Business
Column: Elon Musk thinks Tesla's investors love him. He's very wrong
No one who has followed the career of that famously self-effacing and modest business leader Elon Musk could have expected him to boast openly about having secured approval from Tesla shareholders for two important initiatives: moving the company’s state of incorporation to Texas from Delaware, and “ratifying” his massive 2018 compensation package after it was invalidated by a Delaware state judge.
Ha ha. Just kidding. The day before the votes were formally tallied and announced after the company’s annual meeting Thursday, Musk telegraphed the results on X, formerly Twitter, the social media platform he owns.
Both resolutions “are currently passing by wide margins,” he tweeted on last week, adding, “Thanks for your support!!” and bracketing that line with a quartet of valentine-red hearts.
The board should recognize the influence of the sword of Damocles hanging over shareholder heads: the outcome of any stockholder vote could well be seriously distorted by Musk’s looming threat.
— Lucian Bebchuk and Robert J. Jackson Jr.
Thursday evening, after the votes were in, he tweeted a photo of a cake with the iced legend “Vox Populi, Vox Dei,” a Latin phrase meaning “the voice of the people is the voice of the gods,” and appending the comment, “Sending this cake to Delaware as a parting gift.”
The Tesla board instantly executed the change of incorporation, which is evidently rooted in Musk’s conviction that Texas courts, which have little experience in adjudicating corporate governance issues, will be more pliant in his hands than the very experienced Delaware judiciary.
From all that, one might assume that the shareholder votes cleared away the legal complexities erected around the 2018 compensation grant by Delaware Chancellor Kathaleen McCormick in January.
That assumption may be wrong, according to several experts in corporate law. The idea that shareholders can retrospectively validate a corporate action overturned in Chancery Court is “divorced from the realities of Delaware law,” observed Charles M. Elson, one of the nation’s recognized authorities on the topic, in a May 13 legal brief.
That may not be the only issue about Tesla and Musk that is arguably divorced from reality. By many objective standards, the electric vehicle maker is in a bad way. A grim story was told by its first-quarter results, released on April 23. The company disclosed its lowest automotive profit margin, 15.9%, in five years, a major decline from its peak of about 30% in the first quarter of 2022.
That reflected several rounds of price cuts to keep Tesla vehicles moving off the lots, resulting in a decline of $2.42 billion, or 13%, in auto sales during that quarter from the same quarter a year earlier. Tesla delivered 386,810 vehicles in the first quarter, down by 8.5% from the same quarter a year earlier. That includes deliveries of its most highly touted new model, the Cybertruck pickup, which has been ridiculed in the automotive press and on social media for its risibly blockheaded design and mechanical and cosmetic flaws.
Tesla faces stiffer competitive headwinds than it has encountered at any other time in its history. These are coming not only from legacy automakers that are coming to market with hybrid and fully electric models, but the Chinese EV-maker BYD, which overtook Tesla in deliveries in the fourth quarter of 2023, when it sold more than 526,000 all-electric vehicles compared with Tesla’s 484,510 in the same period.
More troubling from Tesla’s standpoint, BYD is taking steps to expand its market significantly beyond domestic drivers and into Europe and even the U.S.
Tesla also faces more shareholder discontent over Musk’s role in the company. In the past, his image as a technological visionary was inextricably linked with Tesla’s image and the appeal of its products; a Tesla without Musk at the helm was almost unimaginable. Investor confidence in his leadership was manifest; the share price closed on Nov. 1, 2021, at $407.36, when the company’s market value peaked at a stupendous $1.2 trillion.
More recently, Musk’s reputation has waned among significant segments of the public, thanks to the increasingly strident, partisan, reactionary and antisemitic viewpoints he has expressed on X.
Investors aren’t especially happy about the company’s shrinking prospects. The shares are down by more than 54% from that peak close in 2021, by more than 33% from a year ago, and by nearly 25% year-to-date. As I write, Tesla’s market value is less than $600 billion.
