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Commentary: Exploring the moon while cutting NASA? Why Trump’s 2027 budget misfires

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Commentary: Exploring the moon while cutting NASA?  Why Trump’s 2027 budget misfires

Trump’s budget proposal takes aim at programs that make Americans smarter, healthier and safer. What’s his real agenda?

The oldest, most enduring cliche about government policy is the one about how budgets are political, not fiscal, documents.

The Trump administration’s budget proposal for the 2027-28 fiscal year, unveiled Friday, seems designed to set a new standard for partisan ideology as a spending standard.

You may have seen news coverage of the budget’s top lines, which call for $1.5 trillion in defense spending next year and cuts totaling $73 billion in nondefense spending. But those figures fail to communicate the raw flavor of the budget cuts or how they’re described in the 92-page document.

It’s an extinction-level event for science.

— Casey Dreier, Planetary Society, on budget cuts at NASA

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Nor do they provide perspective for the magnitude of the defense increase or the damage that would be wreaked upon crucial social programs.

The defense request, for instance, would be a 42% increase over the current year, but it might be better judged as what Todd Harrison of the pro-business American Enterprise Institute describes unhappily as “the highest level of funding for defense in US history, surpassing even the peak funding during World War II.”

Adjusted to today’s dollars, Harrison calculates, the World War II peak was a bit lower than $1.2 trillion.

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The administration minimizes the overall budgetary effect of its spending plans by projecting average growth in gross national product at 3% annually over the next decade.

That’s an ambitious goal, to say the least. Over the last 25 years — that is, in this century — U.S. economic growth has reached or exceeded 3% in only three years, including a pandemic-era surge to 6.1% in 2021. Last year it was only 2.1%.

On the other side of the ledger, the nondefense budget would be cut by 10%. But programs the White House has specifically targeted for being contrary to its ideology would suffer far more devastating cuts. Some scientific programs, such those concerned with global warming or the social and economic implications of science, technology and healthcare policies would be slashed by more than 50%.

NASA may be enjoying a moment just now, as its Artemis II spacecraft rounded the far side of the moon Monday, preparatory to heading back to Earth in the first moonshot since Apollo 17 last landed men on the lunar surface in December 1972.

But Trump proposes slashing the agency’s budget by $5.6 billion, or 23%. It gets worse: Trump would cut NASA’s science division by $34 billion, or 47%, canceling more than 40 projects, of which about 20 are currently underway.

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“It’s an extinction-level event for science,” Casey Dreier, chief of space policy at the Planetary Society, told Nature.

Among the programs facing extinction is NASA’s Office of Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics Engagement, which aimed to interest minority students in those so-called STEM disciplines.

“NASA will inspire the next generation of explorers through exciting, ambitious space missions,” the budget says, “not through subsidizing woke STEM programming and research that prioritizes some groups of students over others.”

The budget leaves unclear how those “exciting, ambitious space missions” will come to pass, since it also cuts $297 million from NASA’s annual spending on space technology.

The proposed cuts to science programs more generally would be devastating. The National Science Foundation, one of the most important scientific grant-making agencies in the world, would lose $4.8 billion, or 55% of its funding.

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The language the budget uses to rationalize such cuts speaks volumes about the drivers of its draconian cuts in nondefense spending: It’s an expression of Trumpian culture war hobby horses such as hostility to diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) initiatives. The term “woke” or its derivatives appear 32 times in the budget document — as many times as it appears in Project 2025, the far-right roadmap for a second Trump term published by the Heritage Foundation in 2023.

The $8.5 billion in proposed budget cuts to K-12 spending would include the elimination of the $70-million Teacher Quality Partnership, which the budget describes as a program to “train teachers … on divisive ideologies.”

Among those, the budget says, are “inappropriate and divisive topics such as Critical Race Theory, diversity, equity, and inclusion, social justice activism,” and “anti-racism.” Nothing in the document explains why any of those things are considered bad; the terms are merely shibboleths that Trump’s core audience is expected to accept as gospel.

Services for transgender individuals would take a major hit from the budget: Among the $204.5 million in Treasury Department funding for community development initiatives on the chopping block would be support for “gender extremism,” such as for clinics that provide “‘gender-affirming hormone therapy’ and other services to young patients.”

