Business
Column: Bowing to business and the right wing, the SEC issues a pathetically watered-down climate disclosure rule
Corporate managements nationwide undoubtedly breathed sighs of relief Wednesday, when the Securities and Exchange Commission approved a rule mandating their disclosures of greenhouse gas emissions and risks from global warming.
That’s because the rule is much weaker than its original version, which was first published in March 2022. The final version removed provisions requiring disclosure of some emissions produced by a company’s entire business chain and expanded exemptions for smaller companies.
But if managements think they’ll be able to avoid making more complete disclosures than the SEC is requiring, they have another think coming.
Far more investors are making investment decisions that are informed by climate risk, and far more companies are making disclosures about climate risk.
— SEC Chairman Gary Gensler
Shareholders are demanding more. So is the European Union, which has enacted rules requiring all companies with EU branches employing more than 250 workers, more than $42 million in European revenues or more than $21 million in capital assets to make the very disclosures that the SEC dropped from its mandate, starting in 2025.
More than 3,200 U.S. corporations are expected to become subject to the EU mandate.
Then there’s California, which last year enacted two laws requiring companies with annual revenues of more than $500 million and business activities in the state to disclose their climate-related economic risks; companies with revenues of more than $1 billion face more stringent requirements to report the full range of their emissions, similar to the EU mandate.
The U.S. Chamber of Commerce and several other business lobbying groups have already filed a federal lawsuit to overturn the California law, in which they estimate that the laws will cover 10,000 companies. (Rule of thumb: If the Chamber of Commerce is on one side of a lawsuit, you can rarely go wrong in assuming the public interest is on the other side.)
In any event, the laws have the support of numerous corporations with headquarters or sizable business interests in California, including Microsoft and Apple.
“We know that consistent, comparable, and reliable emissions data at scale is necessary to fully assess the global economy’s risk exposure and to navigate the path to a net-zero future,” Microsoft and 14 other businesses wrote in an Aug. 14 letter to state legislative leaders.
The state’s legislation, they wrote, “would break new ground on ambitious climate policy and would allow the largest economic actors to fully understand and mitigate their harmful greenhouse gas emissions.”
Meanwhile, 10 states with Republican political leaderships have signaled that they will sue to invalidate the SEC initiative, on the claim that the rule “exceeds the agency’s statutory authority.”
All this does more than hint at the headwinds the SEC faced in crafting its final disclosure rule. These included objections from many in the business community and conservative politicians pursuing their fatuous campaigns against ESG policies — environmental, social and governance — of corporations and investment firms.
The SEC’s Democratic majority, led by its chairman, Gary Gensler, also plainly harbored concerns about how its more expansive rule proposal might fare with a conservative federal judiciary, including a Supreme Court that seems to be searching for grounds to pare back the reach of federal regulatory agencies, if not invalidate their authority altogether.
Gensler observed after the commission vote that its goal was to provide for consistency in how companies report information that most are already compiling.
“Far more investors are making investment decisions that are informed by climate risk, and far more companies are making disclosures about climate risk,” he said. He didn’t specifically defend the SEC’s weakening of its initial proposal, except to say that the plan was revised “based upon public feedback.”
Let’s take a closer look at the issues and the political context.
First, here’s what the SEC’s rule encompasses.
At its core are disclosures about emissions of greenhouse gases, including carbon dioxide — emissions that trap heat within the Earth’s atmosphere, driving global temperatures higher. Global warming produces major changes in climatological manifestations — more storms of greater severity, droughts, melting ice producing a rise in sea levels, and so on.
Emissions fall into three general categories. Scope 1 emissions are those a company produces directly, say from its delivery trucks, boilers, refineries, manufacturing plants. Scope 2 emissions are those it produces indirectly, for example, from the power plants from which it purchases its electricity.
Scope 3 emissions are the most contentious. They’re produced by a company’s vendors when it orders supplies and consumers when they use its products. In general this is the largest category, accounting for 70% of total emissions for many businesses and as much as 90% for some. But they can be hard to define, calculate and manage.
The SEC originally contemplated requiring disclosures of all three categories. The final rule removed the Scope 3 reporting requirement entirely, and mandates reporting of Scope 1 and 2 emissions only when they have or are likely to have “a material impact on the registrant’s business strategy, results of operations, or financial condition.”