One issue roiling the investor cadre is whether Tesla is as important to Musk as it used to be. His corporate universe includes not only X, but SpaceX and an artificial intelligence company dubbed X.AI. Musk has on occasion poached talent and resources from Tesla to benefit his other companies.
The Tesla board has gone along with that, but not all investors feel so tolerant. Two individual shareholders and the Cleveland Bakers and Teamsters Pension Fund sued over the practice on Thursday — filing the case in Delaware right under the wire before Tesla followed through on the reincorporation vote by making itself a Texas company.
They say they’re irked because Musk had been touting Tesla as, in his own words, “an AI/robotics company that appears to many to be a car company” and “the biggest AI project on Earth.” That’s an indication that Musk wishes to capture for Tesla the superior price/earnings multiple enjoyed by high-tech and especially AI companies (at the moment) in comparison with car companies. But if he’s shifting his AI efforts out of Tesla, that obviously won’t wash.
And he seems to be doing so. The plaintiffs observe that Musk has poached AI engineers from Tesla to work at X.AI — at least 11 former Tesla employees went over to the new company. Furthermore, according to a report by CNBC cited by the plaintiffs, Musk personally ordered Nvidia, the global leader in AI processing chips, to divert 12,000 units ordered by Tesla to X and X.AI instead, adding months to the delays in “setting up the supercomputers Tesla says it needs” to develop robots and self-driving vehicles.
Even before the shareholder vote, Musk intimated by tweet that he might not be inclined to develop AI capabilities within Tesla, as opposed to at his other companies, unless the Tesla board granted him a 25% voting control of Tesla.
This isn’t the first time Musk has treated the companies he controls, whether private or publicly-traded, all as arms of his personal satrapy. After taking over X (then Twitter) in 2022, he brought over Tesla engineers to rework the social media platform’s software. And in 2016 he orchestrated a rescue of SolarCity, his failing solar power company, by merging it with Tesla. In that case, typically, his acolytes on both boards went along without objection and, evidently, without spending much time on analysis of the deal. (I’ve asked Tesla to comment on all these issues, but answers came there none.)
That brings us back to the compensation deal and Thursday’s votes.
In her 201-page decision issued on Jan. 30, Chancellor McCormick rescinded the 2018 pay package on several grounds. She found that the unprecedentedly large $56-billion package was excessive.
That was especially so given the control Musk exercises over Tesla as its largest single stockholder (with 21.9% at the time of McCormick’s ruling and 20.5% as of March 31) and through his personal relationships with and influence over several ostensibly independent Tesla board members — relationships which, McCormick found, had not been adequately disclosed to shareholders voting on the pay package.
Musk reacted to McCormick’s ruling by proposing to take oversight of Tesla’s government out of the Delaware Chancery Court’s hands through a reincorporation in Texas. The Tesla board, which had changed somewhat since 2018 but was still supine toward Musk, also asked shareholders in effect to overturn McCormick’s ruling by voting on the pay package again.
In setting up the second vote, the Tesla board didn’t display much more inclination to examine the pay package than it had the first time around, when the process of developing the package was all but exclusively under Musk’s control.
This time, the board established a special committee of two board members. But one resigned early on, and the board never replaced him. In other words, the special committee was a committee of one, Kathleen Wilson-Thompson, a former executive of Walgreens and Kellogg’s. According to Tesla, the committee “did not substantively reevaluate the amount or terms” of the 2018 package “and did not engage a compensation consultant.”
Nor did the committee renegotiate the pay package with Musk. After all, the company said, the board had decided in 2018 that the package was “fair”; nothing had changed since 2018, so all that needed to happen in light of McCormick’s ruling was that there be more disclosure of board relationships.
Is that so?
A lot has changed, obviously. To begin with, the 2018 package incorporated numerous incentive milestones that Musk would have to meet to receive any part of or even the full $56 billion. Tesla actually did reach those milestones, but what further incentives exist to keep Musk engaged into the future?
