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Column: This ballot measure promises help for taxpayers, but it’s actually a handout to real estate developers

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Column: This ballot measure promises help for taxpayers, but it’s actually a handout to real estate developers

One can’t actually blame large enterprise for launching yet one more anti-tax marketing campaign.

In spite of everything, it’s what they do: Complain incessantly in regards to the poor degree of public providers, whereas taking steps to make them even poorer.

One can blame them, nevertheless, for taking these steps deceitfully.

It might undermine voters’ rights and create main loopholes for firms to keep away from paying their justifiable share.

Nicolas Romo, League of California Cities

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That brings us to the “Taxpayer Safety and Authorities Accountability Act,” a proposed initiative co-sponsored by the California Enterprise Roundtable. The Roundtable is accumulating signatures as we write to put the measure on November’s poll.

You won’t be shocked to study that the initiative wouldn’t do something like what its title suggests. It wouldn’t shield taxpayers, besides the large companies lurking behind it — significantly large actual property builders. It wouldn’t make authorities extra “accountable,” however much less so.

The initiative’s common aim is to make it tougher for native governments to impose or increase taxes and costs.

It might prohibit advisory votes on the spending of native taxes showing on the identical poll because the tax measure. That’s an underhanded manner of discouraging the passage of will increase in gross sales and use taxes: Many municipalities present for such nonbinding measures so voters can get a say on how they need their cash used.

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Metropolis officers say that depriving voters of that voice makes them extra more likely to vote in opposition to the taxes. In fact, this provision is the antithesis of the transparency that the Roundtable says it values so extremely.

Each tax would require a sundown date, which means extra votes, extra administrative burden, extra expense. Native taxes that beneath present legislation could be handed by a majority would require a two-thirds vote.

“That is very, quite simple and really easy,” says Robert C. Lapsley, the president of the Roundtable.

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He’s blowing smoke. The reality is that it’s hopelessly complicated and so imprecise in a lot of its provisions that it’s sure to foment authorized challenges that may land municipalities in court docket, on the expense of the taxpayers the measure purports to guard.

“Our concern is with the anomaly within the measure,” says John Gillison, town supervisor of Rancho Cucamonga. “Lots of issues are simply not clear, which creates a pathway to extra authorized challenges.”

Even penalties for wrongdoers — violators of housing codes and nuisance abatement orders, for instance — could possibly be topic to limitation and authorized problem.

Lapsley additionally assured me that the initiative would apply solely to “future taxes” — presumably these collected after election day, Nov. 8. Besides that it features a retroactivity provision that might apply to any taxes enacted beginning this previous Jan. 1 —that’s, current taxes.

A fiscal evaluation accomplished for the League of California Cities estimated that tons of of tens of millions of {dollars} in tax and bond measures beforehand enacted by native voters may fall beneath the supply.

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The League is clear-eyed in regards to the goal of the initiative. “It might undermine voters’ rights and create main loopholes for firms to keep away from paying their justifiable share,” Nicolas Romo, a income and taxation knowledgeable on the League, informed me.

That’s as a result of the measure goes past what folks usually consider as “taxes,” and would apply to charges and expenses imposed by native governments for using municipal property or for contract providers by companies corresponding to waste haulers, cable corporations and utilities.

The measure would require that these expenses, that are typically set at market charges, be “cheap.” That customary is undefined by the textual content, which clearly makes it topic to authorized assault; in follow, it is going to imply “minimal” — successfully a lower in enterprise charges.

Earlier than delving deeper into the textual content, let’s check out who’s bankrolling this marketing campaign. Superficially, it’s the Enterprise Roundtable and the anti-tax Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Assn. They’re the key sponsors listed by Californians for Taxpayer Safety and Authorities Accountability, the marketing campaign committee, based on public filings.

They’re additionally the one contributors to date to the marketing campaign, which is operating mainly on $1.6 million from the Roundtable’s Points Political Motion Committee, or PAC.

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The place did the Roundtable get the cash for its contribution? That’s the place the story will get fascinating.

The overwhelming majority of the PAC’s funding since final July got here from three large actual property corporations: In line with marketing campaign finance filings with the Secretary of State, they’re Los Angeles-based Kilroy Realty, Santa Monica-based Douglas Emmett Properties and Irvine-based Western Nationwide Group (principally by its chairman and CEO Michael Hayde).

