Finance
Campaign finance in the US looks transparent, but may not be really so
THE FINANCING OF electoral campaigns in the US happens at the federal, state and local levels. It has various components that ensure transparency. Sources of funding include individual contributors (max $2,800), political action committees (max $5,000) and super public action committees (no limit but they cannot deal directly with candidates).
The Republican National Committee and Democratic National Committee are primarily responsible for raising and spending money for political campaigns. Both the RNC and DNC are registered with the Federal Election Commission, which is an independent agency that monitors campaign finance. Candidates can also organise fundraising events where attendees have to donate money. That apart, online fundraising happens through social media. There are even merchandise sales. Apparently, Trump merch sales were burgeoning following an assassination attempt on him.
The contribution rules in the US clearly state that a campaign donor has to be a US citizen or lawfully admitted permanent resident. The campaign “does not accept contributions from corporations… unions, federal government contractors, national banks, those registered as federal lobbyists or… foreign nationals….”
The Federal Election Commission, created in 1975, ensures that candidates and party committees disclose sources, amounts of contributions and how they are spent. The FEC has six commissioners appointed by the president and confirmed by the senate. Only three commissioners can be from the same political party and all resolutions require at least four votes in agreement.
Sree Sreenivasan
Before the FEC was formed, campaign contributions were mostly done covertly. Candidates, back then, used to depend on large donations to fund their campaigns. In the early 1970s the Watergate scandal shook American politics. President Richard Nixon was accused of letting five men break into the Democratic Party headquarters to steal documents. It led to his resignation and paved the way for the FEC Act, which marked a major shift in campaign finance.
In the last few years, the Democrats and the Republicans brought in campaign finance bills, but none of them became law. In 2010, the Supreme Court lifted a ban on corporate and union expenditures for the election or defeat of candidates. Interestingly, the court ruling also brought in super PACs, which are criticised for not having any limit on contributions and for lack of transparency.
“On an individual level, the campaign finance system in the US is very effective,” Sree Sreenivasan, former professor at Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism and former chief digital officer of Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, told THE WEEK. “The problem is, the Supreme Court has made it very difficult to go after what is called dark money, which is generated and raised by companies, corporations and special interests. Those make a big difference in the success of candidates big and small.”
Sreenivasan said even though there is excitement over Harris raising $200 million in a short time, “it is a drop in the bucket to how much money they will need. There are unlimited pockets on both sides. Corporations and special interests are much bigger, and better organised and more powerful on the Republican side.”
According to the research group Open Secrets, the top donor for Trump in 2024 is Timothy Mellon of the Pittsburgh banking family who lives in Connecticut. He has donated $75 million for Trump in this cycle. SpaceX CEO Elon Musk, it is said, has privately gathered support for Trump. His money could come in handy in the swing states.
Harris, on the other hand, has personal rapport with many tech leaders at Amazon, Alphabet, Microsoft and Apple. She also has the support of philanthropist Melinda French Gates, Netflix co-founder Reed Hastings, Reid Hoffman of Linkedin, and former Facebook COO Sheryl Sandberg. “She has smashed record over record. The majority in her case are first-time and small donors,” Manu Bhagavan, a historian based in New York, told THE WEEK. “I believe she will continue to draw in money to her campaign because it is being excellently run.”
It remains to be seen whether there is donor fatigue, especially in the case of Trump admirers. His legal fund, which pays his lawyers battling out cases against him across the country, is getting millions from his campaign’s biggest donors. So that may prevent small donors from donating for Trump, as they fear their money will be used for his cases. “I don’t think there is any donor fatigue. Both candidates will raise a lot of money in the days to come,” said Ashok Kumar Mago, a Texas based businessman who is a Padma Shri recipient.
Some billionaires have become more vocal for Trump after the assassination attempt, but that kind of fervour is not reflected in their donations. “The assassination attempt had a huge impact the following days,” said Sreenivasan. “It looked as if Trump would easily win against Biden. But he is no longer against Biden. With a new candidate, the entire race has changed. The 100-plus days that are left is an indication on how fast things can move. Huge roller-coaster and seismic changes are going to come.”