As I’ve reported, Trump has bought heavily into conservative attacks on gender-affirming care, including by spouting claims that I labeled in 2024 as “deranged and despicable,” such as that schoolchildren are being kidnapped by school administrators and subjected to surgery against their will.

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Perhaps the most concentrated assault in the proposed budget, as my colleague Hayley Smith reported, is the one aimed at research, development, and construction of renewable energy sources. The budget plan contains no fewer than 20 references to what it calls the “green new scam.”

This is an infantile reference to what’s typically known as the “Green New Deal,” a raft of policies incorporating a transition from fossil fuels such as oil, gas and coal to renewables as well as the concept of “environmental justice,” meaning efforts to ensure that the transition doesn’t overly burden disadvantaged communities.

Trump has consistently called for more development of fossil sources, including a revival of coal despite its unrelenting and inevitable glide path toward extinction as a component of U.S. energy generation. The budget plan doubles down on this policy, calling renewables R&D a “leftist” ideology. This is tied to policies “opening up more Federal land and waters for oil, gas, and clean coal development,” the document says. (“Clean coal,” which is to say nonpolluting coal, is a myth, as I’ve reported.)

The budget plan pays tribute to another Trump obsession, the supposed evils of wind power. Cuts to the Interior Department budget would “put a stop to disastrous offshore wind energy projects that harm hardworking coastal communities, precious wildlife, and American military readiness.” None of these assertions about wind power is supported by reality.

Some cuts appear to reflect a determination to exact retribution from agencies that have thwarted cherished conservative goals. The National Institutes of Health, a consistent target of conservative budget-cutters, would lose $5.9 billion, or 12.5% of its budget. That would include major cuts to the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, which was formerly headed by the respected immunologist Anthony Fauci.

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The budget drafters couldn’t resist taking a swipe at Fauci, who has been the target of smears from Republicans who have tried to blame him, absurdly, for the COVID pandemic. The budget document accuses Fauci of steering government funds to the Wuhan (China) Institute of Virology, which it called “the likely source of the COVID-19 pandemic.”

There’s no compelling evidence that a laboratory was a source of the virus, as I’ve documented: The overwhelming weight of scientific judgment is that the virus reached humans from natural zoologic sources. The budget plan resurrects the long-debunked conspiracy theory that Fauci orchestrated a 2020 scientific paper that judged the lab-leak theory to be “improbable.” The budget drafters assert that Fauci (who retired in 2022) “commissioned” the paper, which is simply untrue.

Another theme percolating through the budget plan is the need to protect our wealthiest taxpayers from, well, taxes. The budget would cut $1.4 billion from the budget of the Internal Revenue Service, reversing a restoration of the agency’s enforcement capabilities undertaken during the Biden administration. Trump cut IRS staffing by 20,000, or 27%. The document asserts that the IRS “has been weaponized against the American people, small businesses, and non-profit organizations.”

According to the Yale Budget Lab, every dollar the IRS spends on audits yields more than $7 in returns. Plainly that’s not coming from average Americans, but from the upper crust.

None of this means that the budget proposal isn’t valuable, to an extent. It’s a convenient one-stop window into Trump’s personal fixations: the elimination of “radical gender and racial ideologies that poison the minds of Americans,” the horrors of “the globalist climate agenda,” the “invasion” of violent criminals from abroad, and so on. In other words, there’s nothing new under the Trumpian sun.

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The tale of L.A.’s iconic hot sauce and how Ozempic is making it even hotter

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The tale of L.A.’s iconic hot sauce and how Ozempic is making it even hotter

For 55 years, the family behind Tapatío has refused to even write down the recipe for Los Angeles’ iconic hot sauce, passing its secret formula for success only from lip to ear in closed rooms.

The Saavedra family put the ingredients on paper for the first time earlier this year as they sold the beloved brand to backers who plan to make their salsa picante even bigger beyond California’s borders. It is a weight off the shoulders of Luis Saavedra, the founder’s son and one of the few people who knew the recipe.

“We didn’t want anyone to know what we were using,” he told The Times in an interview at Tapatío’s factory in Vernon. “That always scared my sisters, because what if something happens?”

Demand for hot sauces had taken off for unexpected reasons just as the Saavedras were looking to sell. The millions of people on Ozempic and other powerful weight-loss drugs often have cravings for more flavor. The values of some sauce companies have skyrocketed. Bachan’s, a Japanese barbecue sauce brand, was acquired in February for $400 million.

