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Minneapolis, MN

Harris VP pick Tim Walz ‘failed to act’ as BLM rioters burned Minneapolis in 2020, state Senate panel found 

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Harris VP pick Tim Walz ‘failed to act’ as BLM rioters burned Minneapolis in 2020, state Senate panel found 


Vice President Kamala Harris’ newly minted running mate, Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz, “failed to act” during May 2020 riots in Minneapolis that burned over 1,000 businesses and a police station to the ground, a scathing state Senate report showed. 

The 60-year-old Democratic governor was accused by the Republican-controlled Minnesota Senate’s Joint Transportation and Judiciary and Public Safety Committee of delaying the deployment of the National Guard, failing to coordinate with local police, downplaying the possibility of riots and allowing his adult daughter to access confidential information about law enforcement movements that put first responders at risk during the the four days of rioting that swept through the Twin Cities in the wake of George Floyd’s May 25, 2020, death in police custody. 

Harris tapped Walz as her running mate on Tuesday. AP

The state Senate’s scathing postmortem, released in October 2020, determined that Walz “first mobilized the Minnesota National Guard on the afternoon of Thursday, May 28 … 18 hours after” Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey first pleaded for assistance and the day after the city’s police chief gave Walz written notice that he needed at least 600 National Guardsmen to quell the riots. 

“It was obvious to me that he froze under pressure, under a calamity, as people’s properties were being burned down,” Republican state Sen. Warren Limmer told the New York Times, suggesting that the governor’s “personal sympathies” toward the rioters may have been why he was slow to act. 

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When Walz did send in the guard, it was far less than what was needed and requested. 

“The request was sent for at least 600 guardsmen at 9:11 p.m. Wednesday, May 27,” the Senate report states. “Governor Walz eventually produced 100 guardsmen for the City of Minneapolis late in the evening on Thursday, May 28.”

Amid the riots, the governor’s daughter, Hope, appears to have tried to tip off the arsonists and looters that the National Guard was going to be slow to respond. 

“Could someone who actually has followers rely [sic] to the masses that have gotten ‘national guard’ trending that the guard WILL NOT be present tonight??” Hope, who was born in 2001, tweeted on May 28, 2020.  

“The guard can not be sent in within minutes,” she wrote in a subsequent tweet, noting that “it takes time for them to deploy because they come from all over the state.” 

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“To be clear, the national guard will not be present tonight,” she added.

“Just because someone asked for something doesn’t mean it’s happening right away or even happening at all,” another May 28, 2020, tweet from Hope read, an apparent reference to local officials’ request for the National Guard. 

“I don’t know about swat but what I do know is the guard will not be present arresting people tonight,” she continued. 

The state Senate committee pointed to Hope’s tweets as evidence that Walz “allowed his adult daughter to access confidential information that she then disseminated to the general public and rioters.”

“This unnecessarily put police, Minnesota State Troopers, and the Minnesota National Guard in jeopardy,” the report said. 

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The riots caused several hundred millions of dollars in damages. Zach Boyden-Holmes / USA TODAY NETWORK
At least three deaths have been directly attributed to the riots. AP

On the same night Walz’s daughter sent out those tweets, the Minneapolis Police Department’s Third Precinct police station was overrun by rioters and set ablaze. 

“The commitment to hold the third [Precinct] was one I was not comfortable with,” Walz said during a press conference at the time when asked about the decision to evacuate the precinct rather than counter the rioters. 

The investigation into Walz’s response also found that the governor “never reached out to Minneapolis Police Department to better understand the situation on the ground” and his administration was “not fully using the Minnesota State Patrol or the Minnesota National Guard’s aviation support” to track the movements of rioters. 

Furthermore, Walz underestimated how hell-bent the mob was to burn the city down. 

“The Commissioner of Public Safety admitted it was a fair criticism to say the state failed to see the criminal activity that was rapidly escalating and failed to see it was beyond the local’s capacity to handle,” the report states, noting that Walz’s administration expressed that it “ did not expect rioting” or “did not expect rioting to continue” between May 26 and May 29. 

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Walz, however, did acknowledge on the third night of rampant looting and arson, that the government’s response to the rioting was “an abject failure that cannot happen.”

“I simply believe that we try to do the best we can,” he told reporters recently when questioned about his response to the riots. 

Meanwhile, Harris — just days after the Minneapolis police station was lit up — asked her Twitter followers on June 1, 2020, to assist in bailing rioters out of jail.  

“If you’re able to, chip in now to the [Minnesota Freedom Fund] to help post bail for those protesting on the ground in Minnesota,” the then-California senator wrote on X

The Minnesota Freedom Fund’s mission statement says the group “pays criminal bail and immigration bonds for those who cannot otherwise afford to as we seek to end discriminatory, coercive, and oppressive jailing.”

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The fund received more than $30 million in donations after the riots and Harris’ tweet. 

Greg Lewin, the fund’s interim executive director at the time, told McClatchy in 2021 that Harris did not personally bail out rioters or have any other interaction with the group.

The vice president also went on a media tour in the aftermath of the riots voicing support for “defund the police” and redirecting resources from law enforcement. 

