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Papa Cristo's is closing, joining growing list of struggling longtime restaurants in L.A.

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Papa Cristo's is closing, joining growing list of struggling longtime restaurants in L.A.

A Greek institution on May 4 will serve its last flame-kissed grilled lamb, its final pillowy potatoes, its saganaki swan song. After 77 years, the family-owned restaurant Papa Cristo’s is closing, with its building listed for sale.

What began as a Greek market in 1948 expanded to a full-fledged restaurant and community staple over decades. It’s united generations of Angelenos who’ve flocked to the edge of Pico-Union for specialty goods and Greek feasts from three generations of the Chrys family. The restaurant became the unofficial heart of the Byzantine-Latino Quarter, a small historic-cultural district, along with the St. Sophia Greek Orthodox Cathedral nearby.

“It finally came to a point where we decided we’re gonna go on our terms,” said Mark Yordon, the cousin of owner Chrys Chrys, and a member of the family business for roughly 40 years. “We’re not gonna wait for a buyer to come in and say, ‘OK, I’m going to turn it into a hotel.’ ”

Yordon declined to confirm that rent increases influenced the decision to close, but Chrys told LAist that rising rent was the culprit. “The rent got too high,” he said, “and there’s nothing we can do about it. … Tenants are pawns to the landlords.”

Yordon, who works as the general manager, said the family came to the decision upon learning the building was listed for sale. The Papa Cristo’s lot, which is zoned for mixed-use or high-density residential purposes, is currently listed at $5.2 million.

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Its listing agent could not be reached for comment.

“The whole corner is for sale, and it’s never been for sale,” Yordon said. “It belonged to the same Greek family that had associations with Chrys’ dad and the current [lot] owner’s grandfather. It goes way back, to 1948.”

An L.A. institution

Sam Chrys founded what would become Papa Cristo’s as C&K Importing Co. in 1948. The market sold imported Greek foods and wine, and continues to do so today alongside broader Mediterranean and European specialty items.

In 1968, Chrys Chrys purchased the business from his father, and eventually took over an adjacent burger stand to transform it into Papa Cristo’s Taverna.

Annie Chrys, left, Chrys Chrys and Mark Yordon at Papa Cristo’s in 2016.

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(Marcus Yam / Los Angeles Times)

The generous portions and convivial setting helped solidify Papa Cristo’s as a decades-long community staple for the neighborhood and far beyond it, and in 2010 Chrys’ youngest daughter, Annie, joined the trade.

The last few years haven’t been as easy for Papa Cristo’s, which like so many local businesses saw steep revenue downturns during the pandemic. But the market allowed for some sales to continue, and the restaurant’s catering operation — which Yordon primarily oversees — helped keep the family business afloat and its staff employed.

In the years following, inflation led to slimmer profit margins. Now with tariffs on the horizon, Yordon mused, “maybe this was a good time to go.”

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Since the news broke, throngs of fans streamed into the restaurant and market. Hundreds of online comments are shouting for someone to save the business.

There could be a future where Papa Cristo’s opens in a smaller location elsewhere, though Yordon said that fate will be determined by his cousin and nieces. It’s also possible that Chrys, now 80, will take this opportunity to retire.

“He’s kind of getting to his limit,” Yordon said. “Heavy lies the head that wears the crown.”

But a public statement from Chrys on Thursday hinted that this might not be the end of Papa Cristo’s. “After 77 years on the corner of Pico and Normandie, it’s time for me to hang up my apron and for us to say goodbye (for now),” he posted to the restaurant’s Instagram page, adding, “P.S. The story of Papa Cristo’s doesn’t end here — exciting things are coming.”

More classic restaurants struggle

Some of the city’s longest-running and most cherished restaurants have announced a struggle to survive, or closed outright in the last few weeks. Chili John’s in Burbank, which opened in 1946, recently launched a fundraiser to help keep the business afloat. An owner last month said that without an increase in sales they could close in the coming months.

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The early dinner special at Du-Par's in the Original Farmers Market.