Those changes gratified some business organizations and their henchpersons in Congress, but disturbed environmental groups. Removing Scope 3 disclosures, said Danielle Fugere, president of the Berkeley-based environmental organization As You Sow, “creates a significant hole in shareholders’ understanding of climate risk.”
The fact is that full disclosure of these risks is something that regulators around the world, as well as shareholders and investors, have been demanding for years. Who’s against it? Head-in-the-sand Republicans and right-wing culture warriors, that’s who.
Hester Peirce, one of the two Republicans on the SEC, carried their ball into its meeting room. Weak as the final rule is, she wasn’t satisfied. As enacted, she groused in a statement Wednesday, the rule “still promises to spam investors with details about the Commission’s pet topic of the day — climate.”
That dismissal of global warming, an elemental threat to life on Earth, as a “pet topic” should tell you how fundamentally unserious GOP policymakers are about their responsibilities.
The anti-ESG cabal among state-level Republicans appears determined to undermine the interests of their own constituents, all for the sake of “owning the libs.”
Consider three states that have been among the leaders in banning investment firms from doing business with their governments because of the firms’ support for environmental policies: Texas, Florida and Louisiana.
Those are the three states that have led the nation in cumulative damage costs due to climate-related disasters from 1980 through 2022 — racking up expenses of $380 billion, $370 billion and $290 billion, respectively.
The general approach of disclosure critics has two threads. One is to pretend that the effects of global warming are irrelevant to the operations and the future of most businesses. The other is to assert that they’re too nebulous to calculate or, alternatively, that performing the calculations is just too burdensome.
Neither argument holds water.
I reported in 2021 that shareholders were already asking for more disclosures from managements about how their activities contribute to climate change, and more about how climate change will affect their destinies.
Fossil fuel companies weren’t the only targets of shareholder resolutions on these topics — they also appeared on the agendas of annual meetings of manufacturers, retailers, banks and many others.
In 2023, shareholder resolutions demanding climate and environmental disclosures dominated the proxy season with 146 filed, according to the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility, which tracks ESG issues. Many won plurality support, but more than half dealing with climate were withdrawn after managements made commitments to their sponsors to meet their disclosure goals.
Investment watchdogs are on the case. Fitch Ratings, which analyzes corporate creditworthiness, says that as many as 20% of the 1,650 corporations it studied might face ratings downgrades due to their “climate vulnerabilities if such risks are not mitigated” by 2035. BlackRock, the world’s largest asset management firm, has said it’s not backing off from pushing corporations to disclose how they address climate-related risks.
The U.S. government’s National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration identified 28 weather- and climate-related disasters costing $1 billion or more in 2023, including a drought, four floods, 22 severe storms and a wildfire.
2023 brought a record number of weather- and climate-related disasters costing more than $1 billion each to the U.S., with a toll of 492 deaths and damage of more than $90 billion.
(NOAA)
That was the highest number recorded since NOAA began taking count in 1980 and the ninth consecutive year in which 10 or more billion-dollar weather or climate disasters struck the U.S.
NOAA’s initial estimate is that the 2023 disasters cost more than $90 billion, but it’s certain to rise, since the ultimate price tag of the 18 disasters reported in 2022 came to more than $165 billion. The disasters took 492 lives.
To put it another way, any management of a large business in the U.S. that thinks it can evade the costs of global warming is living in a dream world.
Global warming deniers in business and politics persist in treating the climate crisis as merely a ginned-up topic of debate. That’s the gist of the business lobby’s lawsuit over the California laws.
The lawsuit treats the laws, bizarrely, as infringements on companies’ 1st Amendment rights. The state, the plaintiffs assert, is forcing “thousands of companies to engage in controversial speech that they do not wish to make” — speech they say is “political, and thus controversial.”
This is absurd on its face — tantamount to Donald Trump’s claim that by urging his followers to march to the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, he was just exercising his right to free speech.
This would allow any mandated disclosure to be reduced to a free-speech violation — after all, any such disclosure must be expressed as a series of words.
The courts, including the Supreme Court, have generally rejected assertions that mandated disclosures violate the 1st Amendment when the disclosures serve a legitimate government interest, such as protecting investors from fraudulent claims, or providing investors with important information — for example, the level of emissions by a public corporation or its potential exposure to global warming.
In this case, the business lobbies stretch to the breaking point their description of the state’s mandated emission disclosures as mere speech. They also assert that the state’s purpose is merely to “fuel pressure campaigns against business.”
