Confusion has reigned since the EU’s “Sustainable Finance Disclosure Regulation (SFDR)” legislation went into force in March 2021. SFDR had highly ambitious objectives—not only preventing fund “greenwashing” but also shifting capital in support of the EU’s “Green Deal” to become carbon neutral by 2050. Three years later, it is worth asking whether SFDR has achieved those objectives. Or whether it has simply become a complex and ever-changing labeling exercise.
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As a starting point, it is still unclear exactly how to categorize a sustainable fund under SFDR. There has been much discussion about what exactly constitutes an Article 8 fund (so-called “light green” since they “promote environmental or social characteristics”) and an Article 9 fund (“dark green” since it goes further and “has sustainable investment as its objective”). The language here is highly ambiguous, particularly since the term “sustainable investment” is used to cover both types of funds, as discussed below. This has created a bonanza for lawyers hired by fund managers to help them substantiate how they are categorizing their funds.
The lack of clarity has created significant confusion in the market. Fund managers have “downgraded” Article 9 funds to Article 8. They have “upgraded” Article 6 funds, which are not claiming any sustainability benefits but still have to report on sustainability risks, to Article 8 and even Article 9. According to Morningstar, in the past quarter 220 funds changed their classification, 190 of these being Article 6 to Article 8.
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Very sensibly, on September 14, 2023 Mairead McGuinness, Commissioner for Financial Services, Financial Stability and Capital Markets Union announced “an in-depth three month consultation for stakeholders” to determine “if our rules meet their needs and expectations, and if it is fit for purpose.”
On May 3, 2024 the EU published a Summary Report of this Consultation. It found “Widespread support for the broad objectives of the SFDR but divided opinions regarding the extent to which the regulation has achieved these objectives during its first years of implementation.” Here are some of the key findings:
· “89% of respondents consider that the objective to strengthen transparency through sustainability-related disclosures in the financial services sector is still relevant today.”
· “94% of respondents agree that opting for a disclosure framework at the EU level is more effective than national measures at Member State level.”
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· “77% of respondents also highlighted key limitations of the framework such as lack of legal clarity regarding key concepts, limited relevance of certain disclosure requirements and issues linked to data availability.”
· 84% felt “ that the disclosures required by the SFDR are not sufficiently useful to investors.”
· 58% don’t feel the costs “to be proportionate to the benefits generated.”
· 82% felt “that some of its requirements and concepts, such as ‘sustainable investment ’are not sufficiently clear.”
It also found that 83% of respondents felt that “the SFDR is currently not being used solely as a disclosure framework as intended, but is also being used as a labelling and marketing tool (in particular Article 8 and 9).” That said, there was no consensus on whether to split the categories in a different way than Articles 8 and 9 or to convert them into formal product categories by clarifying and adding criteria to the underlying concepts.
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While the Consultation was clearly useful, it is telling that there is no clear path forward. It is also telling that there is substantial tension around the issue of transparency. The Consultation found strong support for it but that the current amount was insufficient, yet what there is has a questionable cost/benefit ratio. Squaring that circle will be hard, especially since transparency is seen as the key driver of capital allocation. The brutal fact of the matter is that this complex legislation has been overly ambitious in terms of allocating capital. It is time for some soul searching. Among other things, this involves addressing three underlying fundamental issues: (1) the purpose of the legislation, (2) the impacts it is intended to achieve, and (3) how it addresses the need for financial returns.
In terms of purpose, the original legislation is clearly aimed at using fund disclosure as a lever to reallocate capital to address important environmental and social issues. Here the legislative text states, “As the Union is increasingly faced with the catastrophic and unpredictable consequences of climate change, resource depletion and other sustainability‐related issues, urgent action is needed to mobilise capital not only through public policies but also by the financial services sector. Therefore, financial market participants and financial advisers should be required to disclose specific information regarding their approaches to the integration of sustainability risks and the consideration of adverse sustainability impacts.”
The language here is telling in the word “impact(s).” It appears 39 times in the 16-page directive. At the same time, the term sustainability risk(s) appears 33 times. “A sustainability risk means an environmental, social or governance event or condition that, if it occurs, could cause a negative material impact on the value of the investment.” There is a fundamental tension here that is not addressed since these are independent variables. A company can be doing a good job of managing its sustainability risks for shareholder value creation, now called “single” or “financial” materiality, while still creating negative impacts on the world, or “impact” materiality. The two combined, as is the case with the European Sinancial Reporting Standards (ESRS) developed by the Sustainability Reporting Board (SRB) of the European Financial Reporting Advisory Group (EFRAG) for the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD), are “double materiality.” As with the CSRD, the EU is expecting a great deal from reporting.