The early dinner special at Du-Par’s in the Original Farmers Market.

(Dania Maxwell / Los Angeles Times)

Recently Du-Par’s CEO said the 1938-founded diner famed for its hotcakes at a corner of the Original Farmers Market is also struggling. Frances Tario told “L.A. in a Minute” podcaster Evan Lovett that immigration crackdowns, increasing egg prices and a loss of business from the city’s January wildfires have hurt one of the city’s oldest surviving restaurants. Tario could not be reached for comment.

Last week decades-old French restaurant Le Petit Four closed its doors for good amid a string of West Hollywood shutterings. Last month, after 101 years of service, the Original Pantry closed and left Angelenos bereft.

Customers line up outside in the rain for a table at the Original Pantry Cafe in February.

Customers line up outside in the rain for a table at the Original Pantry Cafe in February.

(Nick Argro / For The Times)

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Newer restaurants are also closing at a rapid clip, with a number of notable closures in the first half of the year that included Guerilla Tacos, Cosa Buona, Sage, and Wexler’s Deli in Grand Central Market.

“It’s been a real avalanche,” said local historian and tour guide Kim Cooper. “Many, many factors are piling up on top of each other and people are making very hard decisions.”

Cooper operates walking-tour and historic-preservation-minded company Esotouric with her husband, Richard Schave. The two of them have been patrons of the restaurant for years.

Especially given the rash of closures and struggles of some of the city’s oldest restaurants, Schave and Cooper hope to see more local and state programs that aid legacy businesses and provide support before it’s too late.

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The pair suggested two potential scenarios that could save the restaurant. Maybe, they said, new state law SB 4, which is designed to help faith-based organizations build affordable housing, could help the surrounding Greek Orthodox community with deep ties to Papa Cristo’s to develop the lot.

Or, they said, history-minded restaurateurs could purchase the business from the Chrys family with the promise of ensuring its survival, as Marc Rose and Med Abrous did for Fairfax restaurant Genghis Cohen: an operation now undergoing its own land sale and relocation.

“By the time people who love these places hear that they’re in trouble, it’s often gotten too far and they’re announcing a closure,” Cooper said. “It feels like Los Angeles is disappearing. We’ve got to save it.”

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In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers

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In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers

Residents of Monterey Park voted overwhelmingly to ban data centers on election day, making the San Gabriel Valley city the first in the nation to do so by public vote.

As of Wednesday, 86% of votes were in favor of Measure NDC, the city ban, according to the Los Angeles County registrar-recorder/county clerk.

Other cities and towns have passed moratoriums on data centers, as a wave of opposition sweeps the country. But the Monterey Park vote can only be overturned by another ballot measure, making it the most permanent data center ban in a jurisdiction.

Monterey Park’s City Council had already banned data centers by ordinance, after a proposed 247,000-square-foot data center met an outpouring of public anger and concern. The developer withdrew that plan.

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That facility would have been less than 500 feet away from the nearest home, and would have used three times the electricity of the entire 60,000-person city. Residents said it would have caused noise and air pollution and driven up electricity rates.

“This ensures long-lasting protections for current and future generations,” Amy Wong, co-founder of the group San Gabriel Valley Progressive Action, said of the vote. “It means that future city councils cannot overturn a data center ban, even if data center developers wanted to spend money to fund pro-data center candidates.”

The measure had no formal opposition. The developer of the proposed facility, investment firm HMC StratCap, said it wouldn’t engage in the ballot fight when it withdrew in March.

The Data Center Coalition, an industry trade group, expressed disappointment in the vote.

“It sends a signal that the area is closed for business, both for data centers and for other significant economic development projects,” state policy director Khara Boender said.

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“It deprives local residents of the opportunity to compete for jobs and investment, while also causing the area to relinquish substantial long-term economic investment, high-wage jobs, and critical tax revenue to neighboring areas or other states.”

SGV Progressive Action worked with hyperlocal groups including No Data Center Monterey Park to rally support for the measure.

