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Campaign finance data shows most Anchorage Assembly races are close on fundraising

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Campaign finance data shows most Anchorage Assembly races are close on fundraising
Election officials prepare the Assembly Chambers for in-person voters on Monday, March 24, 2025. (Bill Roth / ADN)

Half of the Anchorage Assembly’s seats will be decided in this April’s municipal election. According to campaign finance reports submitted to the Alaska Public Offices Commission earlier this week, many of the six races are close in terms of fundraising, with some exceptions.

In the years since Anchorage shifted to mail-based balloting for its elections, many candidates have generally adjusted their spending strategies, retaining cash until March, when voters begin receiving their ballot packets. Several of this cycle’s candidates appear to have held off on major spending. But a number of challengers seeking to knock off incumbents have made significant expenditures already.

Voters will begin receiving their ballots in the mail in mid-March, and ballots are due back by the April 7 deadline.

District 1 – Downtown/North Anchorage

Assembly Chair Chris Constant is barred by term limits from running again. Four candidates are vying to fill his seat, though only two reported significant fundraising and campaign expenditures.

Sydney Scout reported raising $50,130 since launching her campaign last year. She’s spent a little more than half of that, with close to $23,000 in cash still on hand.

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Among Scout’s donors are a number of political action groups representing labor and public safety unions. She saw a few larger contributions from local donors but overwhelmingly reported smaller contributions under $500. Among her financial supporters are many prominent local politicos, including several current members of the Assembly and Anchorage School Board, as well as Democratic groups.

Most of her $27,509 in expenditures so far have gone to campaign services paid to Amber Lee Strategies, as well as $7,500 to True Blue Associates, a strategy firm run by two former progressive bloggers who have worked for Democrats in the Legislature in the past. There are a number of purchases for ads on Meta’s social media platforms, Facebook and Instagram, as well as in-person campaign events.

Justin Milette reported raising $36,771 in his Alaska Public Offices Commission disclosure, with at least $13,000 from Milette himself. He received several other major donations, including $5,000 from a loan officer at Alaska Growth Capital, another $5,000 from a local attorney and $2,500 from independent investor Justin Weaver. That was about the same amount Weaver contributed to Scout’s campaign.

Milette received contributions from a number of prominent local political figures and advocates, including Republican gubernatorial candidate Treg Taylor and Sami Graham, who briefly served as chief of staff for former Mayor Dave Bronson.

Most of Milette’s spending — $22,566 — has gone to the firm Red Dirt Campaigns for a range of services, including donor data, printing, canvassing data and media products.

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Two other candidates filed to run for the seat, Nicholas Danger and Max Powers. Danger reported no campaign income. Powers had not submitted a fundraising disclosure report to APOC as of Thursday.

District 2 – Eagle River

Assembly member Scott Myers, who currently represents the communities north of the Anchorage Bowl, is not running for a second term.

First-time candidate Donald Handeland reported raising more than $40,000, of which a little more than $26,000 has been spent so far.

Though Handeland reported contributing $2,500 of his own money, he raised the overwhelming majority of his funds through relatively modest donations from well over a hundred people.

Many prominent conservatives show up on Handeland’s donor rolls, including former heads of the Alaska Republican Party Tuckerman Babcock, Randy Ruedrich and Peter Goldberg; both of the district’s current Assembly members, Myers and Jared Goecker; and many of the individuals who regularly contributed to Bronson’s mayoral campaigns.

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Handeland reported spending more than $13,000 on campaign services from Red Dirt Campaigns. He also bought digital ads on social media. He split costs with four other candidates for a fundraising event called “Axe the Tax” at a local ax-throwing parlor. The fundraiser was premised on candidates’ shared opposition to a proposed city sales tax, which was eventually pulled back by Mayor Suzanne LaFrance in early January.

Campaigning against Handeland is Kyle Walker, who ran unsuccessfully to represent the district during the last cycle. Of the $8,258 he reported raising, $5,500 came from union PAC contributions. The remainder were small individual donors.