Musk’s threat to take his AI operations out of Tesla unless he receives more voting control obviously point to the need to keep him on board.
“Stockholders should know whether the board’s request for a vote is motivated by the threat — and what, if anything, the board plans to do about Musk’s threat if he attempts to carry it out,” wrote corporate governance experts Lucian Bebchuk and Robert J. Jackson Jr. prior to Thursday’s vote. “Strikingly, the board hasn’t conditioned holding the vote on Musk withdrawing his threat or committing not to carry it out if stockholders vote to approve.”
They add, “the board should recognize the influence of the sword of Damocles hanging over shareholder heads: the outcome of any stockholder vote could well be seriously distorted by Musk’s looming threat.”
The Tesla board, therefore, has once again behaved as Musk’s cat’s-paw. That’s not surprising, since the board is nothing like truly independent. Its eight members include Musk, his brother Kimball, his longtime friends Ira Ehrenpreis and James Murdoch (a son of Rupert Murdoch), former Tesla executive and former SolarCity board member J. B. Straubel and, as chair, Robyn M. Denholm, who testified that the wealth she has collected as a Tesla director has been “life-changing.”
McCormick found that although Denholm didn’t have a personal relationship with Musk, her dependence on Tesla almost exclusively as a source of her personal wealth might have compromised her judgment in approving the 2018 package and contributed to her “lackadaisical approach to her oversight obligations.”
So assuming that the Delaware court won’t step in again to rescind the pay package, Musk is once again getting all he wants from Tesla, with even fewer incentives to perform for the future than he has had in the past.
Good for him. But if Tesla continues its recent decline in market value, its non-Musk shareholders will have no one to blame but its board, and themselves.
Business
Commentary: A leading roboticist punctures the hype about self-driving cars, AI chatbots and humanoid robots
It may come to your attention that we are inundated with technological hype. Self-driving cars, human-like robots and AI chatbots all have been the subject of sometimes outlandishly exaggerated predictions and promises.
So we should be thankful for Rodney Brooks, an Australian-born technologist who has made it one of his missions in life to deflate the hyperbole about these and other supposedly world-changing technologies offered by promoters, marketers and true believers.
As I’ve written before, Brooks is nothing like a Luddite. Quite the contrary: He was a co-founder of IRobot, the maker of the Roomba robotic vacuum cleaner, though he stepped down as the company’s chief technology officer in 2008 and left its board in 2011. He’s a co-founder and chief technology officer of RobustAI, which makes robots for factories and warehouses, and former director of computer science and artificial intelligence labs at Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Having ideas is easy. Turning them into reality is hard. Turning them into being deployed at scale is even harder.
— Rodney Brooks
In 2018, Brooks published a post of dated predictions about the course of major technologies and promised to revisit them annually for 32 years, when he would be 95. He focused on technologies that were then — and still are — the cynosures of public discussion, including self-driving cars, human space travel, AI bots and humanoid robots.
“Having ideas is easy,” he wrote in that introductory post. “Turning them into reality is hard. Turning them into being deployed at scale is even harder.”
Brooks slotted his predictions into three pigeonholes: NIML, for “not in my lifetime,” NET, for “no earlier than” some specified date, and “by some [specified] date.”
On Jan. 1 he published his eighth annual predictions scorecard. He found that over the years “my predictions held up pretty well, though overall I was a little too optimistic.”
For example in 2018 he predicted “a robot that can provide physical assistance to the elderly over multiple tasks [e.g., getting into and out of bed, washing, using the toilet, etc.]” wouldn’t appear earlier than 2028; as of New Year’s Day, he writes, “no general purpose solution is in sight.”
The first “permanent” human colony on Mars would come no earlier than 2036, he wrote then, which he now calls “way too optimistic.” He now envisions a human landing on Mars no earlier than 2040, and the settlement no earlier than 2050.