Noting that Harris could raise over $200 million within a day, Kevin Olickal, Democratic representative in the 16th district of the Illinois house of representatives, said to THE WEEK, “This renewed optimism and energy in the party is exactly what was missing. The fundraising and volunteer mobilisation sparked by Harris has a psychological effect, and has forced the Republicans into defence. They now have to change their campaign strategy to focus on a candidate who is younger.”
“Going forward, money will not likely be the issue that determines this race,” he said. “Both candidates will have the financial resources necessary to run a competitive campaign. The platform and messaging of each candidate will determine who is the next president.”
Finance
Shanghai needed as finance hub, as Hong Kong ‘not enough’: proposal
Shanghai has been urged to build itself into a hub serving the rising outbound investment needs of Chinese firms, potentially increasing rivalry with Hong Kong as both cities race to augment their status as financial centres.
The suggestion by Liu Xiaochun, vice-president of the Shanghai Finance Institute and a senior banker with three decades of experience, was made in mid-June at a closed-door meeting hosted by China Finance 40, a Beijing think tank comprising many top Chinese financial regulators, bankers and academics.
“Just as American multinationals expanded globally with New York as their financial anchor, China’s outbound firms face a phenomenon shaped by unique international circumstances, and cannot rely on financial centres in other countries,” said Liu, former head of Agricultural Bank of China’s Hong Kong branch and former president of Hangzhou-headquartered China Zheshang Bank, according to a transcript of his speech published last week.
“China has Hong Kong, a mature international financial centre with the flexibility to respond to market changes, but that is not enough to fully meet the special needs of Chinese companies’ outbound expansion. In this regard, Shanghai needs to play a role.”
“To boost its standing as an international financial centre, Shanghai must demonstrate that role through support for outbound Chinese firms,” Liu said.
Behind Liu’s proposals is Shanghai’s ambition to make itself a global business hub. The city has the Yangtze River Delta at its back, more regional headquarters of multinational companies than any other mainland city and policy support from the central government.
Finance
Palestinian Authority pushes electronic payments to combat financial crisis, Israeli restrictions | The Jerusalem Post
The Palestinian sector is set to rely increasingly on electronic payments, moving away from physical bank notes as a means to deal with the banking crisis, Deputy Governor of the Palestinian Monetary Authority (PMA) Mohammad Manasra told the PA-run WAFA on Sunday.
The move is part of a multi-track path to deal with the financial crisis partially attributed to Israeli restrictions on the transfer of surplus cash, he said. Under the current restrictions, Palestinian banks can only return physical currency through Bank Hapoalim and Israel Discount Bank with a cap of NIS 18 billion annually.
Palestinian economist Mohammed Samhouri has repeatedly published that such a ceiling barely reaches half the necessary levels, creating an economic crisis.
The exchange depends heavily on the banks receiving a letter of indemnity and immunity, which protects them should there be accusations of money laundering. The letters, issued by Israel’s Finance Ministry, have been repeatedly obstructed in recent years.
According to the research organization Arab Center Washington DC, the accumulation of shekels in Palestinian banks has reached unsustainable levels, which threatens the banking system’s capacity to finance trade with Israel. In 2024, more than half of Palestinian Authority imports and more than 80% of its exports were with Israel.
Such a ceiling, however, does not reflect the current size of the Palestinian economy. Consequently, the Palestinian banks are replete with surplus shekels cash that they cannot transfer to replenish their correspondent accounts with Israeli banks – accounts which are essential for conducting cross-border trade with Israel. Currently, the accumulation of shekels in Palestinian banks has reached unsustainable levels, threatening the banking system’s capacity to finance trade with Israel.
The consequence, according to the WAFA interview, is that banks have begun refusing to accept shekel deposits, which has created economic hardship for both individuals and businesses.
Manasra asserted that a new law introduced to reduce cash transactions is in place to build a stronger economy, not to burden civilians, and that comprehensive implementation of the law would follow a fully integrated electronic payments infrastructure. The implementation of the law is expected to be introduced over a two-year period.