Though Walker reported a little more than $4,000 in expenses so far, he listed another $13,666 in financial commitments to the Ship Creek Group for campaign management and a comprehensive suite of services. Ship Creek has been a major player in local politics, working primarily with moderate and left-leaning candidates, but is attached to only one other Assembly campaign this cycle.

District 3 – West Anchorage

The race is a rematch of the 2023 contest for the same seat, in which Assembly Vice Chair Anna Brawley beat challenger Brian Flynn by a 17-point margin. Then as now, there is a lot of money flowing to both candidates.

So far, Flynn has outraised Brawley but is also spending down his war chest more aggressively, primarily on campaign services by firms both inside and outside of Alaska.

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Brawley reported $52,044 in campaign contributions, including thousands of dollars from just under a dozen organized labor PACs. Her largest individual donor was retired banker Victor Mollozzi, who contributed $4,000 in two separate installments. Among her prominent backers are current members of the Assembly and school board, Democratic former U.S. Sen. Mark Begich and Democratic gubernatorial candidate and former state Rep. Jonathan Kreiss-Tomkins.

Brawley has spent several thousand dollars so far on campaign services from Amber Lee Strategies, the same firm that handled her 2023 run. She’s also paid for printed signs, as well as access to the Alaska Democratic Party’s voter information. But most of her resources are in reserve. Brawley listed $17,400 committed to the The Mobilization Center, a local outfit that handles field operations for political campaigns.

Flynn reported raising $81,663. Among his contributors are a number of prominent local Republican and conservative politicians, including outgoing School Board member and current Assembly candidate Dave Donley, Republican former House Minority Leader and current state Rep. Mia Costello, and former Anchorage first lady Deb Bronson.

Flynn received a few hefty donations from individuals. John and Kari Ellsworth, who own part of the Anchorage Wolverines junior hockey franchise, gave a combined $6,500. Business owners Teresa Hall and Diane Bachman each gave $5,000.

According to Flynn’s APOC report, he’s spent $63,414. The biggest portion of that, more than $21,000, has gone to Optima Public Relations, a Wasilla-based firm that primarily handles conservative and Republican political campaigns. He also spent more than $7,000 on direct mail handled by national Republican consulting firm Axiom Strategies, and several hundred dollars more to its polling arm Remington Research for text messaging services. A $3,700 expenditure was listed to former Assembly candidate Travis Szanto for “putting up signs, sign frames.”

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District 4 – Midtown

Incumbent Felix Rivera is terming off the Assembly. The race to replace him is between two older candidates who both have experience with local political campaigns, and are roughly even on their fundraising and expenditures so far.

Dave Donley has served as a Republican in the Alaska Legislature, and is winding down three terms on the Anchorage School Board. He reported raising close to $39,000 so far, of which he’s spent almost $28,000. A number of influential conservative politicians, both current and former, chipped in to his campaign, including gubernatorial candidates Treg Taylor and Shelley Hughes, as well as former Anchorage mayors Rick Mystrom and George Wuerch. He also received contributions from several union PACs.

Donley’s main expenditures include services provided by Red Dirt Campaigns, which range from consulting work and data to social media and content production. He’s also spent money advertising on conservative opinion blogs.

Paralegal and former nurse Janice Park reported raising $42,226, and has spent less than half of that. Park has unsuccessfully run several times for legislative positions as a Democrat. She received contributions from several current and former Democratic lawmakers, as well as current members of the Assembly and the Anchorage Democrats. Her largest contributor was Justin Weaver, the private investor, who so far has donated $14,000 to Park.

Park has made a lot of small ad buys to Meta for social media reach, as well as on traditional analog printed signs. But her largest expenditure is for “campaign consulting, including communications, compliance, and strategy” to True Blue Associates.

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Kim Winston, a third candidate who formally filed for the seat, reported no income to APOC.

District 5 – East Anchorage

Incumbent George Martinez is fending off a challenge from Cody Anderson, a retired non-commissioned Air Force officer and church pastor.