A robot that seems “as intelligent, as attentive, and as faithful, as a dog” — no earlier than 2048, he conjectured in 2018. “This is so much harder than most people imagine it to be,” he writes now. “Many think we are already there; I say we are not at all there.” His verdict on a robot that has “any real idea about its own existence, or the existence of humans in the way that a 6-year-old understands humans” — “Not in my lifetime.”
Brooks points out that one way high-tech promoters finesse their exaggerated promises is through subtle redefinition. That has been the case with “self-driving cars,” he writes. Originally the term referred to “any sort of car that could operate without a driver on board, and without a remote driver offering control inputs … where no person needed to drive, but simply communicated to the car where it should take them.”
Waymo, the largest purveyor of self-driven transport, says on its website that its robotaxis are “the embodiment of fully autonomous technology that is always in control from pickup to destination.” Passengers “can sit in the back seat, relax, and enjoy the ride with the Waymo Driver getting them to their destination safely.”
Brooks challenges this claim. One hole in the fabric of full autonomy, he observes, became clear Dec. 20, when a power blackout blanketing San Francisco stranded much of Waymo’s robotaxi fleet on the streets. Waymos, which can read traffic lights, clogged intersections because traffic lights went dark.
The company later acknowledged its vehicles occasionally “require a confirmation check” from humans when they encounter blacked-out traffic signals or other confounding situations. The Dec. 20 blackout, Waymo said, “created a concentrated spike in these requests,” resulting in “a backlog that, in some cases, led to response delays contributing to congestion on already-overwhelmed streets.”
It’s also known that Waymo pays humans to physically deal with vehicles immobilized by — for example — a passenger’s failure to fully close a car door when exiting. They can be summoned via the third-party app Honk, which chiefly is used by tow truck operators to find stranded customers.
“Current generation Waymos need a lot of human help to operate as they do, from people in the remote operations center to intervene and provide human advice for when something goes wrong, to Honk gig workers scampering around the city,” Brooks observes.
Waymo told me its claim of “fully autonomous” operation is based on the fact that the onboard technology is always in control of its vehicles. In confusing situations the car will call on Waymo’s “fleet response” team of humans, asking them to choose which of several optional paths is the best one. “Control of the vehicle is always with the Waymo Driver” — that is, the onboard technology, spokesman Mark Lewis told me. “A human cannot tele-operate a Waymo vehicle.”
As a pioneering robot designer, Brooks is particularly skeptical about the tech industry’s fascination with humanoid robots. He writes from experience: In 1998 he was building humanoid robots with his graduate students at MIT. Back then he asserted that people would be naturally comfortable with “robots with humanoid form that act like humans; the interface is hardwired in our brains,” and that “humans and robots can cooperate on tasks in close quarters in ways heretofore imaginable only in science fiction.”
Since then it has become clear that general-purpose robots that look and act like humans are chimerical. In fact in many contexts they’re dangerous. Among the unsolved problems in robot design is that no one has created a robot with “human-like dexterity,” he writes. Robotics companies promoting their designs haven’t shown that their proposed products have “multi-fingered dexterity where humans can and do grasp things that are unseen, and grasp and simultaneously manipulate multiple small objects with one hand.”
Two-legged robots have a tendency to fall over and “need human intervention to get back up,” like tortoises fallen on their backs. Because they’re heavy and unstable, they are “currently unsafe for humans to be close to when they are walking.”
(Brooks doesn’t mention this, but even in the 1960s the creators of “The Jetsons” understood that domestic robots wouldn’t rely on legs — their robot maid, Rosie, tooled around their household on wheels, a perception that came as second nature to animators 60 years ago but seems to have been forgotten by today’s engineers.)
As Brooks observes, “even children aged 3 or 4 can navigate around cluttered houses without damaging them. … By age 4 they can open doors with door handles and mechanisms they have never seen before, and safely close those doors behind them. They can do this when they enter a particular house for the first time. They can wander around and up and down and find their way.