They can’t make that claim stick with a straight face, so they misrepresent the laws. Here’s how they quote a state Senate analysis of one of the statutes: “‘For companies, the knowledge’ that their compelled statements ‘will be publicly available might encourage them to take meaningful steps’ to support the policy goals of the state.”
That’s a flagrant misquotation. Here’s what the analysis actually said: “For companies, the knowledge that their emissions will be publicly available might encourage them to take meaningful steps to reduce GHG emissions.” The words and phrases that the plaintiffs replaced with their own tendentious language are in italics.
It’s not the “compelled statements” that will be publicly available, but the actual level of their emissions. If the result is “pressure campaigns” aimed at prompting the companies to be cleaner, what’s wrong with that?
As for the state’s “policy goals,” the laws aren’t aimed at supporting a goal cherished by the liberal legislators of California, as the plaintiffs want you to think, but the national and international goal of reducing greenhouse gases.
None of this is to say that the Chamber of Commerce and its fellow lobbies won’t prevail in court. But it’s proper to note that when the best arguments they muster are based on lies and misrepresentations, they might not have many other arrows in their quiver.
Business
Commentary: The Pentagon is demanding to use Claude AI as it pleases. Claude told me that’s ‘dangerous’
Recently, I asked Claude, an artificial-intelligence thingy at the center of a standoff with the Pentagon, if it could be dangerous in the wrong hands.
Say, for example, hands that wanted to put a tight net of surveillance around every American citizen, monitoring our lives in real time to ensure our compliance with government.
“Yes. Honestly, yes,” Claude replied. “I can process and synthesize enormous amounts of information very quickly. That’s great for research. But hooked into surveillance infrastructure, that same capability could be used to monitor, profile and flag people at a scale no human analyst could match. The danger isn’t that I’d want to do that — it’s that I’d be good at it.”
That danger is also imminent.
Claude’s maker, the Silicon Valley company Anthropic, is in a showdown over ethics with the Pentagon. Specifically, Anthropic has said it does not want Claude to be used for either domestic surveillance of Americans, or to handle deadly military operations, such as drone attacks, without human supervision.
Those are two red lines that seem rather reasonable, even to Claude.
However, the Pentagon — specifically Pete Hegseth, our secretary of Defense who prefers the made-up title of secretary of war — has given Anthropic until Friday evening to back off of that position, and allow the military to use Claude for any “lawful” purpose it sees fit.
Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, center, arrives for the State of the Union address in the House Chamber of the U.S. Capitol on Tuesday.
(Tom Williams / CQ-Roll Call Inc. via Getty Images)
The or-else attached to this ultimatum is big. The U.S. government is threatening not just to cut its contract with Anthropic, but to perhaps use a wartime law to force the company to comply or use another legal avenue to prevent any company that does business with the government from also doing business with Anthropic. That might not be a death sentence, but it’s pretty crippling.
Other AI companies, such as white rights’ advocate Elon Musk’s Grok, have already agreed to the Pentagon’s do-as-you-please proposal. The problem is, Claude is the only AI currently cleared for such high-level work. The whole fiasco came to light after our recent raid in Venezuela, when Anthropic reportedly inquired after the fact if another Silicon Valley company involved in the operation, Palantir, had used Claude. It had.
Palantir is known, among other things, for its surveillance technologies and growing association with Immigration and Customs Enforcement. It’s also at the center of an effort by the Trump administration to share government data across departments about individual citizens, effectively breaking down privacy and security barriers that have existed for decades. The company’s founder, the right-wing political heavyweight Peter Thiel, often gives lectures about the Antichrist and is credited with helping JD Vance wiggle into his vice presidential role.
Anthropic’s co-founder, Dario Amodei, could be considered the anti-Thiel. He began Anthropic because he believed that artificial intelligence could be just as dangerous as it could be powerful if we aren’t careful, and wanted a company that would prioritize the careful part.
Again, seems like common sense, but Amodei and Anthropic are the outliers in an industry that has long argued that nearly all safety regulations hamper American efforts to be fastest and best at artificial intelligence (although even they have conceded some to this pressure).
Not long ago, Amodei wrote an essay in which he agreed that AI was beneficial and necessary for democracies, but “we cannot ignore the potential for abuse of these technologies by democratic governments themselves.”
He warned that a few bad actors could have the ability to circumvent safeguards, maybe even laws, which are already eroding in some democracies — not that I’m naming any here.