“This whole movement is about rightly saying, we need to take a look at these budgets and figure out whether it reflects the right priorities,” Harris said during a June 9, 2020, appearance on New York-based radio show “Ebro in the Morning,” according to CNN.

“Any progress we have gained has been because people took to the streets,” Harris added, signaling strong support for the rioters. 

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Minneapolis, MN

Minneapolis day care worker accused of possessing child porn

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Minneapolis day care worker accused of possessing child porn


Minneapolis day care worker accused of possessing child porn – CBS Minnesota

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There are alarming new allegations Tuesday night against a Twin Cities day care worker. WCCO’s Ubah Ali is in the newsroom with what parents need to know.

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Minneapolis, MN

Minneapolis riots, Feeding Our Future fraud lead list of vulnerabilities for Walz on national ticket

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Minneapolis riots, Feeding Our Future fraud lead list of vulnerabilities for Walz on national ticket


Another issue with Walz is his speaking style. While knowledgeable and willing to defer when he’s not prepared to answer, he knows how to speak in terms average voters can relate to, such as referring to the Trump ticket as weird. In debates, interviews and news conferences, he appears comfortable speaking extemporaneously and from the heart without notes. But he can also provide meandering responses that change direction and amount to word salad.



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How Close Was Minneapolis To Hosting the 1996 Olympics? – Racket

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How Close Was Minneapolis To Hosting the 1996 Olympics? – Racket


Take a moment and think back to the 1996 Olympics. What do you remember?

It might be Muhammad Ali, his body trembling as he lights the cauldron. Or Kerri Strug, on one leg, stoically saluting the judges. Perhaps it’s the Olympic debuts of beach volleyball, softball, and women’s soccer. Or, on a darker note, maybe it’s the pipe bomb that killed one reveler and injured more than a hundred more.

Now imagine those taking place in Dinkytown, the St. Paul Civic Center, and the Metrodome. (We’ll skip the terrorism for the rest of this exercise.)

The 1996 Olympics were in Atlanta, of course. But what if they had been in Minneapolis?

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Sounds like a crazy idea, right? And it probably was. But Minneapolis actually has a long history of bidding for the Olympics, and perhaps never was it closer to getting the world’s biggest sporting event than in 1996.

Hosting the Games

Almost no one locally has experienced as many Olympics as Jay Weiner. A longtime sportswriter with the Star Tribune, he covered every Games—Summer or Winter—from 1984 to 2006, then added two more after leaving the paper. (His longtime colleague/Olympics reporting partner, Rachel Blount, was “heartbroken” that the paper didn’t send her to Paris this year.)

“Today it would absolutely be absurd and a waste of money and a waste of time” for Minneapolis to bid for the Olympics, Weiner tells Racket.

But in the late 1980s?

“It was legit,” Weiner says.

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First held in 1896 in Athens, the modern Olympics have enjoyed periods of great relevance but also some very real threats of extinction. And in the early 1980s, the movement was in a bad way. Terrorism overshadowed Munich’s attempt at a postwar reintroduction in 1972, then Montreal went into serious debt to host in 1976. Major boycotts in ’76, ’80, and ’84 undercut the global nature of the Games.

Though we now look back at Los Angeles’ highly successful 1984 Olympics as a turning point, when the Games morphed into the commercialized juggernaut we know today, the event was still much humbler and more amateur in nature just a few years later when the U.S. Olympic Committee put out a call for potential 1996 hosts.

And for people like Minnesota Gov. Rudy Perpich and Strib publisher Roger Parkinson, this presented an opportunity.

Thinking Big

Dynastic Minneapolis Lakers aside, Minnesota, it’s generally agreed, became a “major league” state when the Twins and Vikings arrived in 1991. Yet more than a decade earlier, in 1948, Minneapolis was already making a serious push to get the Summer Olympics.

The International Olympic Committee ultimately gave the nod to London for its first postwar Summer Games, and it spurned Minneapolis’ efforts again in 1952 and 1956. (Minneapolis also tried for what would have been the third-ever Winter Games in 1932; so did, remarkably, Duluth.)

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Minneapolis clearly had global aspirations, a mantle that was picked up in the 1980s by Perpich, the DFL governor reelected in 1986. His investments in amateur sports helped Minneapolis secure the 1990 U.S. Olympic Festival, an Olympics-like event for domestic athletes. The early 1990s also brought us the National Sports Center in Blaine, the Mall of America in Bloomington, and a Super Bowl at the Metrodome in Minneapolis.

Why not add an Olympics too?

Parkinson, the ambitious Star Tribune publisher/president, signed on to lead the bid. Six major players in the business world stepped up with cash. And Perpich put all his weight behind the effort.

“This will put us on the map internationally,” Perpich told the Star Tribune. “I can’t think of anything that would do more for the state than the Olympics.”1

A Twin Cities Olympics

So, what would a Minneapolis Olympics have looked like in 1996?

