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Getting to the Big Picture on Rideshare | Twin Cities Business

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Getting to the Big Picture on Rideshare | Twin Cities Business


If we think about the stare down between Uber/Lyft and the Minneapolis City Council as a recent problem, we’re failing to grasp the economic forces and governance lapses that brought it about. If you’re too young to remember the era before Uber/Lyft or think of them merely as transportation resources for weekend partiers and airport trips, you’re missing important perspective. After a deluge of media coverage lacking such perspective, perhaps it’s valuable to start with a 10,000-foot view:

Uber debuted in the Twin Cities in 2012. (The company was formed in 2010.) Back then, the options for private transportation were taxis and pricey limos. The Twin Cities were a notoriously bad cab town.

Unlike Chicago, New York, and other large cities, you could not “hail” a cab on the street. One either had to find a “cab stand” where cabbies waited for rides (primarily in downtowns near hotels or other major sources of people without cars) or call a taxi company (there were several) and order a cab to come to you. Depending on the time of day and day of week, the wait for a cab ranged from a modest 15 minutes to hours (late at night, during bad weather, on certain holidays).

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The taxi business was heavily regulated. Cab companies were licensed to cities and only could accept rides in those cities. Some had geographic constraints on where they would take you. The number of licensed cabs and their rates were regulated as well. The goal was to provide enough taxis to meet demand while limiting supply so there were enough riders to justify the number of cabs on the street. The cab business was seasonal, peaking in winter.

Cab drivers paid a daily or weekly fee to lease their vehicle from cab companies and then kept all earnings and tips. It was uncommon for drivers to own their vehicle, though the occasional owner-operator existed. Taxi drivers commonly complained the business was volatile, rates were too low, and lease costs too high to make a decent living, but most cab drivers did it as their primary job, not a sidelight for a couple hours a day. Drivers who drove at night and in the inner city also faced significant safety challenges as rides could not be vetted in advance. A primarily cash business, cabbies were often robbed at gunpoint.

Uber, like many tech companies of the era, exploited an industry deep in archaic practices that was broadly disliked by consumers in places like Minneapolis. (This was not the case New York and Chicago, where many don’t own cars, cabs were plentiful and easy to find and part of the transportation culture of the city.).

Like some tech companies of the era, Uber was funded with billions in venture capital to allow it a path to viability. And like other tech stars of the era, that glide path lasted over a decade and allowed Uber to price its service below cost and pay drivers more than it could profitably afford.

This practice is expressly forbidden under American antitrust laws, but regulators typically overlook it in early stage companies that lack monopoly power. Even though most of Uber’s formative years were under the Obama administration, its Justice Department had a blind spot for Silicon Valley’s darlings.

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And to be fair, Uber built a better mousetrap. It veritably destroyed the cab business in most of America for good reason. But Uber and Lyft own no cars and provided no transportation; they are software platforms. Before the pandemic, local Uber and Lyft drivers were much more likely to be supplementing an income, the so-called gig worker. The workforce model was similar to restaurants. It was a low-barrier way to earn some extra cash on a flexible schedule. But locally, the Uber/Lyft driver cohort has evolved to one trying to derive a full-time living from a service for which that was never intended.

When the pandemic hit, Uber was still not profitable. It used the pandemic to reset its business model, adding food delivery, raising prices, and cutting driver compensation. Uber finally turned a profit last year.

It’s important to understand Uber and Lyft’s rise, because it can be argued if the government had exercised proper antitrust oversight, Uber would never have been allowed to build a monopolistic business. That Uber/Lyft were an unsustainable mirage.

What’s left of the taxi business

Fast forward to today. Uber upended the cab business in Minneapolis. My colleague Dan Niepow spoke to Blue & White Taxi earlier this month. It and Airport Taxi are the primary companies remaining in town. Blue & White told us it has 250 cabs, some company owned. But the bulk of its drivers are licensed for medical transport, not general taxi service. Medical transport is paid for by health insurers or Medicaid and involves taking often-indigent patients to appointments or tests.

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KSTP reported last week that only 39 general purpose taxis are licensed in Minneapolis. They are the only option for the unbanked and their drivers endure significant safety risks in a cash business where police are difficult to summon. Blue & White’s basic rates are $2.50 per ride plus $2.50 per mile, significantly higher than Uber and even the highest rate proposed by the city council. (There is no surge pricing.) But cabbies pay several hundred dollars each week to lease their cabs, in excess of cost of ownership for rideshare drivers.

A recent pricing check from my home in south Minneapolis to the airport showed Blue & White at $40, Lyft at $39, and Uber at $30. Taxi pricing has not risen in a very long time. I remember paying $40 or more to go to the airport over a decade ago.