Kilroy Realty contributed $1 million to the Enterprise Roundtable PAC in two installments of $500,000 every on Dec. 29 and Dec. 30. Douglas Emmett Properties and its affiliated entities contributed $1 million to the PAC in seven separate chunks, all dated Dec. 29. Hayde contributed $1,109,100, virtually all of it dated June 28.

Not one of the corporations responded to my requests for remark. However their funds constituted about 91% of the $1.76 million in contributions the Points PAC acquired from July 1, 2021, by Feb. 3. On that date, the PAC contributed $1.6 million to the tax proposition marketing campaign committee.

If you happen to’re adhering to the outdated investigator’s principle to “observe the cash,” it actually appears to be like as if the cash has flown from three large actual property builders to the initiative marketing campaign, with a short layover on the Enterprise Roundtable PAC.

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A coalition of public worker unions alleges that this can be a subterfuge designed to hide who is de facto funding the initiative. In a criticism filed final month with the state’s Truthful Political Practices Fee, they name it “marketing campaign cash laundering plain and easy.”

State legislation requires the donors to an initiative marketing campaign be absolutely disclosed, a aim plainly confounded if marketing campaign donors can take refuge behind one other group.

This isn’t the primary time that the Enterprise Roundtable has been accused of serving to to hide the large cash behind an initiative marketing campaign.

The backers of Proposition 21, a 2020 hire management measure that was defeated after going through well-financed opposition by the Roundtable and different enterprise pursuits, alleged that the Roundtable’s Points PAC masqueraded as a “common goal” political motion committee whereas truly elevating tens of millions to defeat particular poll initiatives.

That constituted “a prima facie case of undisclosed earmarking,” based on the plaintiffs. In a tentative ruling issued Feb. 24, nevertheless, a Sacramento choose rejected that declare.

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One may ask why actual property builders particularly have been so desirous to contribute to the Roundtable’s PAC in latest months. Lapsley intimated that the true property corporations simply occur to be displaying their public spirit sooner than different contributors.

“It’s an extended marketing campaign forward,” he informed me. “You’ll see a number of contributors to the marketing campaign — we’re simply getting began.” He added, “We make the most of our subject PACs appropriately.”

But an in depth have a look at the initiative might supply a clue why it could be a precedence for the true property business.

Amid all of the ambiguities the measure would inject into the revenue-raising course of for native governments, one particular prohibition stands out: “No levy, cost, or exaction regulating or associated to automobile miles traveled could also be imposed as a situation of property growth or occupancy.”

Automobile miles traveled, or VMT for brief, is a manner of calculating the environmental influence of latest developments that’s gaining new consideration from municipal planners.

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The thought is to calculate the space of a brand new residential growth from city facilities or transit traces and impose a price to encourage extra building in already densely populated areas and fewer within the exurbs. Actual property corporations detest VMT as a result of it raises the price of constructing new developments out on the horizon.

The VMT provision is so particular, in actual fact, that it makes the proposed initiative look mainly like a tool to outlaw VMT, with lots of different anti-tax provisions tossed in for good measure.

The requirement of repeated voting on revenue-raising measures would make it far harder, maybe even inconceivable, to promote municipal bonds for infrastructure-building and enchancment, the consumers of which anticipate to be assured of a gentle stream of income to pay principal and curiosity.

Rancho Cucamonga, for instance, has began planning for its position because the Southern California terminus of a high-speed rail line to Las Vegas, scheduled to launch building subsequent 12 months.

New parking constructions, doable street widenings and different initiatives will likely be mandatory, which town hoped to finance by new assessments on property close to the positioning.

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“This measure calls all that into query now,” Gillison says. “We’re undecided whether or not that’s going to be topic to problem now.”

Some communities might take a serious hit. Azusa officers calculate that town might lose $15.8 million a 12 months as a result of initiative. “That’s 30% of our finances,” says Metropolis Supervisor Sergio Gonzalez. “That will imply cuts to packages throughout the board—no division can be immune.” Meaning impacts on native roads, police, fireplace and emergency providers, and extra.

The promoters of this initiative assert that they’re simply making an attempt to shut loopholes opened in Proposition 13 by judges and politicians. Their pitch relies on the persistent declare that voters don’t have a say in how they’re taxed, that by some means these levies are concocted by shadowy unelected bureaucrats.