While the Dallas private investment firm that bought Tapatío, Highlander Partners, wouldn’t share the terms of the deal, the company’s new chairman, Jeff Partridge, said it hopes to capitalize on the growing appetite for more heat to splash on proteins.

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“Whether it’s GLP-1 or desire for proteins, Tapatío and hot sauces enhance that experience,” he said. “Consumers are increasingly seeking flavors.”

Red peppers drive Tapatío’s taste, though the company won’t share which exact peppers are used. The thin sauce uses garlic, salt and other spices for a tangy, peppery punch. It has a mild heat that doesn’t linger.

Luis Saavedra, right, former chief executive officer of Tapatío Foods and son of company founder Jose-Luis Saavedra, speaks with Eric Beatty, the current chief executive, at the company’s manufacturing facility on Wednesday.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)

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The big acquisition is a long way from the brand’s birth in founder Jose-Luis Saavedra’s kitchen more than 50 years ago.

Saavedra, originally from Mexico City, long dreamed of making his way north. He landed in Chicago in his late 20s, working as a Spanish translator. He met his wife and moved to Southern California.

He worked at an aerospace parts manufacturer in Los Angeles. The homemade hot sauce he brought for lunch was a hit with co-workers who asked for more. When he was laid off in the late ’60s during an oil recession, he started selling bottles.

As sales rose, he rented a small space for production in Maywood and it officially became a business in 1971. The whole family pitched in. His son, Luis, remembers twisting on caps and attaching labels to bottles when he was 13.

Bottles are filled with Tapatio hot sauce.

Bottles are filled with Tapatío hot sauce before being labeled at the Tapatío manufacturing facility on Wednesday. The hot sauce company was recently acquired by Dallas-based private investment firm Highlander Partners.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)

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Saavedra and his son would drive a van up and down Los Angeles, manually packing and unloading the product to local corner stores. Many of the first bottles were stocked in East Los Angeles stores.

About five years in, the company made enough for Saavedra to quit the two part-time jobs he had picked up to keep the business afloat. Operations remained in Maywood for 14 years before they expanded to a 7,000-square-foot building in Vernon.

In 1996, the company made its boldest bet, splurging on a 30,000-square-foot building.

In the same facility today, the strong aroma of spices tickles visitors’ noses. The precise portioning of the secret ingredients, matching the ratios of the founder’s original formula, happens in a room locked off from employees. The magic mix is then rapidly poured into a long line of empty bottles that march along a conveyor belt like soldiers.

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It’s the legacy of the founder, who refused to be deterred by naysayers or obstacles to growth, said Saavedra’s son.

“Let’s go around it,” the younger Saavedra said, quoting his father’s mantra in the face of problems. “Let’s go under. Let’s go above it.”

His father’s stubbornness paid off in court as the company was sued for its name. It was once called Cuervo — his wife’s original last name — and tequila giant Jose Cuervo came after it. Saavedra had already trademarked the name in California, so it got a big payout to give up the name.

Saavedra briefly entertained the name “Charro,” a reference to Mexican cowboys, before landing on Tapatío, a nickname used for people born in Guadalajara, Jalisco, where all three of his children were born. Its logo evolved into a beaming cowboy with bright blue eyes in a wide-brimmed hat.

The Tapatío name was also challenged. Del Monte Foods sued Saavedra in the ’80s, claiming the name was too similar to its brand “Patio.” Saavedra won that case.

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The founding father’s hardheadedness could also sometimes cause trouble.

The original Tapatio label, left, compared to the current lversion at Tapatio.

Luis Saavedra, son of company founder Jose-Luis Saavedra, shows the original Tapatío label, left, compared to the current version.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)

The younger Saavedra battled with his father in the late ’90s about changing the brand’s label to help it stand out on crowded shelves. The old bottles were largely black and white and looked a little outdated. Eventually, the senior Saavedra gave in. Sales skyrocketed.

Today, Tapatío is shaken over meals around the globe, though its dominance is strongest in California. It has been used in collaborations with other companies to spike mashed potatoes, protein powder, pickles and ramen.