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This begs the question of what is a “sustainable investment?,” as noted above. The term is used 11 times in the directive. It is only defined on the eighth time, halfway through on p. 8:
“‘’sustainable investment’ means an investment in an economic activity that contributes to an environmental objective, as measured, for example, by key resource efficiency indicators on the use of energy, renewable energy, raw materials, water and land, on the production of waste, and greenhouse gas emissions, or on its impact on biodiversity and the circular economy, or an investment in an economic activity that contributes to a social objective, in particular an investment that contributes to tackling inequality or that fosters social cohesion, social integration and labour relations, or an investment in human capital or economically or socially disadvantaged communities, provided that such investments do not significantly harm any of those objectives and that the investee companies follow good governance practices, in particular with respect to sound management structures, employee relations, remuneration of staff and tax compliance.”
This definition makes clear that SFDR is primarily aimed at directing capital to address environmental and social issues, and many are named.
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At the same time, there is an added layer—not only must these investments create positive impact, but they must also “not significantly harm any of those [environmental or social] objectives.” This ignores the fact that every company, no matter how well intended, produces negative externalities even when it is diligently operating according to existing laws and regulations. It’s a kind of “have your cake and eat it too” desire. Thrown in at the end is a caveat about good governance which is mentioned three times but never defined. I suspect that most boards of directors, even in Europe, would consider shareholder value creation at the core of good governance. The essence of the message from SFDR is that fund managers should invest in companies that do good, don’t do bad, and have good corporate governance.
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The essential question, then, is whether SFDR has had any real world impact. Has there been a massive reallocation of capital in line with SFDR’s very laudable policy objectives? Although Article 8 funds now account for 55% of European fund assets, Article 9 funds only account for 3.4%. It is safe to say that the increase of Article 8 fund assets has not driven a massive shift in corporate activity to meet the EU’s environmental and social sustainability goals. So is it fair to say that SFDR has not achieved the real world impact that the legislation originally intended? In fact, it’s unclear whether there have been any efforts to actually assess whether SFDR has met the EU’s policy objectives of capital reallocation in service of achieving a more sustainable economy. As the EU revisits SFDR, it will be important to be clear about how to assess the success of any policy objective and what data would be used to measure this.
There is also the important question of how financial returns fit into the SFDR. The answer is “not much.” The term is used exactly one time: “In order to comply with their duties under those rules, financial market participants and financial advisers should integrate in their processes, including in their due diligence processes, and should assess on a continuous basis not only all relevant financial risks but also including all relevant sustainability risks that might have a relevant material negative impact on the financial return of an investment or advice.” So financial return is only discussed in the context of single materiality and completely ignored in the context of impact materiality. It’s as if the legislation assumes no tradeoffs exist. Similarly, the term “value creation” is never used. “Value” is used three times. Twice about sustainability risks and once about insurance products.
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So what should be done? Easy to say but hard to do given the political and economic capital that has been invested in the SFDR. The EU needs to carefully consider what the policy objective of the legislation is, ensure the intended impact is something that is actually achievable through fund disclosure, carefully tailor the legislation to achieve those intended impacts, consider the cost-benefit ratio, and determine how they will measure and assess whether it’s achieving the intended impact. There’s also the important missing piece of returns. Whatever politicians wish capital would do, what it does do is go to where there is the right risk-adjusted return.
Oh, and while disclosure is very important, it’s equally important to not expect too much from it alone.
HONG KONG (AP) — Asian shares fell Monday and U.S. futures and the dollar weakened after Moody’sRatings downgraded the sovereign credit rating for the United States because of its failure to stem a rising tide of debt.
The future for the S&P 500 lost 0.9% while that for the Dow Jones Industrial Average fell 0.6%. The U.S. dollar slipped to 145.14 Japanese yen from 145.65 yen. The euro was unchanged at $1.1183.
Chinese markets fell after the government said retail sales rose 5.1% in April from a year earlier, less than expected. Growth in industrial output slowed to 6.1% year-on-year from 7.7% in March.
That could mean rising inventories if production outpaces demand even more than it already does. But it also may reflect some of the shipping boom before some of U.S. President Donald Trump’s tariffs on Chinese goods took effect.
“After an improvement in March, China’s economy looks to have slowed again last month, with firms and households turning more cautious due to the trade war,” Julian Evans-Pritchard of Capital Economics said in a report.