That is and has all the time been a lie. Taxes and costs are imposed by voters, both straight on the poll field or by the election of neighborhood leaders who could be voted out of workplace.

It’s the promoters of the brand new initiative who’re working within the shadows. They’re not telling you who their moneybags are. They’re actually not explaining how the measure will profit their large donors on the expense of residents, who anticipate first rate native providers and are susceptible to the siren music that they’ll get all of the providers they want with out paying for them.

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The so-called Taxpayer Safety and Authorities Accountability Act is only one extra instance of how particular pursuits love to assert that they’re getting authorities off the backs of the folks, when their actual aim is to saddle up themselves.

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California's ban on certain hemp products clears early legal challenge

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California's ban on certain hemp products clears early legal challenge

California’s emergency ban on certain hemp products cleared a legal challenge Friday brought by cannabis businesses that sought to block the new rules.

Los Angeles County Superior Court Judge Stephen Goorvitch denied the businesses’ request that he issue an order which would have temporarily allowed hemp sales while a lawsuit over the ban proceeded. The new regulations took effect in September.

In a ruling filed Friday, the judge called the temporary restraining order sought by the businesses a “drastic remedy” because it would have meant hurriedly blocking the implementation of the emergency regulations before a trial when the state and businesses would be able to fully present their cases.

“The potential harm to Californians, especially children, outweighs the potential that individual hemp businesses will not be able to adapt to the new regulations,” Goorvitch said in the ruling.

The decision is a blow to cannabis companies that filed a lawsuit challenging the new rules over concerns that hemp businesses will lose millions of dollars and some small businesses will be forced to shut down.

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Jonathan Miller, general counsel of the U.S. Hemp Roundtable, said in a statement that the group is “disappointed with the court’s decision” and is reviewing its next steps in what could be a long legal process.

“We still hold out hope that Governor [Gavin] Newsom will come to the table and work with industry to achieve our mutual goal — to robustly regulate hemp products and keep them out of the hands of children — without devastating hemp farmers, business and consumers as does his emergency regulation,” Miller said.

The ruling keeps in place emergency regulations the state issued as part of an effort to protect young people from potentially dangerous hemp products. The U.S. Hemp Roundtable and hemp businesses such as JuiceTiva, Blaze Life and a cannabis company run by comedy duo Cheech Marin and Tommy Chong sued a California public health agency to block the enforcement of the new rules.

The regulations ban the sale of hemp-based food, beverages and dietary products containing detectable amounts of THC, a compound found in the cannabis plant that contributes to the mind-altering high associated with cannabis use, along with other intoxicating chemical substances. The new rules also state that people must be at least 21 years old to purchase hemp products and limit the number of servings of hemp products to five per package.

In denying the preliminary injunction, Goorvitch said the hemp coalition had failed to meet its burden of demonstrating it was likely to prevail at trial and that it stood to suffer irreparable harm if the ban on sales wasn’t blocked. Businesses can still sell hemp products without detectable levels of THC and “non-final food products” such as hemp flour and lotions with detectable levels of THC, the ruling said.

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Jim Higdon, co-founder of Cornbread Hemp and a U.S. Hemp Roundtable member, said he thinks the judge doesn’t fully understand the industry and made the “wrong decision.”

“There’s a whole class of hemp businesses this ruling will destroy,” he said.

Higdon said his Kentucky business, which sells products such as hemp gummies and oil, has California retailers it wants to work with but it hasn’t been able to get its product on the retailers’ shelves because of the “regulatory uncertainty” in the state.

The California Department of Public Health proposed the ban because of concerns that hemp products with THC could harm young people whose brains are still developing. Consuming some of these products could “negatively impact cognitive functions, memory, and decision-making abilities,” the agency said in its findings. The agency didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment but typically doesn’t comment on pending litigation.

“We applaud the court for refusing to block California’s hemp regulations to protect consumers, especially children,” Tara Gallegos, a spokesperson for Newsom, said in a statement. “The court didn’t buy this attempt to reopen a loophole used by bad actors in the hemp industry to push dangerous intoxicating products into gas stations and corner markets.”

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Some people consume hemp products with THC for relief from pain, anxiety, insomnia and other issues. People who rely on products for medical needs will still be able to obtain them through licensed adult-use and medical cannabis dispensaries, according to the state.