The group is now focused on stopping data center proposals in the City of Industry and fighting a move by City of Industry, Santa Fe Springs, Vernon and City of Commerce to welcome data centers and other industry with fast-tracked permitting and tax incentives.

City of Industry, in the San Gabriel Valley, and Vernon, south of downtown L.A., are primarily industrial areas, each with around 300 permanent residents. They are employment centers, and tens of thousands of workers commute in daily.

There has been little vocal opposition to data centers among the few residents of these cities. Wong said the protest is primarily coming from the surrounding neighborhoods.

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“If a data center gets built in City of Industry, residents across the region would bear the brunt of pollution and increased utility costs,” Wong said, noting that it is surrounded by 16 other cities and unincorporated communities.

Data center proposals have been limited in California compared to Virginia, Texas, Georgia, Illinois and Arizona, which sit at the center of a recent boom in hyperscaler facilities to power artificial intelligence.

California has the third-most data centers in the country, with 300, but high electricity rates, expensive land and regulatory hurdles mean that fewer, and smaller, facilities are currently planned than in other hotspots.

That doesn’t mean opposition hasn’t been fierce. In Coachella and Imperial County, residents are showing up in droves to protest local proposals.

In the San Gabriel Valley, Montebello, El Monte and Baldwin Park have all enacted temporary moratoriums, and Alhambra recently banned data centers as part of a zoning code update.

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Wong said she hoped the ballot measure vote would galvanize the opposition. “The vote is a testament to the people power of our region,” she said. “Our region is worth protecting, and we won’t let data centers determine our future.”

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

A rule intended to prevent rent gouging in the wake of the Eaton and Palisades fires has lapsed in Los Angeles County, possibly exposing some renters to hikes.

The executive order that blocked rent increases was issued by Gov. Gavin Newsom amid the devastating wildfires last year. Under the order, landlords couldn’t increase rents by more than 10% above their prefire levels.

The rule, which was supposed to be temporary and was repeatedly extended, ended Friday after a vote to extend it again failed to garner enough votes. Supervisor Lindsey Horvath, whose district includes Pacific Palisades, sounded the alarm in a motion to extend price protections that failed to pass at the Board of Supervisors’ May 19 meeting.

“These price gouging protections continue to be necessary as construction and rebuilding continue, and as thousands of people remain displaced,” the motion said. “Families which signed short-term leases could face drastic price increases of 50% or more without further price gouging protection.”

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Los Angeles County is home to more than 1 million rental properties, though not all of them needed protection from the new rule. There are already stricter rent increase caps for many residences, depending on the location, type and age of the building. Despite the rent control in the region, the people of Los Angeles pay among the highest rents in the country.

It is uncertain whether renters will face rapidly rising rents now that the protection has lapsed. But some real estate experts and policymakers said there was no need for the temporary rule that was part of the governor’s state of emergency.

Supervisors Kathryn Barger, Janice Hahn and Holly Mitchell abstained from voting on the motion to extend the protection, while Supervisors Hilda Solis and Horvath supported it.

“I abstained because I did not see sufficient evidence to justify extending this emergency ordinance, nor did I see evidence to eliminate it entirely,” Hahn said.

Barger’s office said she supported allowing the protections to sunset while waiting to see whether new information emerged.

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“Market data already shows countywide rents are only about 2% above pre-emergency levels and rental inventory has grown,” Barger representative Helen E. Chavez Garcia said. “The Supervisor is also mindful of the burden these ongoing protections place on small property owners throughout the county.”

Mitchell did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

There haven’t been steep rent hikes in neighborhoods within three miles of the Palisades fire, according to a Times analysis of data from Zillow, the property listing company.

In ZIP Codes within three miles of the Palisades fire, rent increased 4.8% from December 2024 to April 2025. In areas around the Eaton fire, which destroyed swaths of Altadena, rent jumped 5.2% in the same period.

In L.A. County, ZIP Codes farther from the fires saw only about a 2% increase.

