Business
Column: With lawsuit against advertisers, Elon Musk plumbs new depths of asininity
Let’s play a parlor game titled “What’s the dumbest thing Elon Musk has ever done?”
Is it promoting tweets from outspoken antisemites and racists on X, formerly Twitter, the social media platform he owns? Embracing antisemitic tweets himself?
Or was it, telling some of the largest corporations in the world to, um, perform a sexual act on themselves because they stopped advertising on the platform? (Warning: Link not safe for work.)
Maybe the top prize goes to his reinstating thousands of accounts of Nazis, white supremacists and disinformation purveyors that had been banned from Twitter by its previous management?
We tried peace for 2 years, now it’s war.
— Elon Musk announces a lawsuit against companies that refuse to place ads on X
Actually, my vote goes to the federal lawsuit X filed on Aug. 6 accusing big advertisers of colluding in a boycott of the platform, ostensibly because they disapprove of its content.
The filing was announced in a video tweet by Linda Yaccarino, the chief executive of X. Yaccarino’s hostage-like affect and her theatrical hand-wavings in the video are so eerie that some viewers speculated, also on X, that the video is an AI-generated deepfake. And why not? Musk himself promoted on X a deepfake fabricating a purported speech by Kamala Harris with the words, “This is amazing.”
The lawsuit targets the World Federation of Advertisers, a networking organization for big advertisers. It specifically names WFA and four companies — the Danish energy company Ørsted, CVS Health and the consumer companies Unilever and Mars. Why it singles out those companies isn’t entirely clear, though it’s notable that they are members or have leadership positions in the Global Alliance for Responsible Media.
GARM, as the lawsuit asserts, was founded to establish brand safety standards for advertisers on X and other social media platforms. In other words, standards to help advertisers keep their messages from showing up alongside posts and accounts promoting hate speech and other noxious messages.
The lawsuit and Yaccarino’s video assert that the advertisers colluded through GARM to boycott X, depriving it of its lifeblood, advertising revenue. “That puts your global town square, the one place that you can express yourself freely and openly, at long-term risk,” Yaccarino said.
Leaving aside this rather inflated and anachronistic description of X — its status as a “global town square” hasn’t survived Musk’s acquisition of the platform in 2022 — the idea that you can sue corporations for deciding not to advertise with you is beyond absurd.
A couple of points about all this:
First, the lawsuit piggybacks on a report issued last month by the Republican staff of the House Judiciary Committee, which is chaired by that outstanding blowhard, Rep. Jim Jordan of Ohio. One in an ever-lengthening line of useless, conspiracy-addled reports from the GOP House caucus — see, for example, its ignorantly anti-scientific screeds about the origins of COVID — this one was oh-so-cleverly titled “GARM’s Harm” and claimed that GARM members colluded to put X out of business.
“I was shocked by the evidence uncovered by the House Judiciary Committee that a group of companies organized a systematic illegal boycott against X,” Yaccarino says, ludicrously.
More to the point, this lawsuit reflects Musk’s habit of blaming X’s financial ills on everyone but himself. Over the last year or so, X has sued the watchdog organizations Media Matters for America and the Center for Countering Digital Hate for trying to “censor” X by asserting — inaccurately, X says — that the platform has become a haven for pro-Nazi content and other hate speech.
Musk also threatened to sue the Anti-Defamation League for purportedly pressuring companies to stop advertising on X because of the apparent rise in hate speech. That lawsuit never materialized. The Media Matters lawsuit is pending. The case against CCDH was thrown out by U.S. Judge Charles R. Breyer of San Francisco in March. More on that in a moment.
Put it all together, and it appears that Musk doesn’t realize that X needs advertisers more than they need X. The platform was generally an also-ran as an advertising medium online, trailing Meta and Google. Under Musk, it may have fallen further behind.