In the lawsuit, filed in Los Angeles County Superior Court, hemp businesses called the new rules “draconian” and compared them to “requiring candy to stop containing sugar.” The businesses allege in the lawsuit the agency violated state and federal laws, including those that legalized the production of hemp and govern the rulemaking process.

A trial setting conference is scheduled in late November.

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Video: Elon Musk Unveils Tesla ‘Robotaxi’

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Video: Elon Musk Unveils Tesla ‘Robotaxi’

new video loaded: Elon Musk Unveils Tesla ‘Robotaxi’

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Elon Musk Unveils Tesla ‘Robotaxi’

The company’s chief executive said the new autonomous vehicle, which does not have a steering wheel, would cost less than $30,000, but the technology still faces hurdles.

As you can see, I just arrived in the “Robotaxi,” the “cybercab.” It’s really quite a wild experience to just be in a car with no steering wheel, no pedals, no controls, and it feels great. You could fall asleep and wake up at your destination. This can carry up to 20 people. And it can also transport goods.

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Younger daters are tired of swiping. A host of new L.A. startups is vying for their attention

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Younger daters are tired of swiping. A host of new L.A. startups is vying for their attention

When Joseph Feminella matched with his would-be wife on Hinge in 2020, he was already growing tired of traditional dating apps. He told her he’d like to meet in person right away, and they met that night.

The pair were married three years later, and Feminella launched his dating app First Round’s on Me nationwide in August after a four-year incubation period. The app is designed to help people meet in real life and was inspired by his own experiences, Feminella said.

The El Segundo-based app skips the swiping and encourages users to schedule a time and place for a date. Any user can send a date invite to another user, and the chat opens only 24 hours before the planned meeting time.

Feminella’s venture is one of several in Los Angeles and beyond that are trying to challenge the traditional dating app format by introducing innovative ways to encourage in-person interactions. In an industry that relies on the steady demand for human connection, new players are emerging as younger daters are starting to use the major apps less.

Los Angeles has become a hotbed for dating app startups that hope to gain attention in a crowded market and take advantage of cracks beginning to form within the most popular apps.

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Joseph Ferminella, founder of dating app First Round’s on Me, runs the El Segundo startup with his wife, Hannah, who he met on Hinge in 2020.

(Christina House / Los Angeles Times)

A select handful of apps including Tinder, Bumble and Hinge dominate the online dating market but have recently been struggling to grow, experts say (Match Group owns both Los Angeles-based Tinder and New York-based Hinge; Bumble is headquartered in Austin, Texas).

One reason: Gen Z uses online dating less than the broader population by about 11%, according to Match Group survey data from financial services firm Oppenheimer Holdings.

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“The online dating industry is still making money, but from a growth perspective, they’re facing challenges right now,” said Andrew Marok, an industry analyst at Raymond James. “The customer base is changing and there are differences in the ways Gen Z and millennials want to meet people.”

Bumble, which once distinguished itself from other dating apps by requiring the woman to send the first message, has seen its shares plummet 55% so far this year after missing revenue expectations. Its share price closed Thursday at $6.57, up 1.08%.

Tinder — the dating app giant launched in 2012 — recorded the highest number of paying users in 2022, which peaked at 10.8 million after years of rapid growth. The number of paying users on the app dropped by 5% in 2023, and declined 8% in the second quarter from a year ago.

Match Group, which owns Match.com, reported a 5% drop in operating income in the second quarter to $205 million.

Still, Chief Executive Gary Swidler said in an earnings call this year he believes the company is on track to reach $1 billion a year in annual revenue.

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A move away from the ‘swipe model’

When online dating got its start in the mid-’90s, the platforms were largely profile-based and matched users with shared interests and values. It was common for users to take a personality quiz or fill out a questionnaire in order to meet matches.

The release of Los Angeles-based Tinder introduced a swipe model in which users can decide if they “like” or “dislike” a potential date based on photos and a short bio. Other apps such as Grindr, which is headquartered in West Hollywood and caters to gay men, use a location-based model where users can browse potential dates in their area.

“You’re continuing to see some product evolution in the marketplace, but over the last few years the swipe-based model has been the one that’s attracted the lion’s share of attention,” Marok said. “We’re seeing that that doesn’t resonate quite as well with younger users.”

Gen Z daters prefer a slower, more intentional approach to finding a partner, Marok said, one based more on substance and less on split-second decisions. Younger daters are also more likely to turn friends into partners, he said.

