Business
The first trade war with China was a boon for Vietnam — what about now?
QUANG NINH, Vietnam — When Le Ngoc Tham became sales manager for a new industrial park in northern Vietnam, the goal was to turn it into an easy alternative for manufacturers leaving China to avoid the tariffs of the first U.S.-Sino trade war.
Three years later, with less than half of the 1,716-acre project completed, dozens of companies interested in leasing the land are having second thoughts. The source of hesitation is Trump’s latest tariffs, which, as announced earlier this month, included a 46% tax on imports from Vietnam, the country’s eighth-largest trading partner.
But even though Trump announced a 90-day temporary stay on the new duties on Wednesday, and the administration said late Friday that it would exclude certain electronics from “reciprocal” tariffs, Vietnam isn’t exactly in the clear.
Sales manager Le Ngoc Tram at Amata Industrial Park in Quang Ninh province, Vietnam.
A 46% tariff rate, which is higher than most other nations, would make Vietnam-made products noncompetitive in the U.S., its largest export market. Both buyers and producers of those goods would likely turn to countries facing lower rates, dragging down industrial activity and foreign investment in Vietnamese manufacturing.
“In the short term, that will be a hit to manufacturers,” said Le, who works for the Amata Corporation, an industrial real estate company based in Thailand. “So the question they ask us is: What are we going to do next?” While the owners of factories that have broken ground here have little recourse, about 40 companies that have inquired about building facilities are hitting pause — one-fifth of which were in the final stages of investment, she said.
Vietnam benefited substantially after Trump imposed tariffs on China in 2018, as companies producing goods for the U.S. there turned to Vietnam. In Quang Ninh province and the neighboring port city of Haiphong, the arrival of high-tech manufacturing, including Apple suppliers Pegatron and Foxconn, contributed to the country’s rapid industrial development and strong economic growth. In 2019, Vietnamese exports to the U.S. surged 35% compared to the previous year.
Now manufacturing accounts for more than one-fifth of Vietnam’s GDP and will be a critical driver in hitting the government’s 8% target rate for 2025. Trump’s protectionist approach to global trade, however, threatens to stymie the boom that powered Vietnam’s economic rise for the last decade.
On April 2, in what Trump dubbed “Liberation Day,” the president announced a sweeping 10% on global imports, in addition to what he called “reciprocal tariffs” that targeted countries with large trade deficits with the U.S. Vietnam was one of the hardest hit nations.
Days after the news, Vietnamese leader To Lam offered to cut its tariffs on American imports to zero if the U.S. did the same. He also asked Trump to delay the taxes by at least 45 days and invited Trump to visit Vietnam.
“If it really gets implemented like this, the impact is dramatic for the economy,” said Matthieu Francois, a partner at Delta West, a Ho Chi Minh City-based advisory firm that helps businesses expand in Vietnam. “This would cancel out the entirety of the growth of Vietnam right now.”
A factory belonging to Jinko Solar, a Chinese company, at Amata Industrial Park in Quang Ninh province, Vietnam.
On Wednesday, the day that tariffs were meant to take effect, Le’s clients still had little idea what to expect.
At Amata’s facilities, where companies make solar panels, electronics and car parts about 120 miles from China’s borders, workers continued to dig trenches around empty lots in preparation for the installation of utilities. Autoliv, a Swedish auto supplier, tested production lines at its new airbag factory slated to open in October.
“We are still monitoring the situation and observing the next stage, to have scenarios to protect ourselves,” Le said. “But we will find a way to live with the tariffs.”
Nearly all the goods manufactured at Amata’s industrial park in Quang Ninh are for export, with as much as 70% of them destined for the U.S.
If Trump goes ahead with the tariffs, Le said Vietnam could try to offset the impact by lowering corporate tax rates further, or offering more incentives for companies that invest in local factories.
Production manager Richard Nguyen at Swedish company Autoliv’s airbag production factory inside Amata Industrial Park, in Quang Ninh province, Vietnam.
China has retaliated against Trump’s tariffs by raising import duties on U.S. goods to 125%. But Vietnam has taken a more conciliatory approach, even before the latest round of tariffs was announced. The country has proposed increasing purchases of liquefied natural gas and airplanes from the U.S. to mitigate the trade imbalance.
