Entertainment
The reality TV roots of the MAGA coalition
Back in 2001, few politicians gave much thought to Joe Rogan — or even knew his name. They might have heard something about “Fear Factor,” the crass show on NBC where people ate sheep eyeballs and submerged themselves in containers teeming with rats in hopes of winning $50,000.
But the idea that the show’s blandly macho host would become one of the most influential figures in American life would have seemed as ridiculous as, well, Donald Trump getting elected president. Twice.
Nearly a quarter-century later, Rogan hosts one of the most popular podcasts in the world, “The Joe Rogan Experience.” During the 2024 election, it became one of the most sought-after bookings for politicians seeking to court younger male voters, despite — or perhaps because of — Rogan’s history of spouting misinformation on vaccines, COVID-19, trans people and other topics.
Although it’s too soon to know exactly what went wrong for Democrats in 2024, Rogan’s lengthy interview with and subsequent endorsement of Trump in the final weeks of the campaign already feels like a watershed moment. Many liberals believe they need to find a progressive version of Joe Rogan in order to combat Trump 2.0. They might start looking outside the traditional party structure and turning to a medium that has become a breeding ground for influencers on the right: reality TV.
Rogan is one of many influential figures in the conservative media ecosystem and the so-called manosphere who rose to prominence in reality TV, daytime talk shows and other forms of alternative entertainment. And as Trump gears up for a second term in office, he is casting his new administration like a reboot of “The Surreal Life.”
Shortly after his win in November, Trump nominated former Congressman Sean Duffy, who starred in Season 6 of “The Real World” and went on to win multiple seasons of the spinoff show now known as “The Challenge,” for secretary of Transportation.
“Maybe he’ll pick one of the ‘Teen Moms’ to be secretary of Labor!” joked Jimmy Kimmel, who described Duffy as “one of his least embarrassing picks.”
Trump also tapped Mark Burnett, the TV producer whose fateful decision to cast the serially bankrupt Trump as a successful businessman in “The Apprentice” paved the way for his first White House run, as special envoy to the United Kingdom.
Television producer Mark Burnett, left, with President Trump in 2017.
(Evan Vucci / Associated Press)
Dr. Mehmet Oz, the cardiothoracic surgeon known for touting dubious cures such as green coffee beans and colloidal silver on his daytime talk show, is in line to run the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, an agency that provides healthcare coverage to more than 160 million Americans. Longtime Trump supporter and failed senatorial candidate Linda McMahon, former chief executive of World Wrestling Entertainment, may soon be running the Department of Education, an agency that Trump has pledged to eliminate.
Nor is the reach of reality TV limited to formal administration appointments. Dr. Drew Pinsky, known for appearing on VH1’s “Celebrity Rehab,” is now a conservative talking head who regularly sits down with the likes of Laura Ingraham and Alex Jones. Podcast bro Theo Von, who formerly starred on “Road Rules,” “The Challenge” and “Last Comic Standing,” also interviewed Trump last year on his show, “This Past Weekend,” which is not overtly political but attracts a young, male demographic that increasingly skews right.
“People will vote for someone like Donald Trump because they just think he’s real and authentic” despite his long history of dishonesty, says Nelini Stamp, director of strategy for the Working Families Party and creator of the Real Housewives of Politics, an Instagram account that uses Bravo memes to spread a progressive message. To them, being real “means you say what you want, usually the first thing that comes out of your head.” In other words: acting like someone on reality TV.
Of course, Trump is a creature of reality TV himself, someone who not only rebuilt his image and his fortune through “The Apprentice” but also borrowed the medium’s blunt imagery and tendency to manipulate the truth to stage two successful presidential campaigns.
But he has also remade the Republican Party and its accompanying media ecosystem in his image, transforming a group of neoconservatives and deficit hawks into faux-populist, conspiracy-addled culture warriors whose party slogan could easily be the oldest of reality TV cliches: “I’m not here to make friends.”
It’s well known that Trump watches a lot of TV, particularly Fox News, and often hires (and fires) people based on their telegenic abilities rather than other more relevant qualifications.
There’s also a well-established history of mostly conservative politicians and pundits embracing reality TV, dating back to 2010, when Sarah Palin signed up to do a Burnett-produced series for TLC shortly after stepping down from her job as governor of Alaska in the middle of her term. Palin and former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani have both appeared on “The Masked Singer,” while former Texas Gov. Rick Perry and former White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer turned up on “Dancing With the Stars.”