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Hong Kong’s Hang Seng lost 0.7% to 23,184.74 and the Shanghai Composite Index edged 0.2% lower to 3,361.72.
Tokyo’s Nikkei 225 gave up 0.4% to 37,605.85 while the Kospi in Seoul dropped 1% to 2,600.57.
Australia’s S&P/ASX 200 declined 0.1% to 8,333.80.
Taiwan’s Taiex was 0.8% lower.
Wall Street cruised to a strong finish last week as U.S. stocks glided closer to the all-time high they set just a few months earlier, though it may feel like an economic era ago.
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The S&P 500 rose 0.7% to 5,958.38 for a fifth straight gain. It has rallied to within 3% of its record set in February after it briefly dropped roughly 20% below it last month.
Gains have been driven by hopes that Trump will lower his tariffs against other countries after reaching trade deals with them.
The Dow industrials added 0.8% to 42,654.74, and the Nasdaq composite climbed 0.5% to 19,211.10.
Trump’s trade war sent financial markets reeling because they could slow the economy and drive it into a recession, while also pushing inflation higher.
This week featured some encouraging news on each of those fronts. The United States and China announced a 90-day stand-down in most of their punishing tariffs against each other, while a couple of reports on inflation in the United States came in better than economists expected.
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That uncertainty has been hitting U.S. households and businesses, raising worries that they may freeze their spending and long-term plans. The latest reading in a survey of U.S. consumers by the University of Michigan showed sentiment soured again in May, though the pace of decline wasn’t as bad as in prior months.
Perhaps more worryingly, expectations for coming inflation keep building, and U.S. consumers are now bracing for 7.3% in the next 12 months, according to the University of Michigan’s preliminary survey results. That’s up from a forecast of 6.5% a month before.
Charter Communications rose 1.8% after it said Friday that it has agreed to merge with Cox Communications in a deal that would combine two of the country’s largest cable companies. The resulting company will change its name to Cox Communications and keep Charter’s headquarters in Stamford, Connecticut.
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CoreWeave jumped 22.1% after Nvidia disclosed that it had increased its ownership stake in the company, whose cloud platform helps customers running artificial-intelligence workloads. Nvidia now owns 7% of CoreWeave, up from its nearly 6% stake before CoreWeave’s initial public offering of stock in March.
Novo Nordisk’s stock that trades in the United States fell 2.7% after the Danish company behind the Wegovy drug for weight loss said that Lars Fruergaard Jørgensen will step down as CEO and that the board is looking for his successor. The company cited “recent market challenges” and how the stock has been performing recently.
Hope remains that this week’s better-than-expected signals on inflation could give the Federal Reserve more leeway to cut interest rates later this year if high tariffs drag down the U.S. economy.
In oil trading early Monday, U.S. benchmark crude oil lost 18 cents to $61.79 per barrel. Brent crude, the international standard, gave up 20 cents to $65.21 per barrel.
Roula Khalaf, Editor of the FT, selects her favourite stories in this weekly newsletter.
Online scams are big business. In the EU, according to the most recent figures, online scammers defrauded consumers out of €4.3bn in 2022. Increasingly, they use sophisticated adverts, including AI-generated “deepfakes” of figures ranging from Elon Musk to the UK personal finance expert Martin Lewis, to lure individuals into disclosing personal data or investing in fraudulent schemes. The vehicle is often social media platforms, which profit indirectly from carrying the ads. No business, least of all some of the world’s most powerful, should be able to profit from fraud on this scale.
Though mechanisms are improving for reimbursing victims, generally by the banking sector, the harm done by such frauds is huge. It includes not just the immediate losses and stress to victims and their banks, but also the erosion of trust in respectable sources of information and the financial industry.
Getting fraudulent material taken down, however, can be a game of “whack a mole” — as the Financial Times discovered when deepfake ads were found on Meta platforms apparently showing its columnist Martin Wolf promoting fraudulent investments. The FT has established that these fakes were seen by millions of users; many may have lost money as a result. As soon as one ad was removed, others popped up from different accounts, with Meta’s systems seemingly unable to keep up, though they do now seem to have been stopped.
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Circulation of fraudulent, indeed criminal, material cannot be justified. Given how hard it is to stamp out advertising after the fact, though, this is a case where prevention is better than cure. Social media should have a legal duty not to provide ad space to fraudsters in the first place. They ought to be expected to “know their customers” and be held liable, with proper enforcement and tough penalties, if they fail to block dissemination of fraudulent ads.