Martinez raised close to $11,000, most of it in new contributions from individual donors and unions, on top of $5,000 in money carried over from a past campaign. Several current Assembly members chipped in modest amounts, along with a $300 contribution from the Anchorage Democrats.

Martinez only listed $5,634 in campaign spending so far. The two largest expenditures in his APOC report were $1,000 for “promotion/advertisement” to a company based in Miami, Florida, and $1,256 to Alaska Airlines for “travel,” with no additional details listed in the report.

Anderson reported raising $45,878, however his campaign finance disclosure listed payments to his campaign manager and other substantial expenditures as income, distorting the total by more than $16,000, according to a review of his APOC report.

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Among those donations are thousands of dollars from employees at Mountain City Church, where Anderson works, including $1,000 from former head Jerry Prevo and $2,000 from lead pastor Ron Hoffman. The Anchorage Republican Women’s Club donated $750.

Anderson’s biggest expenditures listed were $5,500 to his campaign manager for various services and $7,500 for content creation and social media placement to Stephanie Williams, who worked as a special assistant under former Mayor Bronson before resigning in 2021.

District 6 – South Anchorage

Incumbent Zac Johnson is running for a second term against Bruce Vergason, whose background is in business and construction, as well as a third candidate, Janelle Anausuk Sharp, an environmental scientist.

Johnson reported $33,272 in contributions, with $9,239 spent and more in future financial commitments to a local political firm.

Johnson received contributions from several organized labor groups, along with current and former members of the Assembly.

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He listed $11,500 in future payments committed to Ship Creek Group for comprehensive campaign management services.

In his APOC filing, Vergason listed $43,843 in fundraising and $17,052 in spending. He received major contributions from local business owner Susanne Gionet and physician John Nolte, who donated $5,000 each.

On top of $6,290 paid to Optima for campaign work, Vergason also paid $2,460 to election data firm i360 for canvassing services, along with significant outlays for sign printing. Vergason was part of January’s ax-themed fundraiser, coordinating with Handeland, Anderson, Donley and Flynn on the joint event.

Sharp appears to have raised around $3,500. Though her APOC disclosure listed a significantly higher figure, it erroneously categorized expenses as income. Cheryl Frasca, who is listed as her campaign treasurer, has a long record of handling compliance reports for political campaigns, including several current Republican gubernatorial candidates, and headed the municipality’s Office of Management and Budget under Bronson.

Outside of a $679 contribution to Optima for campaign logo design, Sharp’s biggest expenditure was $4,233 to The Business MD for services that include “assisting with general campaign strategy and organization, communications guidance, and outreach planning to help strengthen voter connection organization, all of which is advisory in nature.” The company is run by a local businesswoman focused on emotional intelligence coaching.

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Lily Nguyen (MSFS’26) bridges climate policy, finance and global diplomacy | School of Foreign Service | Georgetown

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Lily Nguyen (MSFS’26) bridges climate policy, finance and global diplomacy | School of Foreign Service | Georgetown

Before arriving on the Hilltop, Lily Nguyen (MSFS’26) spent two years living and working in rural Japan through the Japan Exchange and Teaching (JET) Program. Based in a small community in Kumamoto, she taught English in local schools and liaised with national officials to advocate for improved labor standards for fellow participants—an experience that ultimately inspired her to come to Georgetown, accompanied by a broad interest in climate change and international affairs.

“I’ve always wanted to live in Washington, DC, and when I decided to pursue graduate school in international affairs, I knew I wanted to be at the best of the best,” she says. 

As she prepares to walk across the stage this May to receive her Master of Science in Foreign Service degree with a concentration in Science, Technology and International Affairs, those once-broad interests will have sharpened into a more defined path. Through coursework, research and hands-on policy experience, Nguyen has developed a focused commitment to climate finance and carbon markets.

Refining global interests through community and coursework

As the daughter of Vietnamese refugees, Nguyen grew up in a diverse immigrant community in Wichita, Kansas, surrounded by people who were constantly bridging cultures, languages and shared values. 