“But wait, you say, ‘I’ve seen them dance and somersault, and even bounce off walls.’ Yes, you have seen humanoid robot theater. “
Brooks’ experience with artificial intelligence gives him important insights into the shortcomings of today’s crop of large language models — that’s the technology underlying contemporary chatbots — what they can and can’t do, and why.
“The underlying mechanism for Large Language Models does not answer questions directly,” he writes. “Instead, it gives something that sounds like an answer to the question. That is very different from saying something that is accurate. What they have learned is not facts about the world but instead a probability distribution of what word is most likely to come next given the question and the words so far produced in response. Thus the results of using them, uncaged, is lots and lots of confabulations that sound like real things, whether they are or not.”
The solution is not to “train” LLM bots with more and more data, in the hope that eventually they will have databases large enough to make their fabrications unnecessary. Brooks thinks this is the wrong approach. The better option is to purpose-build LLMs to fulfill specific needs in specific fields. Bots specialized for software coding, for instance, or hardware design.
“We need guardrails around LLMs to make them useful, and that is where there will be lot of action over the next 10 years,” he writes. “They cannot be simply released into the wild as they come straight from training. … More training doesn’t make things better necessarily. Boxing things in does.”
Brooks’ all-encompassing theme is that we tend to overestimate what new technologies can do and underestimate how long it takes for any new technology to scale up to usefulness. The hardest problems are almost always the last ones to be solved; people tend to think that new technologies will continue to develop at the speed that they did in their earliest stages.
That’s why the march to full self-driving cars has stalled. It’s one thing to equip cars with lane-change warnings or cruise control that can adjust to the presence of a slower car in front; the road to Level 5 autonomy as defined by the Society of Automotive Engineers — in which the vehicle can drive itself in all conditions without a human ever required to take the wheel — may be decades away at least. No Level 5 vehicles are in general use today.
Believing the claims of technology promoters that one or another nirvana is just around the corner is a mug’s game. “It always takes longer than you think,” Brooks wrote in his original prediction post. “It just does.”
Business
Versant launches, Comcast spins off E!, CNBC and MS NOW
Comcast has officially spun off its cable channels, including CNBC and MS NOW, into a separate company, Versant Media Group.
The transaction was completed late Friday. On Monday, Versant took a major tumble in its stock market debut — providing a key test of investors’ willingness to hold on to legacy cable channels.
The initial outlook wasn’t pretty, providing awkward moments for CNBC anchors reporting the story.
Versant fell 13% to $40.57 a share on its inaugural trading day. The stock opened Monday on Nasdaq at $45.17 per share.
Comcast opted to cast off the still-profitable cable channels, except for the perennially popular Bravo, as Wall Street has soured on the business, which has been contracting amid a consumer shift to streaming.
Versant’s market performance will be closely watched as Warner Bros. Discovery attempts to separate its cable channels, including CNN, TBS and Food Network, from Warner Bros. studios and HBO later this year. Warner Chief Executive David Zaslav’s plan, which is scheduled to take place in the summer, is being contested by the Ellison family’s Paramount, which has launched a hostile bid for all of Warner Bros. Discovery.
Warner Bros. Discovery has agreed to sell itself to Netflix in an $82.7-billion deal.
The market’s distaste for cable channels has been playing out in recent years. Paramount found itself on the auction block two years ago, in part because of the weight of its struggling cable channels, including Nickelodeon, Comedy Central and MTV.
Management of the New York-based Versant, including longtime NBCUniversal sports and television executive Mark Lazarus, has been bullish on the company’s balance sheet and its prospects for growth. Versant also includes USA Network, Golf Channel, Oxygen, E!, Syfy, Fandango, Rotten Tomatoes, GolfNow, GolfPass and SportsEngine.
“As a standalone company, we enter the market with the scale, strategy and leadership to grow and evolve our business model,” Lazarus, who is Versant’s chief executive, said Monday in a statement.
Through the spin-off, Comcast shareholders received one share of Versant Class A common stock or Versant Class B common stock for every 25 shares of Comcast Class A common stock or Comcast Class B common stock, respectively. The Versant shares were distributed after the close of Comcast trading Friday.