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Tacked to a wall at the Vernon factory is an old photo of the dozen people who were there to launch the brand’s new facility 30 years ago. Some of the employees still work there, including Jorge Cuervo, the production supervisor, and Fabian Diaz, who mans the forklift.

Diaz, who moves countless pallets of product, jokes he was born at the factory, having spent almost his entire adult life working for the company.

Under the new ownership, all 25 current employees were retained, and the firm has committed to hiring more.

“They’ve been doing this for a long time,” Luis Saavedra said. “They have a passion for it.”

The family began exploring options for a sale in late 2024, right after the founder, now 97, suffered a stroke.

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Jose-Luis Saavedra had remained closely involved in day-to-day operations despite his age, often spending from sun-up to sun-down at the factory.

As he took on all his father used to do as well as his own workload, the younger Saavedra was getting burnt out and started to worry that keeping the company family-owned could be hurting the brand.

“Work was really devouring me,” Luis Saavedra said. “It was a tough decision, very difficult. We cried together as a family, then we said, ‘In the long run, it’s better.’”

Luis Saavedra, left, former CEO of Tapatio.

“It was a tough decision, very difficult. We cried together as a family, then we said, ‘In the long run, it’s better,’” Luis Saavedra said of the decision to sell the company.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)

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Once it let potential suitors know the company was in play, the offers poured in. The family considered offers from around 40 companies before choosing Highlander Partners.

In a few years, the company’s new leaders hope to use the growing demand for flavor triggered by weight-loss drugs to bring California’s top sauce to many more markets east of the Rockies, said Eric Beatty, the company’s current chief executive.

“We believe that we’ve got these sector tailwinds behind us,” Beatty said. “It’s going to be a really good story.”

Eric Beatty, current CEO of Tapatio.

Eric Beatty, current chief executive officer of Tapatío Foods LLC, stands next to boxes of the hot sauce that are ready for shipping at the Tapatío manufacturing facility on Wednesday.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)

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New leadership has grand plans for the brand, hoping to build more facilities and add new products.

“We’ll always be a California company,” Beatty said. “This will always be the center of the Tapatío universe.”

Meanwhile, the Saavedra family still has a minority stake in the company and will continue to help manage it.

“They are the essence of the brand, and really understand the heartbeat of the brand,” said Partridge, Tapatío’s new chairman. “We certainly want to make sure that they always have a voice.”

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Video: How the Iran War Is Affecting Inflation

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Video: How the Iran War Is Affecting Inflation

new video loaded: How the Iran War Is Affecting Inflation

Ben Casselman, our chief economics correspondent, describes how the increase in prices as a result of the war in Iran is beginning to show up in the data, and what could come next.

By Ben Casselman, Nour Idriss, Stephanie Swart and Sutton Raphael

April 11, 2026

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Man charged with arson after setting fires inside Ontario Mills mall

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Man charged with arson after setting fires inside Ontario Mills mall

A man was arrested Friday morning after he set multiple fires inside stores at the Ontario Mills mall, officials said.

Ontario police said they responded to the mall at about 10:30 a.m. after callers reported that a man with a lighter and a backpack was intentionally setting fires.

Officers found the suspect, who they identified as 28-year-old Luis Javier Gallegos Jr. of Rancho Cucamonga.

The police said in a statement that Gallegos did not comply with their requests, and they used force to arrest him.

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Both Gallegos and an officer suffered non-life-threatening injuries during the arrest, the police said.

After being treated at a hospital, Gallegos was booked into the West Valley Detention Center and charged with felony arson, the police said.

Police said they are working to identify a motive for the crime and whether there is any connection to the April 7 arson at the Kimberly-Clark warehouse in Ontario.

Prosecutors say the inferno destroyed the 1.2 million square-foot warehouse and the paper products inside, resulting in $500 million in damages.

Chamel Abdulkarim, a Highland resident who worked at the warehouse, is facing both state and federal arson charges for setting the fire.

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Abdulkarim, 29, filmed himself setting fire to multiple pallets of paper goods, according to the U.S. attorney’s office for the Central District of California.

In the video, he says, “If you’re not going to pay us enough to [expletive] live or afford to live, at least pay us enough not to do this [expletive].”

Anyone with information about the fires Friday at Ontario Mills Mall is asked to contact the city’s police department at (909) 986-6711.

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