That environment made global issues feel personal from a young age and sparked her interest in international affairs, she shares. While she initially chose the MSFS program for its rigor and leadership in international affairs, it was that same instinct for connection that ultimately confirmed her decision.
“I wanted to be surrounded by ambitious classmates and faculty who take global challenges seriously, and MSFS absolutely delivers that,” she says. “At the same time, it’s a surprisingly close-knit community.”

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A group of four people are sitting on a couch, smiling and making peace signs. In the center, they hold a large Pikachu plush toy. The setting appears to be indoors, decorated with a framed artwork and soft lighting. One person is wearing a traditional robe with floral patterns.
Nguyen attended a Seijinshiki (Coming of Age Ceremony) at the Embassy of Japan, celebrating cultural tradition and U.S.–Japan friendship, through Georgetown’s Japanese Language Department.

Early in the program, Nguyen participated in the Gettysburg Leadership Staff Ride, an interactive seminar sponsored by Georgetown’s Department of Government held at Gettysburg National Military Park designed to highlight applicable lessons of leadership, tactics and strategy, communications, use of terrain and the psychology of persons in battle. This experience, she says, set the tone for “that balance of history, strategy and reflection” throughout her time in the MSFS program. At the same time, she continued developing her Japanese proficiency, progressing from intermediate coursework to Business Japanese and strengthening both her policy vocabulary and professional communication skills.

“One of my favorite weekly traditions has been the Japanese language table, where students of all proficiency levels grab a free drink from the MUG and practice speaking together in a relaxed setting,” she says. She credits her instructors—Professors Yoshiko Mori, Motoko Omori Lavallee and Kumi Sato—with supporting her growth inside and outside the classroom.

Her favorite class, however, was Introduction to GIS and Spatial Analysis, taught by Professor Julia Marrs. Covering the fundamentals of Geographic Information Systems, the course introduced tools increasingly used in climate science, urban planning and security analysis. Nguyen says Marrs’ kindness and clarity “made what initially felt like an intimidating technical subject both accessible and exciting,” while the class itself transformed how she approaches global challenges by equipping her with spatial tools to visualize patterns in climate vulnerability, infrastructure and security risk.

Lily Nguyen (MSFS'26) points to her poster for her final project, “Weathering the Ring of Fire: Mapping Climate Hazards on Military Installations in the Indo-Pacific.
Nguyen presented her final project for her Intro to GIS class, “Weathering the Ring of Fire,” which mapped climate hazards on military installations in the Indo-Pacific.

“Being able to map data and see how geography shapes policy made issues like climate security and humanitarian resilience feel tangible and measurable in a new way,” she says. 

Her final project for Marrs’ class, “Weathering the Ring of Fire: Mapping Climate Hazards on Military Installations in the Indo-Pacific,” applied those lessons to examine how climate risks intersect with defense strategy. The project sharpened her interest in using geospatial analysis to visualize complex climate security dynamics and demonstrated how technical tools can inform strategic decision-making.

Nguyen also credits Professor Theresa Sabonis-Helf, her STIA concentration chair, with profoundly impacting her time at Georgetown. Generous with her time, Sabonis-Helf spent hours in conversation with Nguyen discussing everything from favorite classes to larger questions about energy security and how to remain hopeful about the future.

“She consistently encouraged me to pursue experiential learning beyond the classroom,” she says, crediting Sabonis-Helf with her STIA-sponsored visits to the Calvert Cliffs Nuclear Power Plant and NearStar Fusion to learn more about advancements in nuclear energy and fusion technology. “Those experiences made the policy discussions we had in class feel tangible and immediate, and they deepened my interest in the role of advanced energy technologies in global security.”

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A group of six people wearing safety helmets and badges stand inside a large industrial building. Behind them, there is a sign for the Calvert Cliffs Nuclear Power Plant and the Constellation logo. The floor is a smooth, glossy surface, and the space is brightly lit.
Nguyen toured the Calvert Cliffs Nuclear Power Plant, exploring the role of nuclear energy in climate mitigation and energy security.