The idea that the city would regulate rates is not some Communistic outlier. Minneapolis and many other cities regulated cab rates for decades. Some cities had special boards designed solely to monitor and adjust rates and the number of licensed vehicles. It was not a free-market experience. (And cab drivers of yore were primarily self-employed, just like Uber drivers. The business model was just different.)

An exhaustive state study of 18,000 rideshare rides in the metro area, released earlier in March, showed drivers earn just below Minneapolis’s $15+ minimum wage—factoring in direct and indirect costs (like vehicle insurance and maintenance).

The rate debate

The question in Minneapolis is how rideshare minimums should be set. Whether rideshare drivers should be guaranteed the city minimum wage (sufficient to cover their costs of doing business according to the state) or more, and who should make that decision. The debate itself is a testament to the growing power of the region’s Somali immigrant population, who make up a large proportion of rideshare drivers. How many other self-employed professions have successfully goaded the Legislature and City Council to regulate their income?

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If Uber and Lyft raise rates 40%-50% by government mandate, it will not just be weekend partiers, snowbird suburbanites, and business travelers who will pay. It will be the working poor who cannot find decent (or safe) public transport to their jobs. It will be the elderly and infirm living on fixed government assistance who cannot drive. It will be the developmentally disabled for whom taxpayers provide transport to day programs. The penchant for the leftist cohort of the DFL to oversimplify every such debate as between exploiters and the exploited is readily evident here.

And if Uber and Lyft leave, their drivers will suffer as well. The fantasy that there is another company ready to scale in Minneapolis that will accept regulated rates of the kind the City Council is mandating strains credulity. At minimum, drivers will be thrown out of work for a period of time.

The sad thing here is Uber is a textbook definition of a crappy company. Read your press clippings to learn its history and culture. But the reason we have no alternatives today is the Obama, Trump, and Biden administration’s dereliction of antitrust. Consider all the retail businesses Amazon put into bankruptcy by pricing below cost for so long. Government’s love affair with tech and its capacity to innovate at any cost, plus the Millennial and Gen-Z population’s willingness to sign on to anything with an app, whatever the social cost, are the culprits.

What’s past is past, and the question today is how Minneapolis or Minnesota propose to guarantee the wage for one subset of self-employed workers but not others. (Historically the self-employed were not guaranteed any wage. The feds are considering trying to reclassify many self-employed workers as employees to guarantee them certain benefits and protections, but this is opposed by as many subsets of the self-employed as support it.) Just as in restaurants, labor activists are trying to turn a gig business into one designed to support full-time careers and it’s fair to ask whether that’s overreach.

It’s also fair to ask whether it’s reasonable to guarantee rideshare drivers a wage guaranteed to no other class of worker in the state or city. In America, the game has always been if you don’t like your earning power, acquire some skills and boost your social class. We all can get behind the goal of everyone earning a decent living. But the portents of the rideshare pricing mess are complex and unsustainable.

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It’s great that a new immigrant community has acquired the political clout as a voting bloc to get the attention of government. We should applaud that. But it’s another thing entirely to upend the American economic system for one specific class of self-employed workers, and we should think very carefully about that indeed.



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Minnesotans mobilize for third and potentially biggest No Kings Day

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Minnesotans mobilize for third and potentially biggest No Kings Day


On a freezing February evening last year, around a dozen people gathered on an interstate overpass in Minneapolis and hoisted a sign in view of oncoming traffic.

The sign — letters screwed to long, thin pieces of lumber — read: “STOP THE COUP.”

A week later, the group gathered again, though they had doubled in number. The week after that, they doubled again.

Over a year later, around 40 neighbors and up to 100 on busy nights now squeeze onto the overpass Thursday evenings with a new message for the rush-hour traffic.

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They call themselves Democracy Bridge Minneapolis, and have protested almost every week since President Donald Trump’s second inauguration.

And in the lead-up to the third nationwide No Kings protests tomorrow, Democracy Bridge catalyzed a wave of demonstrations like their own spanning the 1,568-mile length of Interstate 35.

From Duluth, Minn., to San Antonio, 47 different bridge protests cut through the midline of the country Thursday with the same message: “YES DEMOCRACY NO KINGS.”

Grassroots organizations 50501 Kansas City, Indivisible Twin Cities and The Visibility Brigade also took the lead on mobilizing this week.

Organizers said they hope their efforts inspired onlookers to participate in what’s projected to be the largest turnout for a single-day protest in United States history.

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“We have to help us and we have to start by letting our neighbors know what the hell is going on and why they should care,” Sarah Linnes-Robinson, a founding member of the group, said. 

While millions of Americans will take to the streets in cities across the country, as many as 100,000 people could attend the No Kings Day flagship rally in Minnesota’s capital, St. Paul. 

The flagship rally will feature progressive leaders Gov. Tim Walz and U.S. Sen Bernie Sanders, as well as legend Bruce Springsteen, who will headline with his “Streets of Minneapolis.” 

