Finance
The unexpected origins of a modern finance tool
In the early 1600s, the officials running Durham Cathedral, in England, had serious financial problems. Soaring prices had raised expenses. Most cathedral income came from renting land to tenant farmers, who had long leases so officials could not easily raise the rent. Instead, church leaders started charging periodic fees, but these often made tenants furious. And the 1600s, a time of religious schism, was not the moment to alienate church members.
But in 1626, Durham officials found a formula for fees that tenants would accept. If tenant farmers paid a fee equal to one year’s net value of the land, it earned them a seven-year lease. A fee equal to 7.75 years of net value earned a 21-year lease.
This was a form of discounting, the now-common technique for evaluating the present and future value of money by assuming a certain rate of return on that money. The Durham officials likely got their numbers from new books of discounting tables. Volumes like this had never existed before, but suddenly local church officials were applying the technique up and down England.
As financial innovation stories go, this one is unusual. Normally, avant-garde financial tools might come from, well, the financial avant-garde — bankers, merchants, and investors hunting for short-term profits, not clergymen.
“Most people have assumed these very sophisticated calculations would have been implemented by hard-nosed capitalists, because really powerful calculations would allow you to get an economic edge and increase profits,” says MIT historian William Deringer, an expert in the deployment of quantitative reasoning in public life. “But that was not the primary or only driver in this situation.”
Deringer has published a new research article about this episode, “Mr. Aecroid’s Tables: Economic Calculations and Social Customs in the Early Modern Countryside,” appearing in the current issue of the Journal of Modern History. In it, he uses archival research to explore how the English clergy started using discounting, and where. And one other question: Why?
Enter inflation
Today, discounting is a pervasive tool. A dollar in the present is worth more than a dollar a decade from now, since one can earn money investing it in the meantime. This concept heavily informs investment markets, corporate finance, and even the NFL draft (where trading this year’s picks yields a greater haul of future picks). As the historian William N. Goetzmann has written, the related idea of net present value “is the most important tool in modern finance.” But while discounting was known as far back as the mathematician Leonardo of Pisa (often called Fibonacci) in the 1200s, why were English clergy some of its most enthusiastic early adopters?
The answer involves a global change in the 1500s: the “price revolution,” in which things began costing more, after a long period when prices had been constant. That is, inflation hit the world.
“People up to that point lived with the expectation that prices would stay the same,” Deringer says. “The idea that prices changed in a systematic way was shocking.”
For Durham Cathedral, inflation meant the organization had to pay more for goods while three-quarters of its revenues came from tenant rents, which were hard to alter. Many leases were complex, and some were locked in for a tenant’s lifetime. The Durham leaders did levy intermittent fees on tenants, but that led to angry responses and court cases.
Meanwhile, tenants had additional leverage against the Church of England: religious competition following the Reformation. England’s political and religious schisms would lead it to a midcentury civil war. Maybe some private landholders could drastically increase fees, but the church did not want to lose followers that way.
“Some individual landowners could be ruthlessly economic, but the church couldn’t, because it’s in the midst of incredible political and religious turmoil after the Reformation,” Deringer says. “The Church of England is in this precarious position. They’re walking a line between Catholics who don’t think there should have been a Reformation, and Puritans who don’t think there should be bishops. If they’re perceived to be hurting their flock, it would have real consequences. The church is trying to make the finances work but in a way that’s just barely tolerable to the tenants.”
Enter the books of discounting tables, which allowed local church leaders to finesse the finances. Essentially, discounting more carefully calibrated the upfront fees tenants would periodically pay. Church leaders could simply plug in the numbers as compromise solutions.
In this period, England’s first prominent discounting book with tables was published in 1613; its most enduring, Ambrose Acroyd’s “Table of Leasses and Interest,” dated to 1628-29. Acroyd was the bursar at Trinity College at Cambridge University, which as a landholder (and church-affiliated institution) faced the same issues concerning inflation and rent. Durham Cathedral began using off-the-shelf discounting formulas in 1626, resolving decades of localized disagreement as well.
Performing fairness
The discounting tables from books did not only work because the price was right. Once circulating clergy had popularized the notion throughout England, local leaders could justify using the books because others were doing it. The clergy were “performing fairness,” as Deringer puts it.
“Strict calculative rules assured tenants and courts that fines were reasonable, limiting landlords’ ability to maximize revenues,” Deringer writes in the new article.