The EU is considering legislation on those lines. Member states are discussing proposals from Brussels to introduce a right to automatic reimbursement from PayPal, Visa, Mastercard and banks for customers defrauded by scammers. But an amendment submitted by the Irish finance ministry, and gaining traction in other EU capitals, would go further — by legally requiring online platforms to check that an advertiser is authorised by a regulator to sell financial services, and block it if not.
Brussels frets that the amendment would conflict with a provision in the EU’s Digital Services Act that online platforms are not required to conduct broad-based monitoring of content. There may be squeamishness over antagonising Donald Trump, who wants to defang EU regulation of US tech firms.
Yet having to verify whether financial advertisers are authorised does not constitute large-scale monitoring, and would only be required of very large online platforms or search engines. Some already do it, or have committed to: Google has a financial services certification programme in 17 countries, while Meta agreed with the UK’s Financial Conduct Authority in 2022 to ban financial ads by firms not registered with the regulator. And the EU should prioritise robust consumer protection over the protestations of the US president and his Big tech backers.
A legal obligation to verify financial advertisers would not address the wider problem of celebrity deepfakes being used in scams and promotions linked to products ranging from cookware sets to dental products. But the fact that sellers of financial products must usually be registered with regulators opens a route to blocking a particularly harmful online fraud. The EU, and the UK, should set an example to other jurisdictions and take action now.
Walmart (WMT) joins rocker Bruce Springsteen and pop music icon Taylor Swift as getting a verbal lashing from president Trump on social media this week.
The president ripped Walmart execs on Saturday for signaling tariff-driven price hikes that are poised to begin later this month.
“Walmart should STOP trying to blame Tariffs as the reason for raising prices throughout the chain. Walmart made BILLIONS OF DOLLARS last year, far more than expected. Between Walmart and China they should, as is said, ‘EAT THE TARIFFS,’ and not charge valued customers ANYTHING. I’ll be watching, and so will your customers!!!,” Trump said in a post on Truth Social.
“We have always worked to keep our prices as low as possible and we won’t stop. We’ll keep prices as low as we can for as long as we can given the reality of small retail margins,” a Walmart spokesperson told Yahoo Finance.
Walmart CEO Doug McMillon was among the CEOs who met with the president in late April to discuss tariff implications. A person familiar with the discussions told Yahoo Finance Walmart made a case to remove tariffs on China altogether as even lower tariffs would have major implications on prices for general merchandise items such as furniture and toys.
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The Trump administration and China agreed to dial back tariffs for 90 days last week. The US tariff rate on China now sits at 30%, down from 145% at the height of the trade tussle between the economic superpowers.
“Low prices is what we stand for, and we’re going to keep prices as low as we can as long as we can,” Walmart CFO John David Rainey said on Yahoo Finance’s Catalysts (video above) this week following the company’s first quarter earnings. “But when you look at the magnitude of some of the cost increases on certain categories of items that are imported, it’s more than what retailers can bear. It’s more than what suppliers can bear.”
“And so we’ll work hard to try to keep prices low. But it’s unavoidable that you’re going to see some prices go up on certain items.”
Rainey said increases will be noticeable later this month.
Rainey added, “Well, if you’ve got a 30% tariff on something, you’re likely going to see double digits [in price increases].”
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The most impacted areas for Walmart will include baby strollers, furniture, and toys. Price hikes in these departments could major impacts on suppliers such as Newell Brands (NWL), reports Yahoo Finance’s Brooke DiPalma.
Walmart’s earnings day was mixed as shoppers spent somewhat cautiously given the greater economic uncertainty.
First quarter sales rose 2.5% from the prior year to $165.6 billion, falling shy of Wall Street estimates for $166.02 billion.
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Adjusted earnings per share increased 1.7% year over year to $0.61, beating estimates of $0.58. US same-store sales also beat expectations with a 4.5% increase, led by health and wellness, and groceries.
But the company did see transaction growth at its Walmart US stores weaken in the quarter compared to trends last year.
And while the company reiterated its full-year earnings per share outlook of $2.50 to $2.61, it was mostly below analyst estimates of $2.61. This is despite the company beating earnings estimates by $0.03 for the first quarter.
The company caveated its guidance by saying that should tariff rates return to 145% on China (and other Liberation Day levels) that it would be challenging to grow earnings. It also left open the potential to take a more cautious view on the holiday season based on how back-to-school shopping unfolds.
Brian Sozzi is Yahoo Finance’s Executive Editor. Follow Sozzi on X @BrianSozzi, Instagram and on LinkedIn. Tips on stories? Email brian.sozzi@yahoofinance.com.
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