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First, even though it’s referred to as a Minneapolis bid, the plan really encompassed the entire Twin Cities, with sports spread throughout the metro and sailing events in Duluth. Fans could have watched archery at Fort Snelling, gymnastics at the St. Paul Civic Center, boxing at the Met Center, and road cycling along Hwy. 12 from Minneapolis to Delano.

Among the 27 planned venues, all but one either already existed or was in the process of being developed. New venues included an NBA arena in Minneapolis, an aquatics center at Normandale Community College in Bloomington, a cycling velodrome in Blaine, and field hockey at the speed skating oval in Roseville.

Alas, the one missing venue was a big one: a stadium that could house track and field, soccer, and the opening and closing ceremonies. Organizers considered Blaine but ultimately proposed a site roughly where Huntington Bank Stadium sits now for a $70 million open-air stadium that with temporary seating could fit 70,000 fans. (The Metrodome, completed just six years earlier for $55 million, apparently wasn’t a fit, though it was slated to host baseball.)

Other key questions remained. The athletes’ village was pegged for northeast Minneapolis, near the Columbia Golf Club, with organizers planning for 1,500 units that would be sold off as condos or senior housing after the Games—or perhaps something else, if the housing market couldn’t absorb it. St. Paul’s Lake Phalen, the would-be site of canoe and rowing events, needed further dredging to create enough space at the south end for boats to safely finish. 

There were also concerns about a shortage of hotel rooms and a lack of public transportation, though city officials were promising a light rail line up and running in time for the Games. Private financing to the tune of $740 million would fund the effort, but cities would be on the hook for costs like increased police presence.

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The Vote

Nashville and San Francisco also put their names in for 1996. Ultimately, the choice came down to the Twin Cities and Atlanta. The cities made their case to the USOC executive board on April 29, 1988, at the Hilton in Washington, D.C.

Going into vote, Atlanta—behind its charismatic and well-connected mayor, Andrew Young—was selling itself as a bigger, more international city with more hotel rooms, better transit, and experience hosting major conventions. A Minnesota delegation including Perpich emphasized their bid’s milder weather, compact footprint, dedicated venues for each sport and, notably, the state’s strong tradition of nurturing amateur athletics.

“There was a certain level of seriousness that we felt it could happen,” Weiner says now. Looking back, however, he acknowledges the mood might have been a little too optimistic. The first sign of trouble came at the delegation receptions ahead of the vote. The Minnesotans rented out a hotel ballroom: “It was like a modest bar mitzvah,” Weiner said. He recalls guests were served cheese and crackers.

Atlanta, on the other hand, invited guests to a Georgetown mansion, where they were greeted by violin players and mingled with international dignitaries drawn to Young from his former role as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations.

“It was not a bar mitzvah. It was like a royal wedding,” Weiner says. “And that’s when I think we all understood that Atlanta knew how to play the game.”

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The final vote, which took place in private, reportedly wasn’t close.

It turns out the local bid’s understated, buttoned-up—dare we say Minnesotan—approach didn’t land compared to Atlanta’s unapologetic lobbying and lavish parties.

Or, as staff writer Bruce Benidt put it the next day’s Star Tribune, the voters “sidestepped the Twin Cities’ avalanche of earnest information to dance with Atlanta’s dash, style and stature.”2

The Legacy

Unlike some other sporting losses, this one didn’t seem to inflict long-term pain into the local psyche. That’s perhaps because any U.S. bid for the 1996 Games faced enormous odds from the start. After all, the Olympics had (kind of) just been here in ’84, and whichever city the USOC picked would then have to beat out four international cities, including a strong effort from Toronto and the sentimental favorite, Athens, at the full IOC election in 1990.

Of course, we all know what happened.

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It may be a stretch to say Minneapolis came “close” to hosting the 1996 Olympics. But the Twin Cities had a credible plan, and if Atlanta could shock the world… maybe we could have too?

Weiner doesn’t go quite that far.

“It wasn’t totally outrageous that Minneapolis could have shocked the world,” he says, “until we got to Washington and saw the Atlanta show versus our show, and saw that we were in a whole other league.”

The 1988 vote came at an inflection point in the Olympic movement. The Minnesota delegation appeared taken aback by Atlanta’s bravado and lobbying, with one local official calling for more rules and cost controls after the Washington vote. Instead, host city campaigns grew so expensive, unpopular, and ripe for corruption that in 2019 the IOC finally adopted a new approach: It now essentially handpicks a preferred host city.

“Everybody comes in there promising everything,” Perpich, who died in 1995, said at the USOC vote in Washington. “The follow-through is what’s important, and we’ve been very, very steady on that.”3

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Back in 1988, Perpich & Co. focused on the sports infrastructure they’d already invested in here. Thirty-six years later, much of that remains in place or improved upon, and the Twin Cities have retained their reputation as a hotbed for NCAA and international events, including just this year with a cross-country skiing world cup, the men’s Frozen Four, the Olympic trials in gymnastics, and the Paralympic trials in swimming.

So while we didn’t get Muhammad Ali, the “Magnificent Seven,” and a big new stadium at the U, in a roundabout way, we may have ultimately fulfilled that 1996 vision anyway.



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