The first hint of the cynicism attending this lawsuit comes from where it was filed. As X notes in its complaint, among the defendants the World Federation of Advertisers is headquartered in Belgium, Ørsted in Denmark, Unilever in London, Mars in Virginia and CVS Health in Rhode Island. X itself is headquartered in San Francisco.
So of course Musk filed the lawsuit in Wichita Falls, a North Texas community with a population of 102,000, which makes it the 39th-largest city — in Texas. What Wichita Falls does offer litigants of a certain ideological slant, however, is a one-judge federal court.
That judge is Reed O’Connor, a right-wing George W. Bush appointee whose hit parade includes rulings invalidating government anti-discrimination laws protecting transgender rights, blocking a COVID vaccine mandate for Navy SEALs and declaring the entire Affordable Care Act unconstitutional. (That last ruling was overturned by the Supreme Court, 7 to 2.)
O’Connor, by the way, is also presiding over the lawsuit against Media Matters. A year ago he reported owning shares worth $15,001 to $50,000 in Tesla, the electric vehicle company Musk controls.
Unsurprisingly, none of these lawsuits alludes, even in passing, to the possibility that the steep decline in revenues or advertising from major consumer firms at X might have something to do with Musk’s policies and behavior.
The lawsuits generally describe their goal as the protection of free speech and open debate online, and present X as the innocent target of one cabal or another.
Judge Breyer in San Francisco made short of that claim in his dismissal of the lawsuit against CCDH; indeed, he found that the shoe was on the other foot. “This case is about punishing the Defendants for their speech,” he ruled. (My emphasis.) He rejected X’s assertion that it had lost “at least tens of millions of dollars” because of CCDH’s reports of the presence of hate speech on X, finding that the platform couldn’t document that its losses were traceable to CCDH reporting or that the money could be recovered even if it could do so.
“X Corp.’s motivation in bringing this case is evident,” Breyer ruled. “X Corp. has brought this case in order to punish CCDH for CCDH publications that criticized X Corp. — and perhaps to dissuade others who might wish to engage in such criticism.” X’s demand for tens of millions of dollars in compensation, he found, seemed designed to “torpedo the operations of a small nonprofit … because of the views expressed in the nonprofit’s publication.”
That brings us to the new lawsuit, against the World Federation of Advertisers and the four corporations. These are defendants that might not blanch at the cost of defending what might be a frivolous lawsuit, but at some level it seems to have made them nervous: The federation said last week that it is “discontinuing” the Global Alliance for Responsible Media.
Musk and his peanut gallery crowed that this represented a victory, but it’s hardly that. The four corporate defendants — like any members of the federation or GARM — always have the right to make their own decisions about where to place their ads. Indeed, it’s inconceivable that a $60-billion multinational such as Unilever would cede those decisions on its hundreds of brands, which include Ben & Jerry’s, Dove beauty products and Hellmann’s mayonnaise, to outsiders.
It’s true that GARM developed standards to help members assess whether they wanted their ads to appear on social media platforms and methods to ensure that the platforms understood the brands’ concerns. It’s also true that advertisers expressed concerns after Musk’s acquisition, and his firing of most of the staff responsible for trust and safety at X, that the chances their ads would end up cheek by jowl with posts from malodorous tweeters would rise.
But the GOP report acknowledges that GARM offered advice, not mandates, and that its advice was typically solicited by the advertisers themselves. What may have irked the Republicans and Musk is that most of the content that scared advertisers away tended to come from the right-wing fever swamp, which no self-respecting corporation would want to be seen endorsing.
One variety of content involved claims that evidence found on a laptop purportedly belonging to Hunter Biden, the president’s son, suggested Hunter was involved in wrongdoing. “Unilever, through GARM, … expressed issues with Mr. Musk exposing the truth about how Twitter, prior to Mr. Musk’s acquisition, censored the Hunter Biden laptop story,” the GOP report says.
The Biden allegations are cherished by the Republican right wing even though no connection to President Biden has ever been established. The GOP report says claims that “incriminating evidence about the Biden family’s influence peddling was found on Hunter Biden’s laptop … have since been authenticated,” which is untrue; that only underscores that the GOP report was a partisan smear, and not something on which X should rest its legal case.