The Vietnamese government has also supported construction of a $1.5-billion Trump Organization golf resort about an hour’s drive from Hanoi, and recently approved a trial of the Starlink satellite internet service by Elon Musk’s SpaceX.
“Vietnam is pragmatic and they’re flexible,” said Rich McClellan, a strategic advisor on policy and economic strategy in Vietnam. “They understand the transactional nature of the current administration in the U.S.”
Vietnam’s manufacturing industry began expanding in earnest in the 2000s, as the country’s low-cost, educated working class grew and the government prioritized producing goods for export. Trump’s 2018 tariffs on Chinese imports prompted manufacturers to seek production bases outside of China, many of them favoring Vietnam for its cheap labor and proximity to China. The shift accelerated when the COVID-19 pandemic caused additional disruptions to the global supply chain.
In a sign of strengthening economic and diplomatic ties, the U.S. and Vietnam established a new bilateral agreement in 2023 that pledged to deepen collaboration on policy and trade, including a $2-million investment from the U.S. in Vietnam’s growing semiconductor sector.
But as Vietnamese manufacturing has boomed, so has the nation’s trade surplus with the U.S., rising fourfold since 2015 to $123.5 billion last year. Trump has accused Vietnam of effectively taxing American goods at 90%.
“Vietnam is very clear that the development of their country goes hand in hand with economic growth, so they need to take actions to accommodate foreign investors,” said Bruno Jaspaert, chairman of the European Chamber of Commerce in Vietnam and chief executive of Deep C Industrial Zones, a Belgian industrial real estate developer. “If they can appease the U.S. and China, which so far they have been able to do, I believe they could come out a winner in these chaotic times.”
The first 21 years after it was established in Haiphong, Deep C attracted $1 billion in investment, Jaspaert said. In the past seven years, it’s attracted $7 billion.
Deep C general sales and marketing director Koen Soenens in his office in Haiphong in northeastern Vietnam.
When Koen Soenens joined Deep C in 2019, his orientation included a presentation with a photo of Trump, whose tariffs had become the impetus for more factories to invest in Vietnam. “The story behind that picture was actually very straightforward. He was at that time our best salesperson,” the company’s general sales and marketing director explained.
Six years later, that image is just as relevant to understanding the industry, but its significance has changed, he said: “[Trump] is the one who is backstabbing Vietnam.”
Since the tariffs on Vietnam were announced, Soenens has watched company executives react with devastation, disappointment and as of Thursday, hope. The three-month reprieve could give manufacturers time to reduce reliance on exports to the U.S. and assess the possibility of building factories in countries with lower tariff rates while Vietnam negotiates with the U.S.
An airbag production factory run by Swedish company Autoliv, at Amata Industrial Park in Quang Ninh province, Vietnam.
If the reciprocal tariffs take effect at the proposed rate, Vietnam will face the third-highest U.S. import duties in the world, after China and Cambodia. Trump postponed the 49% import duty on Cambodian goods Wednesday, but increased tariffs on China to 145%.
“It’s never going to go back to what it was before, that’s very obvious,” Soenens said. “The relocation from China to elsewhere continues, and then it will be a fight between Vietnam and some of the other countries.”
The rush to build factories in Vietnam has strained the country’s labor supply in recent years. For factories that need more than 100,000 workers, Vietnam is no longer an option, he added.
A slowdown in foreign investment could ease that strain and free up more resources, benefiting Vietnam-based manufacturers that aren’t subject to Trump’s reciprocal tariffs. For example, Soenens said auto parts manufacturers here are only subject to a global 25% tariff on exports to the U.S. He added that one Tesla supplier was optimistic the reciprocal tariffs could make local hiring easier for the company.
Another constraint in Vietnam’s industrial development is the country’s power grid, Soenens said, and its lag in accommodating renewable energy.
Tariffs aside, such bottlenecks threaten to derail Vietnam’s economic growth if left unresolved, said Francois of Delta West.
“It’s very likely the dominant theme of Vietnam going forward will be how to be more efficient, more productive,” Francois said. “This is the single focus of the Vietnamese strategy to keep growing.”