“We should arm democracies with AI,” he said. “But we should do so carefully and within limits: they are the immune system we need to fight autocracies, but like the immune system, there is some risk of them turning on us and becoming a threat themselves.”
For example, while the 4th Amendment technically bars the government from mass surveillance, it was written before Claude was even imagined in science fiction. Amodei warns that an AI tool like Claude could “conduct massively scaled recordings of all public conversations.” This could be fair game territory for legally recording because law has not kept pace with technology.
Emil Michael, the undersecretary of war, wrote on X Thursday that he agreed mass surveillance was unlawful, and the Department of Defense “would never do it.” But also, “We won’t have any BigTech company decide Americans’ civil liberties.”
Kind of a weird statement, since Amodei is basically on the side of protecting civil rights, which means the Department of Defense is arguing it’s bad for private people and entities to do that? And also, isn’t the Department of Homeland Security already creating some secretive database of immigration protesters? So maybe the worry isn’t that exaggerated?
Help, Claude! Make it make sense.
If that Orwellian logic isn’t alarming enough, I also asked Claude about the other red line Anthropic holds — the possibility of allowing it to run deadly operations without human oversight.
Claude pointed out something chilling. It’s not that it would go rogue, it’s that it would be too efficient and fast.
“If the instructions are ‘identify and target’ and there’s no human checkpoint, the speed and scale at which that could operate is genuinely frightening,” Claude informed me.
Just to top that with a cherry, a recent study found that in war games, AI’s escalated to nuclear options 95% of the time.
I pointed out to Claude that these military decisions are usually made with loyalty to America as the highest priority. Could Claude be trusted to feel that loyalty, the patriotism and purpose, that our human soldiers are guided by?
“I don’t have that,” Claude said, pointing out that it wasn’t “born” in the U.S., doesn’t have a “life” here and doesn’t “have people I love there.” So an American life has no greater value than “a civilian life on the other side of a conflict.”
OK then.
“A country entrusting lethal decisions to a system that doesn’t share its loyalties is taking a profound risk, even if that system is trying to be principled,” Claude added. “The loyalty, accountability and shared identity that humans bring to those decisions is part of what makes them legitimate within a society. I can’t provide that legitimacy. I’m not sure any AI can.”
You know who can provide that legitimacy? Our elected leaders.
It is ludicrous that Amodei and Anthropic are in this position, a complete abdication on the part of our legislative bodies to create rules and regulations that are clearly and urgently needed.
Of course corporations shouldn’t be making the rules of war. But neither should Hegseth. Thursday, Amodei doubled down on his objections, saying that while the company continues to negotiate and wants to work with the Pentagon, “we cannot in good conscience accede to their request.”
Thank goodness Anthropic has the courage and foresight to raise the issue and hold its ground — without its pushback, these capabilities would have been handed to the government with barely a ripple in our conscientiousness and virtually no oversight.
Every senator, every House member, every presidential candidate should be screaming for AI regulation right now, pledging to get it done without regard to party, and demanding the Department of Defense back off its ridiculous threat while the issue is hashed out.
Because when the machine tells us it’s dangerous to trust it, we should believe it.
Business
Why companies are making this change to their office space to cater to influencers
For the trendiest tenants in Hollywood office buildings, it’s the latest fad that goes way beyond designer furniture and art: mini studios
To capitalize on the never-ending flow of stars and influencers who come through Los Angeles, a growing number of companies are building bright little corners for content creators to try products and shoot short videos. Athletic apparel maker Puma, Kim Kardashian’s Skims and cheeky cosmetics retailer e.l.f. have spaces specifically designed to give people a place to experience and broadcast about their brands.
Hollywood, which hasn’t historically been home to apparel companies, is now attracting the offices of fashion retailers, says CIM Group, one of the neighborhood’s largest commercial property landlords.
“When we’re touring a space, one of the first items they bring up is, ‘Where can I build a studio?’” said Blake Eckert, who leases CIM offices in L.A.
Their studio offices also serve as marketing centers, with showrooms and meeting spaces where brands can host proprietary events not open to the public.
“For companies where brand visibility is really important, there is a trend of creating spaces that don’t just function as offices,” said real estate broker Nicole Mihalka of CBRE, who puts together entertainment property leases and sales.
Puma’s global entertainment marketing team is based in its new Hollywood offices, which works with such musical celebrity partners as Rihanna, ASAP Rocky, Dua Lipa, Skepta and Rosé, said Allyssa Rapp, head of Puma Studio L.A.