But this trend also suggests a more profound connection between the reality TV mindset — the kinds of personalities and viewpoints that thrive in the unscripted space — and the Trumpian worldview. It’s the reality TV-to-MAGA pipeline, and lately it’s overflowing.
“Reality shows tend to traffic in simple stories. There’s a hero, there’s a villain, there’s someone you love, there’s someone you hate. People are shown as one-dimensional on reality TV, and there’s always a person to blame if something goes wrong, and we see that in MAGA politics too,” says Danielle Lindemann, professor of sociology at Lehigh University and author of the book “True Story: What Reality TV Says About Us.”
Sean Duffy, shown in 2018, was a “Real World” cast member and congressman before President-elect Donald Trump nominated him to be Transportation secretary.
(Jacquelyn Martin / Associated Press)
“Most of us know that reality TV is not a pure mirror of reality, but we’re still connecting with it at the level of emotion, even if we don’t necessarily see it as 100% truthful,” she says. “Even people who support Trump don’t necessarily always believe what he’s saying.”
Duffy’s rise from “Real World” cast member to cabinet appointee is instructive. In 1997, the lumberjack and aspiring lawyer with a thick Wisconsin accent appeared in the Boston-set season of the groundbreaking MTV reality series. He repeatedly clashed with co-star Kameelah Phillips, calling her a “b—” and at one point likening her to Hitler because she expressed pride in her Black identity.
But Duffy, typical of “The Real World” in this era, which often cast sheltered conservatives alongside others who challenged their beliefs, didn’t suffer any consequences for the dustups. The following year, he participated in the spinoff “Road Rules: All Stars,” an early incarnation of the show that came to be known as “The Challenge.” There, he met and fell for his future wife, Rachel Campos-Duffy, who played a similar role in Season 3 of “The Real World,” set in the liberal bastion of San Francisco. She wasn’t shy about her politics, dragging her housemates to an event with Republican politician Jack Kemp, but she also kept an open mind, bonding with co-star Pedro Zamora, a gay AIDS activist who died of complications from the disease hours after the series finale aired. The Duffys married in 1999 and soon started a family that now includes nine children.
Duffy dabbled in reality TV for a few more years, then pivoted to politics. He served as district attorney of Ashland County, Wis., before staging a successful run for Congress in the tea party-fueled Republican wave of 2010. In the House, Duffy became an early supporter of Trump’s, speaking with Campos-Duffy at the 2016 Republican National Convention and defending the president throughout his scandal-plagued first term. Duffy resigned from Congress in 2019, citing the need to care for a child with health complications he and his wife were expecting. Both Duffys were soon hosting shows in the Fox News empire.
In interviews, Duffy has said that “The Real World” taught him about finding common ground with people from different backgrounds and belief systems. “You see the same thing here [in the House of Representatives],” he said in 2019. “If you give people a chance, and you build a friendship and a trust, it’s amazing the kind of legislation you can work on together and how many points of agreement you actually have.”
But reality TV changed in 2000 with the premiere of “Survivor” on CBS. The show, imported to the U.S. by Burnett, took the voyeurism of “The Real World” and added an element of Darwinian competition that other shows, including “The Challenge,” immediately tried to replicate. It’s notable that Duffy won $50,000 in “The Challenge: The Battle of the Seasons,” which aired in early 2002 and was the first season in which competitors were eliminated “Survivor”-style.
Reality shows like “Survivor” and “The Challenge” “really started to incentivize bad behavior,” says Susie Meister, co-host of “The Brain Candy Podcast,” who witnessed this shift firsthand as a cast member on “Road Rules” in 1998 and a competitor on multiple seasons of “The Challenge.” Cast members are acutely aware that they need to start drama to get called back for multiple seasons — and keep making money.
“It makes sense to me that we’ve seen mostly conservative politicians embrace that approach of uncensored speech and rejection of civility and politically correct language,” she says. “The public conflates that with the truth: ‘They’re telling it like it is.’ Instead of seeing it as shocking and crude, it’s seen as, ‘Finally, somebody’s being honest and being authentic,’ whether or not they are.”
Despite the value placed on “authenticity,” many reality TV stars adopt exaggerated personas to stand out. Meister is cognizant of the roles she played herself: She says she was cast because she was a virginal blond, but that going on “Road Rules” helped her evolve politically. Later, while pursuing a career in media, she faced subtle pressure to embrace a conservative, Megyn Kelly-style persona. “My agent said, ‘It’s a shame that you’re not conservative, because if you were, there are many more opportunities for women that look like you,” she says — i.e., white, fair-haired and conventionally attractive.