“ICE OUT OF MN:” The Twin Cities fight back

Democracy Bridge Minneapolis members hold a sign reading “DEFUND ICE” on Jan. 29, 2026.

Past the stardom, the rallies across the Twin Cities may provide catharsis for residents whose lives over the past several months have been upended by Trump’s winter immigration enforcement operation.

Dubbed “Operation Metro Surge,” Trump’s massive deployment of immigration officials in Minnesota resulted in mass unlawful detentions, repeated violent assaults against peaceful protesters, and ultimately, the killings of two U.S. citizens, who were both shot by federal officers. 

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Democracy Bridge protesters channeled their outrage over Renee Good’s and Alex Pretti’s killings through their weekly messages.

“DEFUND ICE” and “ICE OUT OF MN” lit up the bridge on Jan. 29, 2026.

Similarly, “HANDS OFF ELECTIONS” appeared following Trump’s threat to “take over voting”  this February, as well as signs protesting the escalation of the Iran war.

Other messages, all of which can be viewed on the organization’s website archive, urged for the release of the Epstein files, opposed a war with Venezuela and admonished Trump’s proposed 2027 budget for its potential impact on Minnesotans’ healthcare.

Most messages are succinct and sometimes abbreviated so while organizers said they would like it, words like “authoritarianism” don’t make the cut.

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Some have backgrounds in community organizing, while other bridge-goers are architects and retired researchers. Some come straight from pickleball practice and others from church. 

“All are welcome so you can have a Ukrainian flag, you can have a Palestinian flag, a right side up flag, an upside down flag I mean come as you are,” Rosemary Dolata, a Minneapolis resident and bridge protest organizer, said.

Mary Jane Levine has lived in Minneapolis since 2000 and works in a garden store. But before that, she was a federal law enforcement officer. It’s what brought her to the bridge.

“I’m horrified by what was done to the civil service and even more horrified to see what my former federal law enforcement officers are doing to our citizens,” Levine said.

Do protests work? What the data and the locals say

With thousands of other local protests planned across the U.S, this follows a trend of increasing decentralization within civic action.

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That’s according to data from American University researcher Dana Fisher, who has been conducting surveys of widespread protests since the Women’s March in 2017. 

Fisher’s data shows that nationwide protests in recent years have been largely composed of white, highly educated, and primarily older women. While multiple factors are at play, Fisher noted that a lack of diversity is not always reflective of a lack of interest.

As pointed out by organizers as well, many people of color don’t feel safe showing up to a large crowd and making their presence known amid Trump’s deployment of federal agents. And for young people, some are just burned out.

“They’ve had a really hard go of being adults,” Fisher said. “And the country has been in precarious moments of democracy basically consistently.”

In addition to her vast demographic research, Fisher said she’s worried about the national focus on high turnout without a solid plan for what’s next after No Kings Day.

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While excited about the potential record turnout this weekend, bridge regulars underscored how their smaller efforts have engendered meaningful local impact in Minneapolis.

Everyone who protests has their first one, and Linnes-Robinson said the project has been a way to meet the moment in a time when many in Minneapolis “are just ready to say yes.”

Fisher added that despite her doubts or larger organizational aims, these local actions remain important for “collective mourning” and fostering “collective identity formation.” 

Demonstrators came together overwhelmingly on the top two issues of “Trump” and “Immigration” at the last No Kings Day, according to Fisher’s data.

“While I’m critical of the way the organizers keep banging on the number, I also just want to recognize that they are very much doing other work to get people to build power and capacity in their communities,” Fisher said.

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Sarah Strzok, another founding member of the group, described the organizing process as a true grassroots effort. Each Monday, members text in their Signal group to brainstorm and settle on a message for the signs. Neighbors then build the signs from their “letter library” with wooden sticks and sign holders. 

Because they are not permitted to fasten the signs to the bridge itself, participants get creative with pieces of bamboo and pool noodles to hold up the signs.

Apart from sign logistics, unforgiving Minnesota weather has been another consideration for bridge regulars. While some still made it outside in freezing temperatures, the group organized an indoor project in the coldest months where others could write letters and assemble whistle kits.

Once daylight savings hit, the group moved their demonstration an hour earlier and community members donated reflective tape to ensure signage visibility and safety.

Dolata lives in South Minneapolis and said protesting at the bridge has been a way to not just advocate for change but connect with the community she’s lived in for more than 25 years.

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“It’s just been neighbors reaching out to neighbors,” Dolata said.

This “reaching out” has transcended the bridge demonstrations. This winter, Rebecca Shield told Democracy Docket that some in the group found out that families at local schools were facing food insecurity. 

It wasn’t long before the crew decided to chip in. What began as boxes of food for 20 families in need has surged to about 120, Shield said. And bridge friends are pitching in to cover rent for some of the families, too.