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A landlords representative, Jesus Rojas of the Apartment Owners Assn. of Greater Los Angeles, told the supervisors during public comment at the meeting that the county’s rent-gouging rules have “long outlived the emergency they were intended to address” and are now being “wrongfully used to harm thousands of rental housing providers throughout the county.”

“There is no proof that multifamily rental housing providers are hugely increasing rents for impacted homeowners,” Rojas said.

Indeed, there are strong signs that the property market in the Los Angeles area has at last begun to cool.

L.A. metro-area rent prices recently fell to a four-year low, with the median rent slipping to $2,167 in December.

Meanwhile, condominium sales had their slowest start of the year in decades. Condo sales in Los Angeles have plummeted to a 20-year low, with fewer than 2,000 units sold in January and February — the worst start to the year since 2005.

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Newsom defended the price-gouging protections shortly after they went into effect.

“In the days following the Los Angeles firestorms, we worked quickly to protect Los Angeles survivors from any form of exploitation,” he said in February 2025. “The state has the tools in place to not only block price gouging during this emergency, but also to prosecute bad actors.”

The Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs said it received more than 2,000 complaints after the fires, alleging that retailers and landlords were taking advantage of people put in hardship by their losses, and sent out more than 2,000 cease-and-desist letters to businesses and landlords for alleged price gouging, said Morine Merritt, who oversees department investigations into consumer and real estate fraud.

“Close to 90% of the complaints that we received involved allegations of rent increases,” Merritt said in an interview. Now that the fire-related protections have expired, existing laws and “regular market conditions determine price increases for goods and services, including rents,” she said.

Crackdowns on fire-related rent gouging have been rare, said Chelsea Kirk of the activist organization the Rent Brigade, which analyzed L.A. County’s rental market in the year after the fires. It reported 18,360 potential examples of price gouging in listings but said that few lawsuits had been filed by authorities so far.

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Last week, Rent Brigade announced what it said was the first private civil lawsuit brought by a family that claimed to be rent-gouged in the aftermath of the wildfires. Plaintiffs Randall and Candy Renick, whose Altadena home was damaged, said they were charged nearly three times the maximum permitted rate for nearly 10 months. They seek restitution of $96,000 plus civil penalties and attorneys’ fees.

The rental market has probably stabilized since the fires, Kirk said, but other families may still be “locked into illegal rents” that they agreed to pay when they were in a rush to find housing after they were displaced.

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Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley

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Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley

Dear Mr. Pelley:

I meant what I said in my letter last week to the 60 Minutes team: joining 60 Minutes is the honor of my career and I am grateful to be working alongside the people who have contributed to the most important television journalism brand this country has ever produced. While I’m new to 60 Minutes, I’ve devoted my career to investigative journalism and storytelling. I started this job excited to collaborate and to benefit from the wisdom and experience of the 60 Minutes veterans, with you among them. For that reason, one of the first things I did in my new role was call you to talk and invite you to dinner. It is a profound disappointment that you rejected that overture and chose ambush instead. Yesterday, you hijacked my first meeting with staff to disparage me, my qualifications, and my intentions with remarkable incivility and contempt. I welcome a diversity of viewpoints and respectful debate among the team, but this was nothing of the sort. Yesterday’s performative display of hostility enacted in front of the staff instead of in a civil, private conversation-demonstrated that you have no interest in contributing to the future success of the show, or approaching my new tenure with a mind open to collaboration and progress. I am here to deliver first-in-class news programming, not to make headlines about newsroom drama. I am eager to work alongside those who share this goal.

Despite yesterday’s misconduct, I had hoped that in sitting down with you today we could find a path forward together. You made clear that you are not interested in such a path.

Your antipathy to the future of the show has come through loud and clear. And I have heard you. I therefore write on behalf of CBS News, Inc. (“CBS”) to inform you that your employment with CBS is terminated for cause effective immediately. Enclosed is your formal termination letter.

Sincerely,

Nick Bilton

Executive Producer, 60 Minutes

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