The PMA official added that talks were being held with the Bank of Israel and an international partner to see the NIS 18 billion cap raised, though responsibility for the issue was transferred to the Israeli government in October 2023.
Finance
Makhtar Diop, head of the IFC, the World Bank’s financial arm: ‘We want to use Madrid to channel more private investment to emerging markets’
Makhtar Diop traveled to Spain this weekend to attend the opening on Monday of the World Bank’s new office in Madrid. The economist, who was born in Dakar in Senegal, turned 66 on Saturday — so when he arrives in Spain, he will have two reasons to celebrate. Diop served as Senegal’s Minister of Economy and Finance at the start of the century. He has since had a stellar career in multilateral institutions: he has worked at the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, where he rose to become managing director of the International Finance Corporation (IFC), the world’s largest development institution focused on the private sector in developing countries. It is known as the World Bank’s financial arm.
Diop, one of the most influential African voices in Washington’s peculiar ecosystem of technocrats, is a jazz and karate enthusiast. He receives EL PAÍS in his office a few blocks from the White House, and explains that the decision to open the new office reflects the growing interest of Spanish companies in investing in developing countries through the institution.
Question. This morning, I asked ChatGPT about the International Finance Corporation, and it replied that it was that it is probably the least well-known part of the World Bank Group, but also one of the most influential. What exactly is the IFC and what role does it play within the World Bank?
Answer. The World Bank Group is made up of several institutions. The World Bank was created right after World War II to finance the reconstruction effort, particularly in Europe. At the time, it was thought the public sector should lead that effort, which is why the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) and the International Development Association (IDA) were established first. Later, it became clear that the private sector was also critical in creating wealth, growth and jobs once reconstruction was underway. That shift in thinking coincided with the creation of the IFC. It was set up to address what could be done to help the private sector invest and develop in emerging countries. Over time, it became clear that attracting private investment was not easy and that investors needed political stability and risk guarantees. That is why MIGA, the World Bank Group’s political risk insurance agency, was created. Today, the IFC is the premier institution in bringing private-sector investment to emerging markets. We help countries change policies to be more business-friendly, improve regulation and encourage competition to attract private investment.
Q. How would you define your work?
A. It consists both of investing directly with our own resources and, increasingly, mobilizing third-party capital. That is one of the major transformations we are undertaking. When I arrived five years ago, for every dollar we invested from our balance sheet, we mobilized roughly another dollar. Today, we mobilize three dollars for every dollar of our own and our target is to increase that capacity even more. But I want to stress something important: we do not promote private investment for its own sake. Our ultimate objective is to create jobs. Sustainable, resilient and lasting jobs.
Q. You say private capital is fundamental. How do you persuade companies to invest in development?
A. Three years ago, we launched the Private Sector Investment Lab, where we brought together some of the world’s leading financial sector figures. The question was simple: you manage trillions of dollars in assets. What would you need to invest more in emerging markets? The answers were very clear. First was the predictability of public policies. These investments are long-term and require political and regulatory stability. Second was guarantees. Many investors see emerging markets as high risk and look for mechanisms to protect themselves. Third is financing in local currency to reduce risks from exchange-rate volatility. Fourth is inequality and lack of domestic capital. Many companies have growth potential but lack the capital to scale. And finally, investors need partners who know those markets well and can help them navigate complex environments.
That is precisely what the IFC provides. In addition, we have an AAA credit rating, which is extremely valuable because it allows us to finance ourselves on very favorable terms and to act as a reference partner for other investors.
Q. And how does Spain fit into this strategy?
A. Spain has become one of our most important partners. It is currently the third-largest European source of investments we channel to emerging markets. I have visited Spain several times and have met with the prime minister and the finance minister. Spain has also shown a strong commitment to international development. In the most recent replenishment of resources for the World Bank’s development funds (the IDA), Spain increased its contribution by roughly 40%. The IFC has a long-term committed portfolio of about $5 billion with Spanish companies, making Spain one of its key partners in Europe.