In any event, the GOP report acknowledges that Unilever is “free to unilaterally stop spending its advertising money on [X],” which apparently has happened. Shed a tear for Musk, if you’re so inclined.
Musk may have turned into the biggest obstacle to the survival of X. Directing a profane insult at big advertisers and treating their refusal to spend their ad dollars at his hobbyhorse as “blackmail,” as he did in November, is hardly a way to cozy up to them.
Musk tried a charm offensive this summer at the Cannes Lion Festival, which brings together international advertisers, telling them they “have a right to appear next to content that they think fits with their brand.” But whatever goodwill he might have generated then evaporated last week with his lawsuit. “We tried peace for 2 years, now it’s war,” he said in announcing the lawsuit.
Meanwhile, Musk’s behavior gets worse. Just last week, the CCDH, freed from the financial burden of defending itself against his lawsuit, reported that his “false or misleading claims about the U.S. elections” have been viewed nearly 1.2 billion times on X, “with no fact checks” such as the “community notes” that often debunk disinformation from other accounts.
Why would any advertisers hoping to attract and keep customers want their ads to be seen on a platform that has become a source of informational sewage? To ask the question is to answer it.
Business
In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers
Residents of Monterey Park voted overwhelmingly to ban data centers on election day, making the San Gabriel Valley city the first in the nation to do so by public vote.
As of Wednesday, 86% of votes were in favor of Measure NDC, the city ban, according to the Los Angeles County registrar-recorder/county clerk.
Other cities and towns have passed moratoriums on data centers, as a wave of opposition sweeps the country. But the Monterey Park vote can only be overturned by another ballot measure, making it the most permanent data center ban in a jurisdiction.
Monterey Park’s City Council had already banned data centers by ordinance, after a proposed 247,000-square-foot data center met an outpouring of public anger and concern. The developer withdrew that plan.
That facility would have been less than 500 feet away from the nearest home, and would have used three times the electricity of the entire 60,000-person city. Residents said it would have caused noise and air pollution and driven up electricity rates.
“This ensures long-lasting protections for current and future generations,” Amy Wong, co-founder of the group San Gabriel Valley Progressive Action, said of the vote. “It means that future city councils cannot overturn a data center ban, even if data center developers wanted to spend money to fund pro-data center candidates.”
The measure had no formal opposition. The developer of the proposed facility, investment firm HMC StratCap, said it wouldn’t engage in the ballot fight when it withdrew in March.
The Data Center Coalition, an industry trade group, expressed disappointment in the vote.
“It sends a signal that the area is closed for business, both for data centers and for other significant economic development projects,” state policy director Khara Boender said.
“It deprives local residents of the opportunity to compete for jobs and investment, while also causing the area to relinquish substantial long-term economic investment, high-wage jobs, and critical tax revenue to neighboring areas or other states.”
SGV Progressive Action worked with hyperlocal groups including No Data Center Monterey Park to rally support for the measure.
The group is now focused on stopping data center proposals in the City of Industry and fighting a move by City of Industry, Santa Fe Springs, Vernon and City of Commerce to welcome data centers and other industry with fast-tracked permitting and tax incentives.
City of Industry, in the San Gabriel Valley, and Vernon, south of downtown L.A., are primarily industrial areas, each with around 300 permanent residents. They are employment centers, and tens of thousands of workers commute in daily.
There has been little vocal opposition to data centers among the few residents of these cities. Wong said the protest is primarily coming from the surrounding neighborhoods.
“If a data center gets built in City of Industry, residents across the region would bear the brunt of pollution and increased utility costs,” Wong said, noting that it is surrounded by 16 other cities and unincorporated communities.
Data center proposals have been limited in California compared to Virginia, Texas, Georgia, Illinois and Arizona, which sit at the center of a recent boom in hyperscaler facilities to power artificial intelligence.