“Fox & Friends’” Steve Doocy, left, Ainsley Earhardt and Pete Hegseth interview Army 1st Lt. Clint Lorance in 2019. President-elect Donald Trump has nominated Hegseth to be Defense secretary in his second administration.
(Mark Lennihan / Associated Press)
American politics, particularly conservative politics, are increasingly dominated by brash figures who are able to command attention in a fractured media landscape — not discuss the nuances of policy. “Both the MAGA-sphere and reality TV tend to be populated by very charismatic, often flashy and bombastic people who capture our attention,” says Lindemann.
Trump, of course, played a fictionalized version of himself on “The Apprentice,” beginning in 2004. “Modern-day Trump was created out of ‘The Apprentice,’ which sold that [image] to Main Street America as the gold standard of success,” says Kwame Jackson, who was runner-up on Season 1 of the show and is now president of Kwame Inc., a consulting firm. “It was false, but America bought it hook, line and sinker. Unfortunately, it unlocked a lot of the most extreme demons of capitalism.”
Reality TV is also rooted in the anti-elitist idea that you don’t need to be talented, at least not in the traditional sense, to become famous. The conservative movement is, increasingly, driven by disdain for expertise and experience in science, medicine, government and more. “As long as you’re charismatic enough and believe the right thing, that is the only credential you need,” says Lindemann.
As 48.4 % of the country braces for another season of “The Trump Show” they were desperately hoping to avoid, many are wondering just how he managed another comeback — especially after 34 felony convictions, two impeachments and one violent insurrection.
Again, the answer lies in the collective mindset of reality TV, whose fans are highly tolerant of aberrant behavior and quick to forgive missteps. Stamp points to Teresa Giudice, the long-running “Real Housewives of New Jersey” star (and Trump supporter) who served 11 months in prison for financial fraud, then promptly returned to Bravo, and Erika Girardi, who remains a fan favorite despite questions about her estranged husband’s financial crimes.
“People can be a villain one season, and then you can like them another season,” Stamp says. Trump has had multiple “villain seasons,” she adds, but he’s also experienced several redemption arcs, most notably following the assassination attempt last summer, when the media framed him in a heroic light.
“People are like, ‘But Trump did Jan. 6! I can’t believe we have moved on!’” Stamp says. “That was four years ago. Have you ever seen reality television?”
Movie Reviews
‘Greenland 2: Migration’ Review: Gerard Butler in a Post-Apocalyptic Sequel That’s Exactly What You Expect
Desperate migrants are forced to leave Greenland after a malevolent force makes their island uninhabitable. No, it’s not tomorrow’s headline about Donald Trump, but rather the sequel to Ric Roman Waugh’s 2020 post-apocalyptic survival thriller. That film starring Gerard Butler and Morena Baccarin had the misfortune of opening during the pandemic and going straight to VOD. Greenland 2: Migration (now there’s a catchy title) has the benefit of opening in theaters, but it truly feels like an unnecessary follow-up. After all, how many travails can one poor family take?
That family consists of John Garrity (Butler), whose structural engineering skills designated him a governmental candidate for survival in the wake of an interstellar comet dubbed “Clarke” wreaking worldwide destruction; his wife Allison (Baccarin); and their son Nathan (now played by Roman Griffin Davis). At the end of the first film, the clan had endured numerous life-threatening crises as they made their way to the underground bunker in Greenland where survivors will attempt to make a new life.
Greenland 2: Migration
The Bottom Line It’s the end of the world as we know it…again.
Release date: Friday, January 9
Cast: Gerard Butler, Morena Baccarin, Roman Griffin Davis, Amber Rose Revah, Sophie Thompson, Trond Fausa Aurvag, William Abadie
Director: Ric Roman Waugh
Screenwriters: Mitchell LaFortune, Chris Sparling
Rated PG-13,
1 hour 38 minutes
Five years later, things aren’t going so well. Fragments of the comet continue to rain down on the planet, causing catastrophic destruction. The contaminated air prevents people from going outside, and resources are becoming increasingly scarce. But there are some plus sides, such as the bunker’s inhabitants still being able to dance to yacht rock.
When their safe haven in Greenland is destroyed, the Garritys, along with a few other survivors, are forced to flee. Their destination is France, where there are rumors of an oasis at the comet’s original crash site. And at the very least, the food is bound to be better.