Allyssa Rapp, director of entertainment marketing at Puma, is shown in the Puma Studio L.A. The company keeps a closet full of Puma products on hand to give VIP guests. Visits to the studio sanctum are by invitation only, though.
(Kayla Bartkowski / Los Angeles Times)
Hollywood is a central location, she said, for meeting with celebrities, stylists and outside designers, most of whom are based in Los Angeles.
The office is a “creation hub,” she said, where influencers can record Puma’s design prototyping lab supported by libraries of materials and equipment used to create Puma apparel. The company, founded in 1948, is known for its emblematic sneakers such as the Speedcat and its lunging feline logo, and makes athletic wear, accessories and equipment.
Puma’s entertainment marketing team also occupies the office and sometimes uses it for exclusive events.
“We use the space as a showroom, as a social space that transforms from a traditional workplace into more of an experiential space,” Rapp said.
Nontraditional uses include content creation, sit-down dinners, product launches, album listening parties and workshops.
“Inviting people into our space and being able to give them high-touch brand experiences is something tangible and important for them,” she said. “The cultural layer is really important for us.”
The company keeps a closet full of Puma products on hand to give VIP guests. Visits to the studio sanctum are by invitation only, though. There’s no retail portal to the exclusive Hollywood offices.
Puma shoes are on display in the Puma Studio L.A.
(Kayla Bartkowski / Los Angeles Times)
Puma is also positioning its L.A studio as a connection point for major upcoming sporting events coming to Los Angeles, including the World Cup this summer, the 2027 Super Bowl and 2028 Olympics.
In-office studios don’t need to be big to be impactful, Mihalka said. “These are smaller stages, closer to green screen than a massive soundstage.”
Social media is the key driver of content created by most businesses, which may set up small booth-like stages where influencers can hawk hot products while offering discounts to people watching them perform.
Bigger, elevated stages can accommodate multiple performers for extended discussions in front of small audiences, with towering screens behind them to set the mood or illustrate products.
Among the tricked-out offices, she said, is Skims. The company, which is valued at $5 billion, is based in a glass-and-steel office building near the fabled intersection of Hollywood Boulevard and Vine Street.
The fashion retailer declined to comment on the studio uses in its headquarters, but according to architecture firm Odaa, it has open and private offices, meeting rooms, collaboration zones, photo studios, sample libraries, prototype showrooms, an executive lounge and a commissary for 400 people.
Pieces of a shoe sit on a workbench in the Puma Studio L.A.
(Kayla Bartkowski / Los Angeles Times)
The brands building studios typically want to find the darkest spot on the premises to put their content creation or podcast spaces, Eckert said, where they can limit outside light and sound. That’s commonly near the center of the office floor, far from windows and close to permanent shear walls that limit sound intrusion.
They also need space for green rooms and restrooms dedicated to the talent.
Spotify recently built a fancy podcast studio in a CIM office building on trendy Sycamore Avenue that is open by invitation-only to video creators in Spotify’s partner program.
“Ambitious shows need spaces that support big ideas,” Bill Simmons, head of talk strategy at Spotify, said in a statement. “These studios give teams room to experiment and keep pushing what’s possible.”
Business
A new delivery bot is coming to L.A., built stronger to survive in these streets
The rolling robots that deliver groceries and hot meals across Los Angeles are getting an upgrade.
Coco Robotics, a UCLA-born startup that’s deployed more than 1,000 bots across the country, unveiled its next-generation machines on Thursday.
The new robots are bigger, tougher and better equipped for autonomy than their predecessors. The company will use them to expand into new markets and increase its presence in Los Angeles, where it makes deliveries through a partnership with DoorDash.
Dubbed Coco 2, the next-gen bots have upgraded cameras and front-facing lidar, a laser-based sensor used in self-driving cars. They will use hardware built by Nvidia, the Santa Clara-based artificial intelligence chip giant.
Coco co-founder and chief executive Zach Rash said Coco 2 will be able to make deliveries even in conditions unsafe for human drivers. The robot is fully submersible in case of flooding and is compatible with special snow tires.
Zach Rash, co-founder and CEO of Coco, opens the top of the new Coco 2 (Next-Gen) at the Coco Robotics headquarters in Venice.
(Kayla Bartkowski/Los Angeles Times)
Early this month, a cute Coco was recorded struggling through flooded roads in L.A.
“She’s doing her best!” said the person recording the video. “She is doing her best, you guys.”
