minnesota. Indeed, overall, the arc of demography in Minnesota in the past half-century has been away from Greater Minnesota and toward the seven-county metro, including the Twin Cities and the surrounding areas.

It could be said that this sort of framing constitutes a “mental model” of geography and development in Minnesota — a set of “deeply held beliefs and assumptions and taken-for-granted ways of operating that influence how we think, what we do and how we talk,” as defined by John Kania and colleagues in their 2018 report on systems change. However, once I began living in the economically and culturally diverse Midway neighborhood of St. Paul, this model struck me as somewhat inaccurate.

Walking around, I saw many issues similar to ones raised in rural areas: 

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Jokes aside about how much nicer the Roseville Target is relative to the one in the Midway, while just a few miles apart, such sights have made me question whether the binary between the “metro” and “Greater Minnesota” was entirely accurate.

Indeed: 

I have taken to refer to these visuals, where certain indicators for the metro suburbs stand in contrast to both Greater Minnesota and the cities of Minneapolis and St. Paul, as “donut theory,” or the notion that the true geographic divide in Minnesota is not between “Greater Minnesota” and the “metro,” but rather between the metro suburbs and everyone else.

The monster that will come for us all, soon enough — suburban sprawl?

For further, quasi-quasi scientific study of “donut theory,” I now turn my attention to the siting of hospitals in and around St. Paul.

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Why Hospitals?

I selected hospitals as the focus of study because they are a salient example of public infrastructure, whose whole purpose is to serve people — and therefore, the location of hospitals ought to follow the location of people. Rural hospital closures are also known as an established issue, making it more practicable to draw comparisons between urban and rural issues on a common topic. 

As the sole researcher on this study, my capacity constraints limited me to studying the fairer of the Twin Cities. Extensions of the analysis below to Minneapolis, as well as to the historic siting of public schools in both cities, are potential avenues for further study.

To the best of my abilities, I sought to locate every hospital within St. Paul’s city limits that was operational during a few select dates:

Date Reason for inclusion Hospitals operational within city limits 
1960 The peak of the city’s population (pop. 313,411) 12
1980 The “trough” of the city’s population loss (pop. 270,230) 7, plus 2 children’s hospitals attached to a larger facility
2020 Peak contemporary population recovery, post-1960 (pop. 311,527) 4, plus 2 children’s hospitals attached to a larger facility 
2025 The present day (pop. ~307,465) 3, plus 2 children’s hospitals attached to a larger facility, plus 1 behavioural health facility under construction 

A map of identified hospitals, with sources, is below:

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A table of all hospitals included in the study is also as follows: 

Name Location Years active Fate 
Ancker West Seventh  1874-1965 Replaced by St. Paul Ramsey (now Regions) Hospital
Bethesda Frogtown 1883/1932-present Moved to former site of St. Joseph’s 
Charles T. Miller  Downtown  1920-1972 Merged to become part of United Hospital
Children’s  West Seventh 1928-present Operational at United Hospital site 
Divine Redeemer South Saint Paul 1960-1994 Converted to a nursing home; demolished 2016
Gillette Children’s  Payne-Phalen 1908-present Relocated to site at Regions Hospital in 1977
Midway Union Park  ~1927-1997 Closed
Mounds Park  Dayton’s Bluff 1906- ~1970s?  Converted into a senior living center
Regions Downtown  1965-present  Operational
Riverview Memorial  West Side  1905-1980 Merged to become part of United Hospital
Samaritan  Hamline Midway ~1922-1987 Closed 
St. John’s  Dayton’s Bluff/Maplewood 1915-present Operational; relocated to Maplewood in 1987
St. Joseph’s  Downtown 1853-2020 Closed 
St. Luke’s  West Seventh 1882-1972 Merged to become part of United Hospital
TBD Behavioural Health hospital  Frogtown TBD Under construction
United  West Seventh 1972-present Operational
Woodwinds  Woodbury 2000-present Operational 

I welcome any corrections to the map and/or the tables. Send your corrections and ideas to [email protected].

Results and Discussion

A few trends immediately presented themselves:

  • The consolidation of a larger number of dispersed facilities in town, to a smaller number of larger medical facilities in downtown.
  • Relocation of hospitals to the suburbs.
  • Loss of hospitals in many St. Paul neighborhoods, including the Midway, West Side and East St. Paul generally.