It’s a perilous journey, but anyone who saw the first film knows what to expect. The Garritys, along with the bunker’s Dr. Casey (Amber Rose Revah), run into some very bad people, undergoing a series of life-threatening trials and tribulations.
Unfortunately, while the thriller mechanics are reasonably well orchestrated by director Waugh (Angel Has Fallen, Kandahar) in his fourth collaboration with Butler, Greenland 2: Migration feels as redundant as its title. While the first film featured a relatively original premise and some genuine emotional dynamics in its suspenseful situations, this one just feels rote. And while it’s made clear that the crisis has resulted in people resorting to cutthroat, deadly means to ensure their survival, the Garritys have it relatively easy. All John has to do is adopt a puppy-dog look, put a pleading tone in his voice, beg for his family’s help, and people inevitably comply.
To be fair, the film contains some genuinely arresting scenes, including one set in a practically submerged Liverpool and another in a dried-up English Channel. The latter provides the opportunity for a harrowing sequence in which the family is forced to cross a giant ravine on a treacherously fragile rope ladder.
Butler remains a sturdy screen presence, his Everyman quality lending gravitas to his character. Baccarin, whose character serves as the story’s moral conscience (early in the proceedings she spearheads a fight to open the shelter to more refugees despite the lack of resources, delivering a not-so-subtle message), more than matches his impact. William Abadie (of Emily in Paris) also makes a strong impression as a Frenchman who briefly takes the family in and begs them to take his daughter Camille (Nelia Valery de Costa) along with them.
Resembling the sort of B-movie fantasy adventure, with serviceable but unremarkable special effects, that used to populate multiplexes in the early ‘70s, Greenland 2: Migration is adequate January filler programming. The only thing it’s missing is dinosaurs.
Entertainment
Paramount stands by bid for Warner Bros. Discovery
Paramount is staying the course on its $30-a-share bid for Warner Bros. Discovery, again appealing directly to shareholders.
The move comes after Warner Bros. Discovery’s board voted unanimously this week to reject Paramount’s revised bid, in which billionaire Larry Ellison agreed to personally guarantee the equity portion of his son’s firm’s financing package.
Paramount Skydance, in a Thursday statement, sidestepped Warner’s latest complaints about the enormous debt load that Paramount would need to pull off a takeover. Paramount instead said the appeal of its bid should be obvious: $30 a share in cash for all of Warner Bros. Discovery, including its large portfolio of cable channels, including CNN, HGTV, TBS and Animal Planet.
Warner board members have countered that Netflix’s $27.75 cash and stock bid for much of the company is superior because Netflix is a stronger company. Warner also has complained that it would have to incur billions in costs, including a $2.8-billion break-up fee, if it were to abandon the deal it signed with Netflix on Dec. 4.
The streaming giant has agreed to buy HBO, HBO Max and the Warner Bros. film and television studios, leaving Warner to spin off its basic cable channels into a separate company later this year.
The murky value of Warner’s cable channel portfolio has become a bone of contention in the company’s sale.
“Our offer clearly provides WBD investors greater value and a more certain, expedited path to completion,” Paramount Chief Executive David Ellison said in Thursday’s statement. Paramount said it had resolved all the concerns that Warner had raised last month, “most notably by providing an irrevocable personal guarantee by Larry Ellison for the equity portion of the financing.”
Paramount is gambling that Warner investors will evaluate the two offers and sell their shares to Paramount. Stockholders have until Jan. 21 to tender their Warner shares, although Paramount could extend that deadline.
The Netflix transaction offers Warner shareholders $23.25 in cash, $4.50 in Netflix stock and shares in the new cable channel company, Discovery Global, which Warner hopes to create this summer.
Comcast spun off most of its NBCUniversal cable channels this month, including CNBC and MS NOW, creating a new company called Versant. The result hasn’t been pretty. Versant shares have plunged about 25% from Monday’s $45.17 opening price. On Thursday, Versant shares were selling for about $32.50. (Versant has said it expected volatility earlyon as large index funds sold shares to rebalance their portfolios).
Paramount has argued that fluctuations in Netflix’s stock also reduces the value of the Netflix offer.
“Throughout this process, we have worked hard for WBD shareholders and remain committed to engaging with them on the merits of our superior bid and advancing our ongoing regulatory review process,” Ellison said.
Paramount is relying on equity backing from three Middle Eastern sovereign wealth funds, including Saudi Arabia. It turned to Apollo Global for much of its debt financing. Warner said this week that Paramount’s proposed $94 billion debt and equity financing package would make its proposed takeover of Warner the largest leveraged buyout ever.