Comcast gained about 3% on Monday, trading around $28.50.
Comcast Chairman Brian Roberts holds 33% of Versant’s controlling shares.
Business
Ties between California and Venezuela go back more than a century with Chevron
As a stunned world processes the U.S. government’s sudden intervention in Venezuela — debating its legality, guessing who the ultimate winners and losers will be — a company founded in California with deep ties to the Golden State could be among the prime beneficiaries.
Venezuela has the largest proven oil reserves on the planet. Chevron, the international petroleum conglomerate with a massive refinery in El Segundo and headquartered, until recently, in San Ramon, is the only foreign oil company that has continued operating there through decades of revolution.
Other major oil companies, including ConocoPhillips and Exxon Mobil, pulled out of Venezuela in 2007 when then-President Hugo Chávez required them to surrender majority ownership of their operations to the country’s state-controlled oil company, PDVSA.
But Chevron remained, playing the “long game,” according to industry analysts, hoping to someday resume reaping big profits from the investments the company started making there almost a century ago.
Looks like that bet might finally pay off.
In his news conference Saturday, after U.S. Special Forces snatched Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and his wife in Caracas and extradited them to face drug-trafficking charges in New York, President Trump said the U.S. would “run” Venezuela and open more of its massive oil reserves to American corporations.
“We’re going to have our very large U.S. oil companies, the biggest anywhere in the world, go in, spend billions of dollars, fix the badly broken infrastructure, the oil infrastructure, and start making money for the country,” Trump said during a news conference Saturday.
While oil industry analysts temper expectations by warning it could take years to start extracting significant profits given Venezuela’s long-neglected, dilapidated infrastructure, and everyday Venezuelans worry about the proceeds flowing out of the country and into the pockets of U.S. investors, there’s one group who could be forgiven for jumping with unreserved joy: Chevron insiders who championed the decision to remain in Venezuela all these years.
But the company’s official response to the stunning turn of events has been poker-faced.
“Chevron remains focused on the safety and well-being of our employees, as well as the integrity of our assets,” spokesman Bill Turenne emailed The Times on Sunday, the same statement the company sent to news outlets all weekend. “We continue to operate in full compliance with all relevant laws and regulations.”
Turenne did not respond to questions about the possible financial rewards for the company stemming from this weekend’s U.S. military action.
Chevron, which is a direct descendant of a small oil company founded in Southern California in the 1870s, has grown into a $300-billion global corporation. It was headquartered in San Ramon, just outside of San Francisco, until executives announced in August 2024 that they were fleeing high-cost California for Houston.
Texas’ relatively low taxes and light regulation have been a beacon for many California companies, and most of Chevron’s competitors are based there.
Chevron began exploring in Venezuela in the early 1920s, according to the company’s website, and ramped up operations after discovering the massive Boscan oil field in the 1940s. Over the decades, it grew into Venezuela’s largest foreign investor.
The company held on over the decades as Venezuela’s government moved steadily to the left; it began to nationalize the oil industry by creating a state-owned petroleum company in 1976, and then demanded majority ownership of foreign oil assets in 2007, under then-President Hugo Chávez.
Venezuela has the world’s largest proven crude oil reserves — meaning they’re economical to tap — about 303 billion barrels, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration.
But even with those massive reserves, Venezuela has been producing less than 1% of the world’s crude oil supply. Production has steadily declined from the 3.5 million barrels per day pumped in 1999 to just over 1 million barrels per day now.
Currently, Chevron’s operations in Venezuela employ about 3,000 people and produce between 250,000 and 300,000 barrels of oil per day, according to published reports.
That’s less than 10% of the roughly 3 million barrels the company produces from holdings scattered across the globe, from the Gulf of Mexico to Kazakhstan and Australia.
But some analysts are optimistic that Venezuela could double or triple its current output relatively quickly — which could lead to a windfall for Chevron.
The Associated Press contributed to this report.
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