Q. Why did the World Bank Group decide this was the right moment to open an office in Spain?
A. Because we observed that our project portfolio with Spanish companies, such as banks like Santander, BBVA and Caixabank or energy firms like Iberdrola or Acciona, kept growing. There came a point when it no longer made sense to manage it from Paris or other European capitals. We needed to be closer to companies to maintain a day-to-day conversation. Approximately 72% of the Spanish investments we support go to Latin America.
We also work intensively with Spanish banks: 70% of our investment with Spanish companies is with banks, and another third is with leading companies in sectors such as infrastructure, water, renewable energy and power [like Iberdrola and Acciona]. Spain has become a champion in solar energy. We have also seen growing interest from other international institutions in settling in Madrid and a willingness from Spanish authorities to participate in major debates about global development. Finally, we are seeing more Spanish companies interested in expanding into emerging markets — not only in finance but also in the real economy.
Q. Spain is often described as a bridge to Latin America and one of the European countries closest to Africa. How much did that influence the decision?
A. It was a critical factor. Spain maintains very close historical, economic and cultural ties with both Latin America and Africa. It also plays an increasingly important role in issues related to labor mobility and workforce training. Europe faces a significant demographic challenge. Countries like Spain and Italy have very low birth rates and increasingly aging populations. That means labor will be an essential resource in the coming years. That is why we work with Spain on initiatives related to vocational training and temporary mobility of workers. The idea is that people from developing countries can gain experience and skills in Spain for a set period and then return to their countries of origin. That process can generate benefits for both sides. Workers gain knowledge and experience in advanced markets and, when they return, can create more competitive small and medium-sized enterprises able to generate better quality jobs.
In addition, some of the sectors we have identified as priorities for job creation are areas where Spain has enormous expertise. One is healthcare. Another is agriculture. And a very important one is tourism. Spain receives about 100 million visitors a year. We want to leverage that experience to help other countries develop their own tourism sectors. Spain can also contribute a great deal in other areas, such as solar energy and efficient water management. And, of course, it plays a strategic role as a bridge between Europe and North Africa. Integrating the power grids between the two regions can contribute to the energy transition and improve supply security.
Q. What kinds of projects will the Spanish office specifically promote?
A. A very important part of our work is carried out with the financial sector. One of our goals is to facilitate financing for small and medium-sized enterprises. In many cases, we take on part of the risk so banks can expand credit to this segment. We also work on women’s access to finance, on agriculture, on green finance and on the energy transition. In addition, we develop numerous infrastructure projects and collaborate with Spanish companies in sectors such as water, renewable energy and transport. We also provide guarantees for international trade operations and develop innovative instruments for managing and transferring financial risks.
Q. What goals do you have for the Spanish office over the next five years?
A. We want to increase the volume of investments channeled through Spanish companies to emerging markets. Currently, a large part of our activity is concentrated in infrastructure and financial services. We want to expand that presence into other sectors, especially manufacturing, agriculture and services. We also want to mobilize more resources from Spanish capital markets and secure a more active participation from the country’s financial institutions in our financing operations.
Q. One last question about artificial intelligence. From the perspective of developing countries, what opportunities and risks do you see?
A. It is a very important issue. We cannot expect developing countries to build their own large AI models. That requires enormous amounts of energy, advanced infrastructure and highly skilled personnel. However, there is another, much more promising area: what we call small AI. These are relatively simple applications that require fewer computational resources but can transform the lives of millions. In agriculture, for example, a farmer can photograph a sick plant and immediately receive information about the problem and the appropriate treatment. In healthcare, AI tools can help identify diseases and improve access to diagnostics in rural areas.
In addition, these technologies can significantly increase the productivity of small businesses, helping them with administrative, accounting or commercial tasks. That is why I am relatively optimistic about AI’s impact on developing countries. In the short term, employment risks may be greater in advanced economies, where there are many administrative jobs susceptible to automation. Sectors that will continue to have strong demand for labor are those that require direct human interaction, such as healthcare or elder care.
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