Amid the stalemate, Paramount and Warner stock held steady. Paramount was trading around $12.36, while Warner shares are hovering around $28.50 on Thursday.
Movie Reviews
Movie Review: A real-life ’70s hostage drama crackles in Gus Van Sant’s ‘Dead Man’s Wire’
It plays a little loose with facts but the righteous rage of “Dog Day Afternoon” is present enough in Gus Van Sant’s “Dead Man’s Wire,” a based-on-a-true-tale hostage thriller that’s as deeply 1970s as it is contemporary.
In February 1977, Tony Kiritsis walked into the Meridian Mortgage Company in downtown Indianapolis and took one of its executives, Dick Hall, hostage. Kiritsis held a sawed-off shotgun to the back of Hall’s head and draped a wire around his neck that connected to the gun. If he moved too much, he would die.
The subsequent standoff moved to Kiritsis’ apartment and eventually concluded in a live televised news conference. The whole ordeal received some renewed attention in a 2022 podcast dramatization starring Jon Hamm.
But in “Dead Man’s Wire,” starring Bill Skarsgård as Kiritsis, these events are vividly brought to life by Van Sant. It’s been seven years since Van Sant directed, following 2018’s “Don’t Worry, He Won’t Get Far on Foot,” and one of the prevailing takeaways of his new film is that that’s too long of a break for a filmmaker of Van Sant’s caliber.
Working from a script by Austin Kolodney, the filmmaker of “My Own Private Idaho” and “Good Will Hunting” turns “Dead Man’s Wire” into not a period-piece time capsule but a bracingly relevant drama of outrage and inequality. Tony feels aggrieved by his mortgage company over a land deal the bank, he claims, blocked. We’re never given many specifics, but at the same time, there’s little doubt in “Dead Man’s Wire” that Tony’s cause is just. His means might be desperate and abhorrent, but the movie is very definitely on his side.
That’s owed significantly to Skarsgård, who gives one of his finest and least adorned performances. While best known for films like “It,” “The Crow” and “Nosferatu,” here Skarsgård has little more than some green polyester and a very ’70s mustache to alter his looks. The straightforward, jittery intensity of his performance propels “Dead Man’s Wire.”
Yet Van Sant’s film aspires to be a larger ensemble drama, which it only partially succeeds at. Tony’s plight is far from a solitary one, as numerous threads suggest in Kolodney’s fast-paced script. First and foremost is Colman Domingo as a local DJ named Fred Temple. (If ever there were an actor suited, with a smooth baritone, to play a ’70s radio DJ, it’s Domingo.) Tony, a fan, calls Fred to air his demands. But it’s not just a media outlet for him. Fred touts himself as “the voice of the people.”
Something similar could be said of Tony, who rapidly emerges as a kind of folk hero. As much as he tortures his hostage (a very good Dacre Montgomery), he’s kind to the police officers surrounding him. And as he and Dick spend more time together, Dick emerges as a kind of victim, himself. It’s his father’s bank, and when Tony gets M.L. Hall (Al Pacino) on the phone, he sounds painfully insensitive, sooner ready to sacrifice his son than acknowledge any wrongdoing.
Pacino’s presence in “Dead Man’s Wire” is a nod to “Dog Day Afternoon,” a movie that may be far better — but, then again, that’s true of most films in comparison to Sidney Lumet’s unsurpassed 1975 classic. Still, Van Sant’s film bears some of the same rage and disillusionment with the meatgrinder of capitalism as “Dog Day.”
There’s also a telling, if not entirely successful subplot of a local TV news reporter (Myha’la) struggling against stereotypes. Even when she gets the goods on the unspooling news story, the way her producer says to “chop it up” and put it on air makes it clear: Whatever Tony is rebelling against, it’s him, not his plight, that will be served up on a prime-time plate.
It doesn’t take recent similar cases of national fascination, such as Luigi Mangione, charged with killing a healthcare executive, to see contemporary echoes of Kiritsis’ tale. The real story is more complicated and less metaphor-ready, of course, than the movie, which detracts some from the film’s gritty sense of verisimilitude. Staying closer to the truth might have produced a more dynamic movie.
But “Dead Man’s Wire” still works. In the film, Tony’s demands are $5 million and an apology. It’s clear the latter means more to him than the money. The tragedy in “Dead Man’s Wire” is just how elusive “I’m sorry” can be.
“Dead Man’s Wire,” a Row K Entertainment release, is rated R for language throughout. Running time: 105 minutes. Three stars out of four.
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