To be sure, local church leaders in England were using discounting for their own economic self-interest. It just wasn’t the largest short-term economic self-interest possible. And it was a sound strategy.
“In Durham they would fight with tenants every 20 years [in the 1500s] and come to a new deal, but eventually that evolves into these sophisticated mechanisms, the discounting tables,” Deringer adds. “And you get standardization. By about 1700, it seems like these procedures are used everywhere.”
Thus, as Deringer writes, “mathematical tables for setting fines were not so much instruments of a capitalist transformation as the linchpin holding together what remained of an older system of customary obligations stretched nearly to breaking by macroeconomic forces.”
Once discounting was widely introduced, it never went away. Deringer’s Journal of Modern History article is part of a larger book project he is currently pursuing, about discounting in many facets of modern life.
Deringer was able to piece together the history of discounting in 17th-century England thanks in part to archival clues. For instance, Durham University owns a 1686 discounting book self-described as an update to Acroyd’s work; that copy was owned by a Durham Cathedral administrator in the 1700s. Of the 11 existing copies of Acroyd’s work, two are at Canterbury Cathedral and Lincoln Cathedral.
Hints like that helped Deringer recognize that church leaders were very interested in discounting; his further research helped him see that this chapter in the history of discounting is not merely about finance; it also opens a new window into the turbulent 1600s.
“I never expected to be researching church finances, I didn’t expect it to have anything to do with the countryside, landlord-tenant relationships, and tenant law,” Deringer says. “I was seeing this as an interesting example of a story about bottom-line economic calculation, and it wound up being more about this effort to use calculation to resolve social tensions.”
Finance
Makhtar Diop, head of the IFC, the World Bank’s financial arm: ‘We want to use Madrid to channel more private investment to emerging markets’
Makhtar Diop traveled to Spain this weekend to attend the opening on Monday of the World Bank’s new office in Madrid. The economist, who was born in Dakar in Senegal, turned 66 on Saturday — so when he arrives in Spain, he will have two reasons to celebrate. Diop served as Senegal’s Minister of Economy and Finance at the start of the century. He has since had a stellar career in multilateral institutions: he has worked at the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, where he rose to become managing director of the International Finance Corporation (IFC), the world’s largest development institution focused on the private sector in developing countries. It is known as the World Bank’s financial arm.
Diop, one of the most influential African voices in Washington’s peculiar ecosystem of technocrats, is a jazz and karate enthusiast. He receives EL PAÍS in his office a few blocks from the White House, and explains that the decision to open the new office reflects the growing interest of Spanish companies in investing in developing countries through the institution.
Question. This morning, I asked ChatGPT about the International Finance Corporation, and it replied that it was that it is probably the least well-known part of the World Bank Group, but also one of the most influential. What exactly is the IFC and what role does it play within the World Bank?
Answer. The World Bank Group is made up of several institutions. The World Bank was created right after World War II to finance the reconstruction effort, particularly in Europe. At the time, it was thought the public sector should lead that effort, which is why the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) and the International Development Association (IDA) were established first. Later, it became clear that the private sector was also critical in creating wealth, growth and jobs once reconstruction was underway. That shift in thinking coincided with the creation of the IFC. It was set up to address what could be done to help the private sector invest and develop in emerging countries. Over time, it became clear that attracting private investment was not easy and that investors needed political stability and risk guarantees. That is why MIGA, the World Bank Group’s political risk insurance agency, was created. Today, the IFC is the premier institution in bringing private-sector investment to emerging markets. We help countries change policies to be more business-friendly, improve regulation and encourage competition to attract private investment.
Q. How would you define your work?
A. It consists both of investing directly with our own resources and, increasingly, mobilizing third-party capital. That is one of the major transformations we are undertaking. When I arrived five years ago, for every dollar we invested from our balance sheet, we mobilized roughly another dollar. Today, we mobilize three dollars for every dollar of our own and our target is to increase that capacity even more. But I want to stress something important: we do not promote private investment for its own sake. Our ultimate objective is to create jobs. Sustainable, resilient and lasting jobs.
Q. You say private capital is fundamental. How do you persuade companies to invest in development?
A. Three years ago, we launched the Private Sector Investment Lab, where we brought together some of the world’s leading financial sector figures. The question was simple: you manage trillions of dollars in assets. What would you need to invest more in emerging markets? The answers were very clear. First was the predictability of public policies. These investments are long-term and require political and regulatory stability. Second was guarantees. Many investors see emerging markets as high risk and look for mechanisms to protect themselves. Third is financing in local currency to reduce risks from exchange-rate volatility. Fourth is inequality and lack of domestic capital. Many companies have growth potential but lack the capital to scale. And finally, investors need partners who know those markets well and can help them navigate complex environments.
