Business
Changing tastes, cheap imports and a looming Canadian boycott. A 'perfect storm' for California's wine industry
Just as uncontrollable financial, demographic and other forces have wreaked havoc in Hollywood, California’s wine industry is now reeling from epochal stresses that are grinding down yet another mainstay of the state’s economy.
The aging of baby boomers who long served as the industry’s mainstay, changing tastes among young consumers, a flood of cheaper foreign wine, a surplus of U.S. products and new medical warnings against alcohol are shaking a once seemingly impregnable business to its core. Then there’s the threat of Trump tariffs and retaliatory duties — even an outright boycott by Canada, California wine’s largest export market.
“We’re really hit by a perfect storm of crisis today,” says Natalie Collins, president of the California Assn. of Winegrape Growers.
After nearly three decades of annual growth, U.S. wine sales and shipments have fallen into a prolonged slump.
Gone are the days when international acclaim for Napa and other California products seemed to promise an endlessly bright future. Now, thousands of grape vines are being destroyed because there’s no market for their grapes.
There was a brief reprieve when COVID’s stuck-at-home consumers flocked to wine clubs and sparked online buying binges. Tasting rooms that once entertained masses of customers are now struggling to survive. Those good times seem to be fading fast.
And looking beyond its present woes, the industry faces tectonic shifts in demographics that suggest a potentially irreversible industry failure to market its products and build a new generation of customers. Lower-priced wines are doing particularly badly as young adults favor craft beers, seltzers, kombucha, ciders and other flavored beverages with little or no alcohol.
Meanwhile, medical research is turning against the old idea that moderate consumption of alcohol, especially wine, might actually offer health benefits. Instead, some experts now say even the smallest amounts of alcohol consumption are potentially dangerous.
At the same time, wine producers in California and across the country are battling a surge of imports, not just from Old World stalwarts such as Italy and France, but from newer players such as New Zealand, Argentina and Chile.
These imports have had an especially big impact on grape growers in the Central Valley, which specializes in producing grapes for inexpensive wines — those under $11 a bottle. American consumers can typically find better quality foreign wines at that price range, thanks in part to government support that the U.S. industry lacks. What’s more, some imports are blended with domestically produced wine and sold as American appellation wine.
California accounts for about 85% of wines produced in the United States. Thousands of grape growers and wineries, many of them small and generations-old, dot the state from Mendocino to Riverside. The Wine Institute says the industry supports employment for more than 420,000 Californians and generates $73 billion in economic impact to the state.
U.S. wine shipments by volume last year fell 4.2% from 2023 and were down 11.3% from five years earlier, according to Jon Moramarco, a UC Davis enology graduate and managing partner of bw166, an alcohol beverage research firm. Wine as a share of all alcoholic beverage served in the U.S. dropped to 16.4% last year, from 18.2% in 2018, he said.
The parallels with Hollywood’s current troubles are striking. In the case of the entertainment industry, likewise a mainstay of the state and Los Angeles economies, shifting tastes among younger customers — supercharged by streaming and dramatic new technologies — have undercut the very foundations of the industry.
And cheaper, often foreign venues for production have inflicted heavy blows on in-state operations, causing substantial job losses.
In California’s wine country, mechanization means grapes are now mostly picked by machines. But the bigger problem today is that about half of all the wineries in the state are experiencing negative growth, including the biggest names in the business: Gallo, the Wine Group and Constellation.
In fact, a key industry measure of sales for the eight largest wineries in the U.S. — which account for the majority of domestic shipments — was minus 3.9% in 2023, according to the latest annual wine report from Silicon Valley Bank, which has about 500 West Coast winery clients.
Modesto-based E. & J. Gallo Winery, by far the industry’s largest, is — like most others — privately held and declined to comment. But financial reports filed by Constellation and a handful of other publicly-traded wineries suggest the industry’s sales decline deepened last year. Wholesalers and distributors continue to draw down bloated inventories.
Rob McMillan, Silicon Valley Bank’s executive vice president and wine expert, says it may be several years before the industry starts to grow again. “We’ve built to over-produce; we’ve got to balance that out,” he said.
Other major wine-drinking countries face similarly strong demographic headwinds, but the U.S. is the biggest wine market in the world and is struggling more than most. Although the premium wine side is doing relatively better, the entire industry, from wineries to distributors to retailers, is adjusting to the new reality.
California winegrape farmers have been especially hard-hit. Growers had planned to harvest about 3.2 million tons of grapes last year, but the actual amount of grapes bought and crushed for wine was 2.8 million, the lowest in 20 years, according to data from the U.S. Department of Agriculture.
That means about 400,000 tons of winegrapes were left on the vines to rot, much of that in Lodi in the upper San Joaquin Valley, home to vast acreages of high-production grapes for cheaper wine that are more susceptible to import competition.