The solidarity and community-building that Fisher said No Kings protests have the potential to engender have manifested at the bridge – from mutual aid to merely flashing a smile to a fellow protester in the grocery store.

“It [the bridge] was just another thread that knit us all together,” Strzok said.

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Man dead, 2 others hurt in overnight shooting in Minneapolis

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Man dead, 2 others hurt in overnight shooting in Minneapolis


Police say two people were hurt and one other man died.

A homicide investigation is underway in Minneapolis after a shooting early Friday morning killed one man and hurt two others.

Minneapolis police were called to the area of East Franklin Avenue and Chicago Avenue at around 12:30 a.m.

5 EYEWITNESS NEWS cameras caught more than 65 evidence markers scattered across the ground in the area and shattered glass at a bus shelter. Some nearby businesses also appeared to have some damage.

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Minneapolis police are still working to determine what led up to the shooting and who was involved but investigators say first responders found the three men suffering from gunshot wounds.

One injured man is in his 40s, the other in his 50s, police say. Both were taken to a hospital by ambulance.

The third man died at the scene. His name and age haven’t yet been publicly released.

Police say early information suggests the men were on a sidewalk when at least one person opened fire, then fled in a vehicle.

So far, no arrests have been made.

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Anyone with information about what happened is asked to call police at 612-673-5845 to leave a voicemail or email policetips@minneapolismn.gov.

“This is a tragic and deeply disturbing act of violence that has taken a life, and left others seriously injured,” MPD Chief Brian O’Hara said. “This kind of violence is unacceptable, and we are committed to identifying those responsible and holding them accountable.”

Minneapolis police investigating alleyway shooting near East Franklin Avenue

It comes less than 30 hours after another serious shooting along East Franklin Avenue, just a half-mile west of Friday’s scene. That incident left a man hospitalized with a potentially life-threatening gunshot wound. No arrests have been announced in that case either.

5 EYEWITNESS NEWS is still working to learn more about this shooting. Stay with KSTP-TV for the latest updates on air and on the KSTP app.

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A Minneapolis woman recounts death of Alex Pretti as lawyers eye a class action lawsuit

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A Minneapolis woman recounts death of Alex Pretti as lawyers eye a class action lawsuit


MINNEAPOLIS (AP) — A Minneapolis woman who confronted federal immigration officers alongside Alex Pretti in January was among a group of potential litigants who spoke out Thursday about alleged excessive force against people protesting or monitoring the enforcement surge in Minnesota.

Georgia Savageford, who introduced herself as Wynnie at a news conference, said she was inside an officer’s vehicle when she saw federal agents shoot Pretti.

“That day has changed me forever,” she said. “The trauma will haunt me for the rest of my life, and I will never be the same.”

Savageford said she had been legally observing the actions of federal officers in Minneapolis ever since the shooting death of Renee Good by a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officer on Jan. 7. She said she was doing so again on the morning of Jan. 24 when an agent pushed her twice and caused her to fall.

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“As I was going down, three agents proceeded to tackle me and drag me face-down into the middle of the street. They knelt on my back, twisted my arms and my legs to the ground, and handcuffed me. The cuffs were so tight I lost feeling in my hands, which resulted in temporary nerve damage,” she recounted.

Officials with the Department of Homeland Security and ICE did not immediately respond Thursday to emails seeking comment. Minnesota officials sued the Trump administration on Tuesday for access to evidence they say they need to independently investigate the killings.

Savageford said Pretti recorded video of her arrest and yelled at agents to leave her alone.

She said the officers put her in the back of a vehicle, from which she saw agents shoot and kill Pretti on the other side of the street.

“At that moment, I thought I was going to die too. I pleaded with the agents to understand why another life was taken, and to not take mine,” she said.

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She added that they told her to shut up and to stop being hysterical. She said they then took her to an ICE holding facility where she was held for 12 hours in a cold cell without ready access to food, water or the bathroom until she was released without being charged.

“I did not know him, but I knew he had my back,” she said of Pretti. “I know the kind of heart he had. One that loves and protects without limits.”

Savageford shared her story at a news conference where civil rights attorney John Burris, of Oakland, California, and other lawyers laid out how they’re paving the way for potential class-action lawsuits over alleged excessive force used against protesters and monitors.

Burris, who specializes in police misconduct, helped win an $11 million settlement against the Oakland Police Department in 2003, and helped win a civil jury verdict of $3.8 million for the late motorist Rodney King, who was beaten by Los Angeles police officers in 1991.

He said he and his colleagues have filed complaints with federal agencies involved in the Minnesota enforcement surge on behalf of 10 people, including Savageford, as the first step in a process that’s likely to lead to a larger class-action lawsuit.

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“We have many others that are under investigation that have not completed the process. But I thought it was important for us to start this process now. Put the government on notice that we’re here,” Burris said.



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