That is precisely what the IFC provides. In addition, we have an AAA credit rating, which is extremely valuable because it allows us to finance ourselves on very favorable terms and to act as a reference partner for other investors.
Q. And how does Spain fit into this strategy?
A. Spain has become one of our most important partners. It is currently the third-largest European source of investments we channel to emerging markets. I have visited Spain several times and have met with the prime minister and the finance minister. Spain has also shown a strong commitment to international development. In the most recent replenishment of resources for the World Bank’s development funds (the IDA), Spain increased its contribution by roughly 40%. The IFC has a long-term committed portfolio of about $5 billion with Spanish companies, making Spain one of its key partners in Europe.
Q. Why did the World Bank Group decide this was the right moment to open an office in Spain?
A. Because we observed that our project portfolio with Spanish companies, such as banks like Santander, BBVA and Caixabank or energy firms like Iberdrola or Acciona, kept growing. There came a point when it no longer made sense to manage it from Paris or other European capitals. We needed to be closer to companies to maintain a day-to-day conversation. Approximately 72% of the Spanish investments we support go to Latin America.
We also work intensively with Spanish banks: 70% of our investment with Spanish companies is with banks, and another third is with leading companies in sectors such as infrastructure, water, renewable energy and power [like Iberdrola and Acciona]. Spain has become a champion in solar energy. We have also seen growing interest from other international institutions in settling in Madrid and a willingness from Spanish authorities to participate in major debates about global development. Finally, we are seeing more Spanish companies interested in expanding into emerging markets — not only in finance but also in the real economy.
Q. Spain is often described as a bridge to Latin America and one of the European countries closest to Africa. How much did that influence the decision?
A. It was a critical factor. Spain maintains very close historical, economic and cultural ties with both Latin America and Africa. It also plays an increasingly important role in issues related to labor mobility and workforce training. Europe faces a significant demographic challenge. Countries like Spain and Italy have very low birth rates and increasingly aging populations. That means labor will be an essential resource in the coming years. That is why we work with Spain on initiatives related to vocational training and temporary mobility of workers. The idea is that people from developing countries can gain experience and skills in Spain for a set period and then return to their countries of origin. That process can generate benefits for both sides. Workers gain knowledge and experience in advanced markets and, when they return, can create more competitive small and medium-sized enterprises able to generate better quality jobs.
In addition, some of the sectors we have identified as priorities for job creation are areas where Spain has enormous expertise. One is healthcare. Another is agriculture. And a very important one is tourism. Spain receives about 100 million visitors a year. We want to leverage that experience to help other countries develop their own tourism sectors. Spain can also contribute a great deal in other areas, such as solar energy and efficient water management. And, of course, it plays a strategic role as a bridge between Europe and North Africa. Integrating the power grids between the two regions can contribute to the energy transition and improve supply security.
Q. What kinds of projects will the Spanish office specifically promote?
A. A very important part of our work is carried out with the financial sector. One of our goals is to facilitate financing for small and medium-sized enterprises. In many cases, we take on part of the risk so banks can expand credit to this segment. We also work on women’s access to finance, on agriculture, on green finance and on the energy transition. In addition, we develop numerous infrastructure projects and collaborate with Spanish companies in sectors such as water, renewable energy and transport. We also provide guarantees for international trade operations and develop innovative instruments for managing and transferring financial risks.
Q. What goals do you have for the Spanish office over the next five years?
A. We want to increase the volume of investments channeled through Spanish companies to emerging markets. Currently, a large part of our activity is concentrated in infrastructure and financial services. We want to expand that presence into other sectors, especially manufacturing, agriculture and services. We also want to mobilize more resources from Spanish capital markets and secure a more active participation from the country’s financial institutions in our financing operations.
Q. One last question about artificial intelligence. From the perspective of developing countries, what opportunities and risks do you see?
A. It is a very important issue. We cannot expect developing countries to build their own large AI models. That requires enormous amounts of energy, advanced infrastructure and highly skilled personnel. However, there is another, much more promising area: what we call small AI. These are relatively simple applications that require fewer computational resources but can transform the lives of millions. In agriculture, for example, a farmer can photograph a sick plant and immediately receive information about the problem and the appropriate treatment. In healthcare, AI tools can help identify diseases and improve access to diagnostics in rural areas.