“When you look at the swipe-based apps, their objective is to get a large volume of strangers in front of the user, which is kind of antithetical to how Gen Z wants to meet people,” Marok said.

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Newer dating apps are trying to offer users a break from swipe fatigue and an abundance of startups in L.A. are embracing more advanced matchmaking services and group events for singles.

Feminella’s First Round’s on Me hosts group social events, such as a recent pickleball gathering in West Hollywood that attracted around 100 singles. The privately held app has garnered about 175,000 users and, like its competitors, has a freemium model in which customers can elect to pay for certain features.

Feminella, 34, hopes his app can offer users a different experience than what they’ve already found on the most popular cohort of dating apps.

“I saw that dating apps were becoming non-intentional and validation driven,” Feminella said. “I think they’re missing the point.”

Several other apps hold in-person events in Los Angeles, including London-based Feeld, which has been available in California since its inception in 2014.

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“We strongly believe that people unlock people, not apps, so it was important to create another dimension in real life for our members to connect,” said Feeld Chief Executive Ana Kirova.

Summer, a dating app launched in 2022 by Marina del Rey-based tech company 9count, also aims to prioritize in-person meetups and is creating a members-only social club. When a user matches with someone on the app, they only have 25 messages to arrange a date before the conversation locks.

Based in Venice, Lox Club hosts regular events for its members such as weekly Shabbat dinners. The company recently released two more community-based dating apps: Jade Club for East Asian daters and Amara Club for South Asians. Lox Club is also getting ready to introduce a matchmaking service powered by artificial intelligence and human matchmakers, which has attracted a wait list of 10,000 people, according to Head of Marketing Samantha Ratiner.

“The consensus is that people are over using all these apps and doing all this swiping,” Ratiner said. “It’s so overwhelming and it can be a waste of time.”

Other tech-enabled matchmaking services that stray away from traditional dating app formats already exist in Los Angeles, like the self-described “modern matchmaking” company Three Day Rule.

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There’s seemingly a dating app for everyone and every niche. The League is a platform for students and alumni of elite colleges to find each other; Kippo is a dating app for video gamers; the Fruitz app allows users to search for others seeking the same kind of relationship.

“There’s definitely room for apps that are focused on specific interest groups or specific demographics,” Marok said. “In the app-based dating market, the barriers to entry are relatively low but the barriers to scale are pretty high.”

Despite the plethora of smaller apps, the vast majority of the market remains dominated by Grindr, Bumble and Match Group, the three publicly traded dating app companies, said Oppenheimer & Co. analyst Jason Helfstein.

Tinder serves approximately 50 million monthly average users, a scale that no other app in the category has reached, according to a Match Group spokesperson. A 2023 poll conducted by OnePoll on behalf of Tinder showed that 55% of singles between the ages of 18 and 25 in the U.S., U.K., Australia and Canada have been in a serious relationship with a partner they met on Tinder.

Match Group is building its own assortment of community-based dating apps, making the space even more crowded for startups. Between 2020 and 2023, Match Group’s apps for gay men, single parents, Christians and the Black and Latino communities saw direct revenue grow at an annual compound rate of more than 70%, the spokesperson said.

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Feminella said his company First Round’s on Me sees subscription and revenue growth month over month and has had success with in-person events. He did not disclose financial details, but said he knows he can’t realistically compete with apps such as Tinder and Hinge.

Tinder user, logo on a cellphone.

Tinder user, logo on a cellphone.

(Match Group / Tinder)

“For me to even get to that point, they would probably just buy me out,” Feminella said.

After a certain amount of growth, smaller dating app companies are likely to fizzle out or be sold to one of the major players, Helfstein said.

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“For the private companies that focus on a small niche, it eventually gets too expensive to grow,” he said. “There will never be another publicly traded dating company.”

Helfstein described the dating app industry as profitable but somewhat stagnant — Match Group had 37% profit margins last year and is on track for 36% this year.

But Tinder downloads fell for the third year in a row this year and Bumble shares dropped 30% in August after missing Wall Street estimates. Artificial intelligence and other new technology could completely transform the industry and offer revitalization, Helfstein said.

“Maybe in five years from now, online dating will be reborn through virtual reality,” he said. “Right now it’s a healthy business, but what the market likes is growth.”

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