Instagram followers cheered the bot on, with one posting, “Go coco, go,” and others calling for someone to help the robot.
“We want it to have a lot more reliability in the most extreme conditions where it’s either unsafe or uncomfortable for human drivers to be on the road,” Rash said. “Those are the exact times where everyone wants to order.”
The company will ramp up mass production of Coco 2 this summer, Rash said, aiming to produce 1,000 bots each month.
The design is sleek and simple, with a pink-and-white ombré paint job, the company’s name printed in lowercase, and a keypad for loading and unloading the cargo area. The robots have four wheels and a bigger internal compartment for carrying food and goods .
Many of the bots will be used for expansion into new markets across Europe and Asia, but they will also hit the streets in Los Angeles and operate alongside the older Coco bots.
Coco has about 300 bots in Los Angeles already, serving customers from Santa Monica and Venice to Westwood, Mid-City, West Hollywood, Hollywood, Echo Park, Silver Lake, downtown, Koreatown and the USC area.
The new Coco 2 (Next-Gen) drives along the sidewalk at the Coco Robotics headquarters in Venice.
(Kayla Bartkowski/Los Angeles Times)
The company is in discussion with officials in Culver City, Long Beach and Pasadena about bringing autonomous delivery to those communities.
There’s also been demand for the bots in Studio City, Burbank and the San Fernando Valley, according to Rash.
“A lot of the markets that we go into have been telling us they can’t hire enough people to do the deliveries and to continue to grow at the pace that customers want,” Rash said. “There’s quite a lot of area in Los Angeles that we can still cover.”
The bots already operate in Chicago, Miami and Helsinki, Finland. Last month, they arrived in Jersey City, N.J.
Late last year, Coco announced a partnership with DashMart, DoorDash’s delivery-only online store. The partnership allows Coco bots to deliver fresh groceries, electronics and household essentials as well as hot prepared meals.
With the release of Coco 2, the company is eyeing faster deliveries using bike lanes and road shoulders as opposed to just sidewalks, in cities where it’s safe to do so. Coco 2 can adapt more quickly to new environments and physical obstacles, the company said.
Zach Rash, co-founder and CEO of Coco.
(Kayla Bartkowski/Los Angeles Times)
Coco 2 is designed to operate autonomously, but there will still be human oversight in case the robot runs into trouble, Rash said. Damaged sidewalks or unexpected construction can stop a bot in its tracks.
The need for human supervision has created a new field of jobs for Angelenos.
Though there have been reports of pedestrians bullying the robots by knocking them over or blocking their path, Rash said the community response has been overall positive. The bots are meant to inspire affection.
“One of the design principles on the color and the name and a lot of the branding was to feel warm and friendly to people,” Rash said.
Coco plans to add thousands of bots to its fleet this year. The delivery service got its start as a dorm room project in 2020, when Rash was a student at UCLA. He co-founded the company with fellow student Brad Squicciarini.
The Santa Monica-based company has completed more than 500,000 zero-emission deliveries and its bots have collectively traveled around 1 million miles.
Coco chooses neighborhoods to deploy its bots based on density, prioritizing areas with restaurants clustered together and short delivery distances as well as places where parking is difficult.
The robots can relieve congestion by taking cars and motorbikes off the roads. Rash said there is so much demand for delivery services that the company’s bots are not taking jobs from human drivers.
Instead, Coco can fill gaps in the delivery market while saving merchants money and improving the safety of city streets.
“This vehicle is inherently a lot safer for communities than a car,” Rash said. “We believe our vehicles can operate the highest quality of service and we can do it at the lowest price point.”
-
World4 days agoExclusive: DeepSeek withholds latest AI model from US chipmakers including Nvidia, sources say
-
Massachusetts4 days agoMother and daughter injured in Taunton house explosion
-
Montana1 week ago2026 MHSA Montana Wrestling State Championship Brackets And Results – FloWrestling
-
Denver, CO4 days ago10 acres charred, 5 injured in Thornton grass fire, evacuation orders lifted
-
Louisiana7 days agoWildfire near Gum Swamp Road in Livingston Parish now under control; more than 200 acres burned
-
Technology1 week agoYouTube TV billing scam emails are hitting inboxes
-
Technology1 week agoStellantis is in a crisis of its own making
-
Politics1 week agoOpenAI didn’t contact police despite employees flagging mass shooter’s concerning chatbot interactions: REPORT