In addition, these technologies can significantly increase the productivity of small businesses, helping them with administrative, accounting or commercial tasks. That is why I am relatively optimistic about AI’s impact on developing countries. In the short term, employment risks may be greater in advanced economies, where there are many administrative jobs susceptible to automation. Sectors that will continue to have strong demand for labor are those that require direct human interaction, such as healthcare or elder care.
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Finance
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Finance
From employee perks to asset management: Hitechzone expands into finance | CTech
The consumer club Hitechzone and the financial firm Mor Langermann are acquiring control of the investment house Kivun at a valuation of NIS 5 million. In the first stage, the two acquiring entities will each hold 30% of the company (60% in total). They will later be joined by Gabi Dishi, one of the owners of hedge fund firm Alpha, who will initially hold 9%, with the option to increase his stake to up to 20%.
The agreement also includes an option to raise the combined holding to 83%. In addition, capital will be injected into the investment house to support growth and expand its operations. The transaction is expected to close within the coming month.
Kivun is currently owned by founder Beni Mozes (40%), Dr. Jan Reuven (16%), CEO Avi Meir (5%), and additional minority shareholders. The acquiring group will purchase all of Mozes’ shares, part of Reuven’s holdings, and the remaining shares from smaller investors. Mozes, aged 83, has been seeking a buyer for his stake for the past year. Despite the change in control, Mozes and Meir are expected to continue managing the company’s mutual funds and portfolio management activities. Mozes declined to comment on the deal but confirmed that control is being sold.
The company manages approximately NIS 350 million in assets, of which about NIS 250 million is in mutual funds, with the remainder in managed investment portfolios. The mutual funds are not operated independently but are managed under a “hosting” model, with operational services provided by Ayalon Investment House. The mutual fund industry remains one of the public’s main savings channels for the short- and medium-term and currently manages a record NIS 835 billion in assets.
Hitechzone’s acquisition of control over the investment house comes as a surprise to industry observers. According to senior mutual fund executives, the consumer club, which targets employees in the high-tech sector, may in the future seek to market investment management services and portfolio products to its members, with a focus on the technology sector. Hitechzone already maintains collaborations with financial institutions across banking and long-term savings, meaning its management will likely need to reassess its policy regarding the distribution of financial products.
Hitechzone is controlled by Ronen Dagan (25.2%) and Noam Busidan (24.2%) and is operated under its parent company, High Biz. It is considered one of Israel’s largest and most influential consumer clubs. The club serves employees in the high-tech industry and has more than 370,000 members across over 2,500 companies. Unlike other consumer clubs, membership is not open to the general public and is limited to organizational affiliation.
Over the years, the club has expanded beyond consumer discounts into a range of business activities. In e-commerce, it operates an online retail platform that grew following the acquisition of the Walla Shops website and is supported by an independent logistics network and a large distribution center.
In addition, the core of the club’s financial activity is based on a dedicated credit card issued in partnership with Cal. Its broader influence is also reflected in strategic collaborations in capital markets and retail. Among other initiatives, the club operates a joint banking service with Bank Hapoalim under the “Poalim Hitechzone” brand, offering members preferential account terms. It is also active in the automotive sector through Hitechzone Motors, which provides new vehicle purchases on discounted terms, and periodically organizes real estate and mortgage initiatives for members.
Hitechzone’s shareholders also include the Menora Mivtachim Group, through Menora Mivtachim Pension and Provident Funds (12.9%) and Menora Mivtachim Insurance (4.4%). The transaction therefore marks an indirect return of the group to the mutual fund sector, after it previously merged its mutual fund operations with Altshuler Shaham in 2017.
For Mor Langermann, the deal is expected to broaden its activity base. Mor Langermann Capital is a relatively new participant in the underwriting sector, while the banking firm itself was founded in 2015 by Uri Mor and Etty Langermann.
The strategic rationale behind the joint acquisition remains unclear. Sources involved in the transaction say the main driver was the relatively low valuation at which the investment house was offered. The investment management industry, particularly mutual funds, has undergone significant consolidation in recent years.
Ronen Dagan said: “We at Hitechzone are committed to maximizing the purchasing power of high-tech employees. Our strategy includes developing ventures and investments in key areas such as real estate, automotive, and finance. These are the categories where club members spend the most, and therefore where we can create the greatest savings and value for them.”
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