Growing through leadership, service and global dialogue

Throughout her MSFS journey, Nguyen has come across multiple opportunities that make her experience feel full circle, like volunteering with the Kakehashi Program, which connected back to her time living in Japan. 

A group of people in formal attire stands in an ornate room with colorful murals by Diego Rivera on the walls. Some hold drinks, and they are smiling at the camera.
At the MSFS Winter Ball with her classmates from Professor Paul Miller’s International Relations Theory class.

At Georgetown, she served as communications and media head for the SFS Energy Club, a graduate teaching assistant for a course on Energy Transitions and a graduate student fellow with the Initiative on Catholic Social Thought and Public Life. In the latter role, Nguyen helped organize public dialogues and programs on major political and social issues. She was also elected as an MSFS student representative and helped facilitate communication between students and MSFS program leadership. One of her favorite responsibilities was organizing the annual MSFS Winter Ball at the Mexican Cultural Institute—a formal winter celebration where students, faculty and alumni come together to connect, celebrate and network, all in their finest attire.

Beyond the Hilltop, Nguyen gained professional experience with USAID, the National Cherry Blossom Festival and the Holy See Permanent Observer Mission to the United Nations, which she described as feeling like a family. Working at the intersection of climate change, migration, technology governance and humanity, she supported preparations for the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development and the High-Level Political Forum while with the mission in New York City—gaining firsthand exposure to multilateral negotiations and development finance discussions.

“In true UN fashion, we even had our own ‘side events,’ from Mets baseball games and movie nights to one memorable afternoon when we were invited to a private rooftop overlooking Times Square and surprised with a projection of Pope Leo XIV’s face on a massive Times Square screen,” she recalls. “The incredible home-cooked lunches didn’t hurt either.”

Six people pose for a group photo in an indoor venue with pink lights and cherry blossoms in the background.
At the National Cherry Blossom Festival’s 2026 Press Conference, Nguyen spoke with DC’s Secretary of State Kimberly Bassett about the festival’s role in strengthening U.S.-Japan friendship and cultural exchange.
A woman with long dark hair sits behind the Holy See nameplate during the High-Level Political Forum at the United Nations.
Seated behind the Holy See nameplate during the High-Level Political Forum at the United Nations, where she supported the Mission’s work on human rights and development issues.

These experiences have deepened her interest in how climate vulnerability intersects with fragile and crisis-affected settings. But beyond the professional opportunities, it’s the everyday moments, like running into program leadership in the halls, where “ambition and kindness coexist so naturally,”that made the program feel accessible and supportive in a way she hadn’t expected.

Where global policy meets friendship and community

With graduation approaching, Nguyen hopes to pursue a career at the intersection of climate security and development finance, helping design and deploy financial mechanisms that strengthen resilience in vulnerable and fragile contexts. Building on her experiences, she also hopes to remain active in spaces where policy, finance and ethical leadership converge, while continuing to build bridges between the United States and Japan and explore the moral and diplomatic dimensions of global governance.

“Together, they helped me see how finance, security, and diplomacy can reinforce one another in global policymaking,” she says. “MSFS put me at the center of global policy conversations while grounding me in a close, supportive community. It’s rigorous, fast-paced and full of opportunity.”

A group of people are standing in an elegant library with tall bookshelves filled with colorful books. Among the group is a person wearing a suit and tie, and others dressed in formal and semi-formal attire. The setting suggests an academic or professional event.
Nguyen got to meet the Irish Taoiseach Simon Harris during his visit to Georgetown.

“I’ll miss the energy of being in a place where global policy feels immediate and alive,” she says.

Looking back on her time at Georgetown, Nguyen recalls highlights such as meeting inspiring public figures, like the Irish Taoiseach and the Mongolian Apostolic Prefect of Ulaanbaatar; competing in Model NATO; and winning first place in the Global Social Innovation Lab Pitch Competition with her teammates. But some of her favorite memories are the smaller, lighter moments—getting overly competitive during classroom negotiations and war games, hosting mini potlucks in her ethics class or organizing a zoo trip with her cohort to practice a little “panda diplomacy.”