In the context of “donut theory,” this mapping exercise shows that St. Paul, too, has suffered from the loss of infrastructure (hospitals) within its boundaries, not unlike rural areas. For both, the driver for these closures is population decline, given that the demographics of Minnesota have shifted to the suburbs since the 1950s.

Below is a map showing the growth of the “donut” over the years. Courtesy of Todd Graham on Bluesky (@metrogram.bsky.social)

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The “donut” is clearly visible in this Political Boundaries map from 1971 (Metropolitan Council of the Twin Cities).

Although the changes in hospital location are, in large part, due to changing medical technology, patient needs and cost considerations, rather than an anti-urbanist conspiracy, the net result of these closures is to make it more difficult for people to reach medical facilities by foot, bicycle or transit. Interestingly, a study from 1974, commissioned by the Minnesota Department of Transportation’s (MnDOT) predecessor, the Department of Highways, found that the conversion of Highway 12 to I-94 in east St. Paul would have “the net effect of reducing accessibility to [Mounds Park Hospital].” Although an alternative solution was found to the point at issue (the loss of a nearby on-ramp), Mounds Park Hospital was closed later that decade, in spite of the study commenting that the hospital “could play a yet greater role in the delivery of healthcare in the future.”

In aggregate, the loss of urban facilities in St. Paul like Midway Hospital has also meant the loss of jobs to the suburbs, from custodians to surgeons. 

On the public transit blog S(ubstack)-Bahn, author S.Y. Lee identified a “crisis of mobility” on multiple fronts in the United States:

Americans are getting squeezed on mobility, on all fronts

Americans are sleepwalking into a crisis of mobility — as a practice and as a right, both for self-interest and national health. Consider the following statistics:

  • Most of the largest U.S. public transit agencies face a fiscal cliff, as aforementioned
  • U.S. pedestrian fatality rates in 2023 by drivers were the highest since 1981
  • U.S. car crash fatality rates (per 100k population) in 2023 rose back to 2007-levels after decade-long decline in the 2010s
  • Americans spent nearly $50,000 on a new car in December 2024, the second highest month on record
  • More than 80% of new car sales in the U.S. are trucks or SUVs, which are getting bigger and thus more likely to kill pedestrians or other drivers in crashes
  • Car repair and maintenance costs have risen by nearly 40% since 2020
  • Delinquencies on U.S. auto loans in 2024 hit highest levels since 2010
  • National gas prices have stayed above $3 per gallon since 2021, the longest stretch since 2011-2014. (It is much higher in select regions, such as the West Coast.)
  • All fifteen cities which recorded the largest population adds between 2022-2023 are in the South, per the U.S. Census. The top three cities — San Antonio, Fort Worth, and Charlotte — recorded, in sum, a daily ridership of ~145,000 in 2024. (Their total population: 3.5 million)
  • Licensed drivers over the age of 65 has grown from 27.6 million in 2001 to 49.6 million in 2021, per NHTSA. Traffic deaths in 2022 involving drivers over the age of 65 was the highest since 1975.

S.Y. Lee End of the line: Transit thoughts in an uncertain America

The ability to access healthcare is essential for a fully realized life. But, within this contemporary crisis of American mobility, the trend of hospitals moving away from the urban core means that it is more difficult today for people to access medical facilities without a car, a public health risk in its own right.

Why Does Any of This Matter?

I explore “donut theory” vis-à-vis the extent to which mental models — which do not align with material reality as it exists — can cloud one’s judgement. At their worst, inaccurate mental models within the minds of policymakers can create poor public policy that fails to address its intended purpose, or even further worsen quality of life in society.

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In urbanism, the prototypical inaccurate mental model, with disastrous consequences, is to view the city as a machine to be rationalized and planned meticulously, as in Le Courbusier’s concept for “La Ville radieuse” (The Radiant City) rather than as a vibrant ecosystem of people and place, as described by Jane Jacobs in “The Death and Life of Great American Cities.” The consequences of such mechanical thinking were the (mostly) failed schemes of urban renewal and slum clearance — in St. Paul, resulting in the construction of I-94 through the middle of the city, the demolition of neighborhoods such as Rondo and the sterile streetscape of downtown; in Minneapolis, much the same happened in the construction of urban highways, the demolition of neighborhoods like the Gateway District and vast, yet eerily quiet streetscapes in the center of the city.