California has the third-most data centers in the country, with 300, but high electricity rates, expensive land and regulatory hurdles mean that fewer, and smaller, facilities are currently planned than in other hotspots.
That doesn’t mean opposition hasn’t been fierce. In Coachella and Imperial County, residents are showing up in droves to protest local proposals.
In the San Gabriel Valley, Montebello, El Monte and Baldwin Park have all enacted temporary moratoriums, and Alhambra recently banned data centers as part of a zoning code update.
Wong said she hoped the ballot measure vote would galvanize the opposition. “The vote is a testament to the people power of our region,” she said. “Our region is worth protecting, and we won’t let data centers determine our future.”
Business
Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns
A rule intended to prevent rent gouging in the wake of the Eaton and Palisades fires has lapsed in Los Angeles County, possibly exposing some renters to hikes.
The executive order that blocked rent increases was issued by Gov. Gavin Newsom amid the devastating wildfires last year. Under the order, landlords couldn’t increase rents by more than 10% above their prefire levels.
The rule, which was supposed to be temporary and was repeatedly extended, ended Friday after a vote to extend it again failed to garner enough votes. Supervisor Lindsey Horvath, whose district includes Pacific Palisades, sounded the alarm in a motion to extend price protections that failed to pass at the Board of Supervisors’ May 19 meeting.
“These price gouging protections continue to be necessary as construction and rebuilding continue, and as thousands of people remain displaced,” the motion said. “Families which signed short-term leases could face drastic price increases of 50% or more without further price gouging protection.”
Los Angeles County is home to more than 1 million rental properties, though not all of them needed protection from the new rule. There are already stricter rent increase caps for many residences, depending on the location, type and age of the building. Despite the rent control in the region, the people of Los Angeles pay among the highest rents in the country.
It is uncertain whether renters will face rapidly rising rents now that the protection has lapsed. But some real estate experts and policymakers said there was no need for the temporary rule that was part of the governor’s state of emergency.
Supervisors Kathryn Barger, Janice Hahn and Holly Mitchell abstained from voting on the motion to extend the protection, while Supervisors Hilda Solis and Horvath supported it.
“I abstained because I did not see sufficient evidence to justify extending this emergency ordinance, nor did I see evidence to eliminate it entirely,” Hahn said.
Barger’s office said she supported allowing the protections to sunset while waiting to see whether new information emerged.
“Market data already shows countywide rents are only about 2% above pre-emergency levels and rental inventory has grown,” Barger representative Helen E. Chavez Garcia said. “The Supervisor is also mindful of the burden these ongoing protections place on small property owners throughout the county.”
Mitchell did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
There haven’t been steep rent hikes in neighborhoods within three miles of the Palisades fire, according to a Times analysis of data from Zillow, the property listing company.
In ZIP Codes within three miles of the Palisades fire, rent increased 4.8% from December 2024 to April 2025. In areas around the Eaton fire, which destroyed swaths of Altadena, rent jumped 5.2% in the same period.
In L.A. County, ZIP Codes farther from the fires saw only about a 2% increase.
A landlords representative, Jesus Rojas of the Apartment Owners Assn. of Greater Los Angeles, told the supervisors during public comment at the meeting that the county’s rent-gouging rules have “long outlived the emergency they were intended to address” and are now being “wrongfully used to harm thousands of rental housing providers throughout the county.”
“There is no proof that multifamily rental housing providers are hugely increasing rents for impacted homeowners,” Rojas said.
Indeed, there are strong signs that the property market in the Los Angeles area has at last begun to cool.
L.A. metro-area rent prices recently fell to a four-year low, with the median rent slipping to $2,167 in December.
Meanwhile, condominium sales had their slowest start of the year in decades. Condo sales in Los Angeles have plummeted to a 20-year low, with fewer than 2,000 units sold in January and February — the worst start to the year since 2005.
Newsom defended the price-gouging protections shortly after they went into effect.