Business
Nike to Cut 1,400 Jobs as Part of Its Turnaround Plan
Nike is cutting about 1,400 jobs in its operations division, mostly from its technology department, the company said Thursday.
In a note to employees, Venkatesh Alagirisamy, the chief operating officer of Nike, said that management was nearly done reorganizing the business for its turnaround plan, and that the goal was to operate with “more speed, simplicity and precision.”
“This is not a new direction,” Mr. Alagirisamy told employees. “It is the next phase of the work already underway.”
Nike, the world’s largest sportswear company, is trying to recover after missteps led to a prolonged sales slump, in which the brand leaned into lifestyle products and away from performance shoes and apparel. Elliott Hill, the chief executive, has worked to realign the company around sports and speed up product development to create more breakthrough innovations.
In March, Nike told investors that it expected sales to fall this year, with growth in North America offset by poor performance in Asia, where the brand is struggling to rejuvenate sales in China. Executives said at the time that more volatility brought on by the war in the Middle East and rising oil prices might continue to affect its business.
The reorganization has involved cuts across many parts of the organization, including at its headquarters in Beaverton, Ore. Nike slashed some corporate staff last year and eliminated nearly 800 jobs at distribution centers in January.
“You never want to have to go through any sort of layoffs, but to re-center the company, we’re doing some of that,” Mr. Hill said in an interview earlier this year.
Mr. Alagirisamy told employees that Nike was reshaping its technology team and centering employees at its headquarters and a tech center in Bengaluru, India. The layoffs will affect workers across North America, Europe and Asia.
The cuts will also affect staffing in Nike’s factories for Air, the company’s proprietary cushioning system. Employees who work on the supply chain for raw materials will also experience changes as staff is integrated into footwear and apparel teams.
Nike’s Converse brand, which has struggled for years to revive sales, will move some of its engineering resources closer to the factories they support, the company said.
Mr. Alagirisamy said the moves were necessary to optimize Nike’s supply chain, deploy technology faster and bolster relationships with suppliers.
Business
Senate committee kills bill mandating insurance coverage for wildfire safe homes
A bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to homeowners who take steps to reduce wildfire risk on their property died in the Legislature.
The Senate Insurance Committee on Monday voted down the measure, SB 1076, one of the most ambitious bills spurred by the devastating January 2025 wildfires.
The vote came despite fire victims and others rallying at the state Capitol in support of the measure, authored by state Sen. Sasha Renée Pérez (D-Pasadena), whose district includes the Eaton fire zone.
The Insurance Coverage for Fire-Safe Homes Act originally would have required insurers to offer and renew coverage for any home that meets wildfire-safety standards adopted by the insurance commissioner starting Jan. 1, 2028.
It also threatened insurers with a five-year ban from the sale of home or auto insurance if they did not comply, though it allowed for exceptions.
However, faced with strong opposition from the insurance industry, Pérez had agreed to amend the bill so it would have established community-wide pilot projects across the state to better understand the most effective way to limit property and insurance losses from wildfires.
Insurers would have had to offer four years of coverage to homeowners in successful pilot projects.
Denni Ritter, a vice president of the American Property Casualty Insurance Assn., told the committee that her trade group opposed the bill.
“While we appreciate the intent behind those conversations, those concepts do not remove our opposition, because they retain the same core flaw — substituting underwriting judgment and solvency safeguards with a statutory mandate to accept risk,” she said.
In voting against the bill Sen. Laura Richardson, (D-San Pedro), said: “Last I heard, in the United States, we don’t require any company to do anything. That’s the difference between capitalism and communism, frankly.”
The remarks against the measure prompted committee Chair Sen. Steve Padilla, (D-Chula Vista), to chastise committee members in opposition.
“I’m a little perturbed, and I’m a little disappointed, because you have someone who is trying to work with industry, who is trying to get facts and data,” he said.
Monday’s vote was the fourth time a bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to so-called “fire hardened” homes failed in the Legislature since 2020, according to an analysis by insurance committee staff.
Fire hardening includes measures such as cutting back brush, installing fire resistant roofs and closing eaves to resist fire embers.
Pérez’s legislation was thought to have a better chance of passage because it followed the most catastrophic wildfires in U.S. history, which damaged or destroyed more than 18,000 structures and killed 31 people.