The challenges Minnesota faces, now and tomorrow, are vast. Inequality is slowly but surely rising. In St. Paul, in particular, municipal finances are in disarray — a consequence of decades of stagnant population growth.

(Note: As an aside, for this reason I am sympathetic to Ward 4 City Council candidate Molly Coleman’s ideas for spurring development in St. Paul to increase the local tax base, including through upzoning, pre-approved plans and state action to legalize a land value tax, which all could incentivize and reduce regulatory barriers to expanded development in St. Paul.)

Climate change continues to be an increasingly salient issue, both in its impacts to land and people, as well as to the role that Minnesota plays in advancing or arresting the pace of climate change. The land of Minnesota also exists, like all of the other pieces of our country, subordinate to a federal government to whom the people of Minnesota pay taxes, and in return now receive harm and hostility.

At each of these junctures, the patterns of development and land use for nearly 80 years — suburban growth in exchange for both urban and rural stagnation or decline — exists as a culprit in these challenges:

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  • In relocating wealth and population away from the Twin Cities and rural areas alike.
  • In the higher carbon footprint of suburban living.
  • In the financial costs of sprawl, and the loss of farmland from sprawl, rather than investment in areas already developed.

Crucially, even with recent growth in housing and population, both Minneapolis and St. Paul have yet to recover their peak populations from 1950 and 1960, respectively. 

It stands to reason as well that addressing any of these challenges will also entail policies and actions to redress the distribution of resources in Minnesota from out of the suburban “donut,” and back into the Twin Cities and rural areas alike. 

It is my intention, and hope, that a carefully considered notion of “donut theory” better identifies sources and implications of geographic division and inequality in Minnesota, rather than the binary “Greater Minnesota/metro” dichotomy alone.



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Shorthanded Clippers can’t keep pace with Anthony Edwards and Minnesota

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Shorthanded Clippers can’t keep pace with Anthony Edwards and Minnesota


Anthony Edwards scored 31 points, Donte DiVincenzo added 18 and the surging Minnesota Timberwolves beat the Clippers 94-88 on Thursday night.

Jaden McDaniels and Ayo Dosunmu each scored 12 points and Rudy Gobert had 13 rebounds to help the Timberwolves improve to 5-1 since Feb. 9 and 3-1 since the All-Star break.

Edwards, returning to the site of the All-Star Game, where he was the MVP, was 12 for 24 from the floor and sealed the victory with a step-back three-pointer over two defenders for a 92-88 lead with 42.9 seconds left.

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Minnesota improved to 2-0 on a three-game trip.

Derrick Jones Jr. scored 18 points and Bennedict Mathurin added 14 for the Clippers, who struggled from the outset with a season-low 38 points in the first half. Kris Dunn had 11 points for the Clippers (27-31), who have lost three consecutive games for the first time since December.

The Clippers struggled on offense without star Kawhi Leonard, out because of ankle soreness. The Clippers shot 40.5% from the floor, including 18.2% (four for 22) in the second quarter. Minnesota shot 43.4% in the game.

The Timberwolves (37-23) scored just 15 points in the second quarter and still topped the Clippers, who had 11. Minnesota led 44-38 at halftime behind 12 points from DiVincenzo and 11 from Edwards.

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The Clippers led by six in the third quarter and were up 68-63 heading into the fourth. Edwards’ drive and reverse layup put the Timberwolves up for good at 76-74 with 7:40 remaining.

The Clippers pulled within one three times in the last 2½ minutes, but Edwards answered each time. He scored the Timberwolves’ last nine points.

Up next for Clippers: vs. New Orleans on Sunday night.

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Church congregant filed lawsuit against alleged Minnesota church protesters

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Church congregant filed lawsuit against alleged Minnesota church protesters


A St. Paul church member has filed a federal lawsuit alleging that a group of individuals, including journalist Don Lemon and activist Nekima Levy Armstrong, unlawfully disrupted service last month as part of a coordinated political demonstration.

The complaint, filed by Ann Doucette in the U.S. District Court of Minnesota, alleges that a Jan. 18 demonstration at Cities Church interfered with her ability to worship and caused her to suffer damages, including emotional distress and trauma.

In addition to the former CNN anchor and Armstrong, the complaint names journalist Georgia Fort and activists Will Kelly, Jerome Richardson, Trahern Crews and Jamael Lundy. It also names St. Paul school board member Chauntyll Allen.