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“There’s something special about walking from class to an embassy event or leaving a seminar discussion and heading to a book talk with a policymaker whose work you just studied. Georgetown, and SFS in particular, makes the world feel both big and accessible at the same time.”

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The Geopolitics of Gold: A New Arena for U.S.–China Financial Coexistence

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The Geopolitics of Gold: A New Arena for U.S.–China Financial Coexistence

China is strengthening Hong Kong as a global gold trading hub to expand its role in gold markets, reinforce Hong Kong’s financial position, and gradually increase renminbi usage in commodity transactions. The shift could contribute to a more multipolar gold market that coexists with established Western financial centers rather than displacing them.

 

As U.S.–China strategic competition intensifies, most attention focuses on tariffs, export controls, semiconductors and military signaling in the Indo-Pacific. Yet an equally consequential transformation is unfolding in the architecture of global finance. Payment systems, clearing networks, benchmark indices and reserve assets are increasingly viewed not merely as market mechanisms but as instruments of national resilience and influence. Within this broader recalibration, China’s push to strengthen Hong Kong’s role as a global gold trading hub deserves careful attention.

At first glance, gold may seem an unlikely arena for geopolitical significance. It is an ancient asset, often perceived as a conservative hedge rather than a strategic lever. Yet gold occupies a unique dual role in the international system, functioning both as a commodity and as a monetary anchor. Central banks across advanced and emerging economies have increased gold purchases in recent years, reflecting a desire for diversification amid sanctions risk, currency volatility and systemic uncertainty. In a world where financial interdependence can become politicized, gold’s neutrality has regained appeal.

Global gold pricing today remains anchored in established Western hubs, particularly London and New York. These centers benefit from deep derivatives markets, trusted legal systems, and decades of accumulated liquidity. The infrastructure surrounding benchmark pricing, clearing and custody is embedded within a U.S.-dollar-centric system that has provided stability and efficiency for global investors for generations. The durability of this system rests on institutional credibility, rule of law and market depth, factors that are not easily replicated elsewhere.

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Yet the distribution of physical supply and demand has shifted. China is the world’s largest gold producer and one of its largest consumers. The mismatch between China’s real-economy weight and its influence over pricing benchmarks reflects a broader structural imbalance in global finance, where economic gravity is evolving faster than institutional architecture.

Beijing’s support for expanding gold trading functions in Hong Kong can be interpreted as a measured response to this imbalance. Hong Kong’s role is not incidental. Its common law framework, internationally recognized regulatory standards and convertible currency regime give it a hybrid character: sovereign Chinese territory with global financial connectivity. Enhancing its gold trading, storage, settlement, and derivatives ecosystem reinforces Hong Kong’s function as China’s primary international financial interface.

From a geo-economic perspective, three objectives appear to converge.

First, strengthening Hong Kong’s gold market deepens the city’s integration into global commodity finance at a time when its strategic role is under scrutiny. A vibrant gold hub would expand liquidity pools, create new financial products, and reinforce Hong Kong’s relevance in global asset allocation. Rather than representing fragmentation, additional nodes in global trading networks can increase redundancy and resilience, reducing systemic concentration risk.

Second, gold trading offers a pragmatic channel for incremental renminbi internationalization. Currency internationalization is not achieved through declarations; it is built gradually through usage, liquidity, and confidence. If some gold transactions, particularly those involving mainland institutions or emerging market partners, are settled in offshore renminbi, this would represent diversification rather than displacement. The dollar’s dominance rests on deep capital markets and institutional trust; incremental expansion of renminbi settlement in specific sectors does not automatically undermine that foundation.