The bill was co-sponsored by the Los Angeles advocacy group Consumer Watchdog and Every Fire Survivor’s Network, a community group founded in Altadena after the fires formerly called the Eaton Fire Survivors Network.
But it also had broad support from groups such as the California Apartment Association, the California Nurses Association and California Environmental Voters.
Leading up to the fires, many insurers, citing heightened fire risk, had dropped policyholders in fire-prone neighorhoods. That forced them onto the California FAIR Plan, the state’s insurer of last resort, which offers limited but costly policies.
A Times analysis found that that in the Palisades and Eaton fire zones, the FAIR Plan’s rolls from 2020 to 2024 nearly doubled from 14,272 to 28,440. Mandating coverage has been seen as a way of reducing FAIR Plan enrollment.
“I’m disappointed this bill died in committee. Fire survivors deserved better,” Pérez said in a statement .
Also failing Monday in the committee was SB 982, a bill authored by Sen. Scott Wiener, (D-San Francisco). It would have authorized California’s attorney general to sue fossil fuel companies to recover losses from climate-induced disasters. It was opposed by the oil and gas industry.
Passing the committee were two other Pérez bills. SB 877 requires insurers to provide more transparency in the claims process. SB 878 imposes a penalty on insurers who don’t make claims payments on time.
Another bill, SB 1301, authored by insurance commissioner candidate Sen. Ben Allen, (D-Pacific Palisades), also passed. It protects policyholders from unexplained and abrupt policy non-renewals.
Business
How We Cover the White House Correspondents’ Dinner
Times Insider explains who we are and what we do, and delivers behind-the-scenes insights into how our journalism comes together.
Politicians in Washington and the reporters who cover them have an often adversarial relationship.
But on the last Saturday in April, they gather for an irreverent celebration of press freedom and the First Amendment at the Washington Hilton Hotel: The White House Correspondents’ Association dinner.
Hosted by the association, an organization that helps ensure access for media outlets covering the presidency, the dinner attracts Hollywood stars; politicians from both parties; and representatives of more than 100 networks, newspapers, magazines and wire services.
While The Times will have two reporters in the ballroom covering the event, the company no longer buys seats at the party, said Richard W. Stevenson, the Washington bureau chief. The decision goes back almost two decades; the last dinner The Times attended as an organization was in 2007.
“We made a judgment back then that the event had become too celebrity-focused and was undercutting our need to demonstrate to readers that we always seek to maintain a proper distance from the people we cover, many of whom attend as guests,” he said.
It’s a decision, he added, that “we have stuck by through both Republican and Democratic administrations, although we support the work of the White House Correspondents’ Association.”
Susan Wessling, The Times’s Standards editor, said the policy is a product of the organization’s desire to maintain editorial independence.
“We don’t want to leave readers with any questions about our independence and credibility by seeming to be overly friendly with people whose words and actions we need to report on,” she said.
The celebrity mentalist Oz Pearlman is headlining the evening, in lieu of the usual comedy set by the likes of Stephen Colbert and Hasan Minhaj, but all eyes will be on President Trump, who will make his first appearance at the dinner as president.
Mr. Trump has boycotted the event since 2011, when he was the butt of punchlines delivered by President Barack Obama and the talk show host Seth Meyers mocking his hair, his reality TV show and his preoccupation with the “birther” movement.
Last month, though, Mr. Trump, who has a contentious relationship with the media, announced his intention to attend this year’s dinner, where he will speak to a room full of the same reporters he often derides as “enemies of the people.”
Times reporters will be there to document the highs, the lows and the reactions in the room. A reporter for the Styles desk has also been assigned to cover the robust roster of after-parties around Washington.
Some off-duty reporters from The Times will also be present at this late-night circuit, though everyone remains cognizant of their roles, said Patrick Healy, The Times’s assistant managing editor for Standards and Trust.
“If they’re reporting, there’s a notebook or recorder out as usual,” he said. “If they’re not, they’re pros who know they’re always identifiable as Times journalists.”
For most of The Times’s reporters and editors, though, the evening will be experienced from home.
“The rest of us will be able to follow the coverage,” Mr. Stevenson said, “without having to don our tuxes or gowns.”
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