Doucette and seven of the defendants did not immediately respond to requests for comment. Doucette filed the complaint without the representation of an attorney. In an emailed statement to NBC News, Crews denied the lawsuit’s allegations “with empathy and compassion.”

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The lawsuit accuses the group of civil conspiracy, aiding and abetting, intentional infliction of emotional distress, interference with religious exercise and trespassing.

“As a result of Defendants’ actions, the worship service was disrupted, congregants experienced fear and distress, and Plaintiff’s ability to freely exercise her religion in a private place of worship was unlawfully interfered with,” the lawsuit states.

All eight defendants are also facing federal charges for conspiracy against the rights of religious freedom at a place of worship and for interfering with the exercise of the right of religious freedom. Lemon has pleaded not guilty to all charges, saying outside the court, “I wanted to say this isn’t just about me, this is about all journalists, especially in the United States.”

Fort, Crews and Lundy were released on bond and entered not guilty pleas, according to The Associated Press.

Don Lemon reporting from an anti-ICE demonstration at Cities Church in St. Paul, Minn.@TheDonLemonShow via YouTube

This is the latest legal action tied to protests in the Twin Cities, where tensions remain over the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown and the fatal shootings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti.

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According to the lawsuit, the demonstrators engaged in “coordinated conduct” by organizing meetings ahead of the “Operation Pullup” protest and promoting it on social media.

The lawsuit alleges that on the morning of Jan. 18, a coordinated group of individuals entered Cities Church, halting the worship service, and chanting “‘ICE Out!’ and ‘Hands Up, Don’t Shoot!’” while obstructing aisles. Protesters could allegedly be seen “confronting the pastor and congregants in a menacing manner,” the lawsuit says, noting that their chanting and “aggressive gestures” caused “severe emotional distress, fear, anxiety, and trauma” and caused children “terror.”

Demonstrators gathered at the church because they said its pastor, David Easterwood, was the acting director of an ICE field office in the city, the lawsuit says.

Lemon was arrested in January in California and accused of violating federal civil rights law after covering the protest on Jan. 18. He was released on a personal recognizance bond before a federal grand jury in Minnesota returned the indictment against Lemon and eight co-defendants, all of whom are also named in Doucette’s lawsuit.

Nekima Levy Armstrong, Cities Church protest arraignment, St. Paul, Minn., February 2026
Nekima Levy Armstrong in St. Paul, Minn., on Feb. 13.Carlos Gonzalez / Star Tribune via Getty Images

In the lawsuit, Doucette alleges that Lemon specifically livestreamed the protest, “noting congregants’ fear and distress, and appeared to take satisfaction in the disruption.”

Levy Armstrong, a Minneapolis-based civil rights attorney and activist, was also arrested for her participation in the St. Paul protest. Her arrest drew national attention after the White House shared on social media doctored photos where she appeared to be crying.

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Man arrested, charged with threatening to kill a state senator

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Man arrested, charged with threatening to kill a state senator



A Hubbard County man was arrested and charged after threatening to kill a Minnesota state senator on Facebook. 

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Court documents filed on Wednesday state the Minnesota State Patrol were investigating a threat posted by John Tobias saying that he would “kill every one of you treasonous [expletive] immediately” if he did not get money back that he claims he lost during the 2020 COVID shutdown. 

Court documents go on to say that Tobias then called the Minnesota Attorney General’s Office asking for something to be done about “Minnesota Governor Tim Walz ‘unconstitutionally’ shutting down the state due to COVID-19. 

The Minnesota State Patrol contacted Hubbard County deputies regarding Tobias. Court documents state Hubbard County investigators were already familiar with Tobais after speaking with him regarding similar threats he made in Jan. 

The charging documents state that investigators searched Tobias’ residence on Tuesday and found an arsenal of guns and 45 boxes of ammunition. 

Tobias was taken into custody. During an interview with law enforcement, Tobias admitted to making the threat on Facebook. He also told investigators that “he did not have any intention of killing anyone, but admitted he was trying to get people’s attention,” according to court records. 

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In late 2025, Lt. Col. Jeremy Geiger of the Minnesota State Patrol, who oversees Capitol security, told a panel of lawmakers that threats to lawmakers had doubled between 2024 and 2025. 

Tobias made his first court appearance Wednesday morning and is expected back in court early next month.  



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