“In the days following the Los Angeles firestorms, we worked quickly to protect Los Angeles survivors from any form of exploitation,” he said in February 2025. “The state has the tools in place to not only block price gouging during this emergency, but also to prosecute bad actors.”
The Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs said it received more than 2,000 complaints after the fires, alleging that retailers and landlords were taking advantage of people put in hardship by their losses, and sent out more than 2,000 cease-and-desist letters to businesses and landlords for alleged price gouging, said Morine Merritt, who oversees department investigations into consumer and real estate fraud.
“Close to 90% of the complaints that we received involved allegations of rent increases,” Merritt said in an interview. Now that the fire-related protections have expired, existing laws and “regular market conditions determine price increases for goods and services, including rents,” she said.
Crackdowns on fire-related rent gouging have been rare, said Chelsea Kirk of the activist organization the Rent Brigade, which analyzed L.A. County’s rental market in the year after the fires. It reported 18,360 potential examples of price gouging in listings but said that few lawsuits had been filed by authorities so far.
Last week, Rent Brigade announced what it said was the first private civil lawsuit brought by a family that claimed to be rent-gouged in the aftermath of the wildfires. Plaintiffs Randall and Candy Renick, whose Altadena home was damaged, said they were charged nearly three times the maximum permitted rate for nearly 10 months. They seek restitution of $96,000 plus civil penalties and attorneys’ fees.
The rental market has probably stabilized since the fires, Kirk said, but other families may still be “locked into illegal rents” that they agreed to pay when they were in a rush to find housing after they were displaced.
Business
Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley
Dear Mr. Pelley:
I meant what I said in my letter last week to the 60 Minutes team: joining 60 Minutes is the honor of my career and I am grateful to be working alongside the people who have contributed to the most important television journalism brand this country has ever produced. While I’m new to 60 Minutes, I’ve devoted my career to investigative journalism and storytelling. I started this job excited to collaborate and to benefit from the wisdom and experience of the 60 Minutes veterans, with you among them. For that reason, one of the first things I did in my new role was call you to talk and invite you to dinner. It is a profound disappointment that you rejected that overture and chose ambush instead. Yesterday, you hijacked my first meeting with staff to disparage me, my qualifications, and my intentions with remarkable incivility and contempt. I welcome a diversity of viewpoints and respectful debate among the team, but this was nothing of the sort. Yesterday’s performative display of hostility enacted in front of the staff instead of in a civil, private conversation-demonstrated that you have no interest in contributing to the future success of the show, or approaching my new tenure with a mind open to collaboration and progress. I am here to deliver first-in-class news programming, not to make headlines about newsroom drama. I am eager to work alongside those who share this goal.
Despite yesterday’s misconduct, I had hoped that in sitting down with you today we could find a path forward together. You made clear that you are not interested in such a path.
Your antipathy to the future of the show has come through loud and clear. And I have heard you. I therefore write on behalf of CBS News, Inc. (“CBS”) to inform you that your employment with CBS is terminated for cause effective immediately. Enclosed is your formal termination letter.
Sincerely,
Nick Bilton
Executive Producer, 60 Minutes
-
South Dakota2 minutes agoTornado watch in effect as severe storms target South Dakota
-
Tennessee5 minutes agoTennessee Baseball Breakout Star Announces He Won’t Enter the Transfer Portal
-
Texas10 minutes agoCentral Texas soldier dies in Iraq during training incident, Department of Defense says
-
Utah17 minutes agoNew program at University of Utah aims to keep up with growing Utah industry
-
Vermont20 minutes agoVermont seeks dynamic pricing for state park access
-
Virginia25 minutes agoWest Virginia commit announces decision by blasting ‘Country Roads,’ lighting a couch on fire
-
Washington32 minutes agoSteelers Sign TE Darnell Washington to Four-Year Extension
-
Wisconsin35 minutes agoWisconsin DNR reminding ATV and UTV drivers that more wardens will be out this weekend