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Third, expanding gold-related infrastructure in Hong Kong provides a degree of insulation from geopolitical shocks. Over the past decade, financial sanctions have become a more prominent feature of international statecraft. From Washington’s perspective, sanctions are a legitimate tool to uphold national and allied security interests. From Beijing’s perspective, excessive reliance on external financial nodes creates vulnerabilities. Developing alternative trading and clearing capacity can therefore be viewed less as a challenge to existing systems and more as strategic risk management in an era of heightened mistrust.

This brings us to the central question for U.S.–China relations: Is commodity pricing power destined to become another zero-sum battleground, or can it evolve within a framework of competitive coexistence?

Pricing power carries influence. Benchmarks shape how contracts are written, how derivatives are structured and how reserves are valued. They influence capital allocation decisions across continents. Historically, the concentration of commodity pricing in a handful of Western centers has reinforced the centrality of the dollar in global trade and finance. As economic weight shifts toward Asia, pressure for greater regional representation in pricing mechanisms is a predictable outcome.

However, greater plurality does not necessarily equate to fragmentation. Energy markets already demonstrate coexistence among multiple pricing references across regions. Financial markets are capable of sustaining parallel benchmarks serving different investor bases and time zones. In the case of gold, a deepening Asian trading hub could complement rather than replace established Western centers, reflecting the reality of a 24-hour global market.

Hong Kong is unlikely to displace London or New York in the foreseeable future. The credibility, liquidity and trust embedded in those markets are substantial. But Hong Kong’s development could gradually contribute to a more multipolar ecosystem in which Asian trading hours, regional demand dynamics and renminbi-linked products play a more visible role. Such evolution would mirror broader changes in the global economy rather than signal systemic rupture.

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For the United States, this shift underscores the importance of sustaining the strengths that underpin dollar leadership: transparent governance, open capital markets, legal predictability, and financial innovation. The attractiveness of U.S. financial markets has historically been its most durable strategic asset. A competitive global environment can reinforce those strengths if approached with confidence rather than defensiveness.

For China, credibility will be decisive. International investors require regulatory clarity, enforceable contracts, and unrestricted access to liquidity. If Hong Kong’s gold hub is perceived as market-driven and rule-based, it can attract global participation. If, however, benchmarks are seen as politicized or opaque, investor trust will erode. Financial influence ultimately rests on confidence, not decree.

The broader significance lies in how both countries manage structural change. As economic power diffuses, financial governance will inevitably adjust. Attempts to freeze the status quo are unlikely to succeed indefinitely, but unmanaged transitions risk instability. Dialogue on financial stability, transparency in commodity markets and technical cooperation between regulators could help ensure that competition remains bounded and predictable.

Commodity pricing power may indeed emerge as a subtle but consequential frontier in U.S.–China financial relations. Yet frontiers are not inherently battlefields. They can also serve as laboratories for adaptation. If Hong Kong’s expanding role in gold trading contributes to diversification without destabilization, it may offer a model for how major powers can pursue strategic interests while preserving systemic stability.

In a world confronting shared challenges, from debt vulnerabilities to climate transition and technological disruption, neither the United States nor China benefits from a fractured financial order. Gold’s resurgence as a reserve asset reflects a collective search for stability. Ensuring that the infrastructure surrounding it remains transparent, resilient, and interconnected is a common interest.

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Ultimately, the evolution of gold trading in Hong Kong symbolizes a broader reality: the global financial system is entering a more distributed phase. How Washington and Beijing respond will shape not only their bilateral relationship but the durability of the international monetary system itself.

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4 instances when student loan refinancing doesn’t make sense

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4 instances when student loan refinancing doesn’t make sense

Student loan refinancing is often billed as a way to expedite and simplify student loan repayment. And it certainly can be: By replacing your existing loans with a new one, you can potentially score a lower interest rate, and you will have just one payment due date to keep track of. But refinancing is not the right strategy for everyone.

In general, it’s a move that tends to make sense if you have private student loans and if your credit score and income are “high enough to qualify you for a lender’s lowest interest rates,” said NerdWallet. However, in the following four instances, you may want to reconsider or at least think twice.

1. You have federal loans and may want those benefits

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