Craig Ledbetter, a third generation farmer who owns and manages about 18,000 acres of winegrapes from Mendocino to Santa Barbara, says he left more than 10% of the grapes in Lodi unpicked last year. He also ripped out several hundred acres of vineyards in Lodi and elsewhere, permanently removing them from production, while also planting more pistachios.
“We see the writing on the wall,” he said.
Since 2019, Ledbetter’s Vino Farms has cut about 10% of its workforce, now at about 300. That’s better than most. Statewide, employment at grape vineyards is down 26% from 2019, according to California’s Employment Development Department.
Over that same period, the number of winegrape-growing establishments in California dropped 13% to 1,244, although there are thousands of more tiny grape farms and vintners operating in the state, many of them hobbyists.
Ledbetter remembers when everything was on wine’s side: There was the so-called Judgment of Paris in 1976 when French oenophiles, in blind tasting, chose Napa as tops for both red and white wines. And into the 1990s, studies were reporting how a glass of wine a day was good for the brain, the heart and longevity.
The big baby boom generation was converted, and from the early 1990s up to the late 2010s, the U.S. wine industry was growing on average 3.5% a year, triple the rate of all alcoholic drinks, says Moramarco of bw166.
But in more recent years, the World Health Organization and other groups have been practically railing against alcohol consumption, publicizing it as toxic and a leading cause of disease.
The youngest of the baby boomers are now in their early 60s, the peak age of wine preference, surveys show. And as people get into their 70s, they drink significantly less alcohol.
According to Gallup, over the past two years, the share of adults who believe that moderate consumption of alcohol is not healthy has increased from 30% to 45%, driven by people under 30.
Ledbetter thinks part of wine’s decline has to do with changing social norms. Growing up, he remembers wine being served regularly at family meals. “We don’t have family dinners, so wine isn’t on the table,” he said.
He and other growers in Lodi blame imports for a lot of their financial problems. The value of foreign wine coming into the U.S. has jumped 60% since 2010 to $7.1 billion last year, with imports of sparkling wines like prosecco from Italy nearly tripling to $1.8 billion over that period, according to Census Bureau data.
By comparison, U.S. wine exports have changed little in the last 15 years; the total value was $1.25 billion last year, with almost half going to Canada and the United Kingdom.
The strong dollar which makes U.S. goods more expensive abroad is one factor, but foreign governments provide subsidies and a lot more support to their wineries.
Unlike Hollywood, which gets millions of state tax credits for local filming shoots, just about the only thing U.S. wineries can bank on are excise tax rebates for imports in proportion to what they export. This program helps big wineries and may even encourage them to buy some more imports, but it’s at the expense of state-produced winegrapes, driving down prices and helping create a glut of unwanted fruit on the vines.
“There’s no defense of this,” says Stuart Spencer, executive director of the Lodi Winegrape Commission, which represents more than 750 winegrape growers.
The prospect of higher tariffs on imports from the new Trump administration could narrow the trade deficit in wines, but analysts warn of retaliatory tariffs from Canada and other countries, which will hurt American wine exporters, as well as increase costs for all domestic producers, even for things like corks and bottles.
“It’s not a clear-cut plus. The industry is worried about knock-on effects,” says Terry Lease, professor of wine business at Cal Poly San Luis Obispo. Besides, tariffs don’t address the underlying problem of weak demand.
After decades of growing much faster than beer and spirits, wine now lags behind. In its 2024 fiscal year, Constellation Brands, which includes Modelo beer and Robert Mondavi wines, reported that its total beer sales jumped 9% while its wine segment fell 10%.
Health concerns of wine’s higher alcohol content is one factor, but so is its relatively higher price compared with other alcoholic drinks. The average price of a typical bottle of wine rose 8% just in the last year, to about $19.19. Beer prices rose by 4.6% and spirits actually dropped, according to bw166 data on beverages bought at grocers, liquor stores and other off-site premises.
The wine industry is starting to do more to try to attract younger customers. Ledbetter’s Avivo winery in Sonoma County, for example, is devoting more acres to regenerative farming and producing organic wines that use less brix, or sugar, to bring down the alcohol content.
“The younger generation — they want to know what’s in the fruit, what they’re drinking, is it better for the environment?” said Ledbetter.
Silicon Valley Bank’s McMillan agreed: “We don’t present wine as natural, plant-based, non-GMO. We don’t print calories on the bottle. People believe wine has more sugar than other drinks. That’s not true, a lot of it is fermented out. Most wines are dry.”
It’s not just changing the messaging, but doing more of it. “We just haven’t done much in advertising, it’s our fault,” said McMillan, noting that the beer and spirits industry spends 10 times more on advertising.
“It’s almost like the wine industry thought the anti-alcohol movement had lost its steps and was going away,” he said. “We thought we didn’t need to advertise, didn’t have to promote wine. We became self-absorbed.”
Business
Nike to Cut 1,400 Jobs as Part of Its Turnaround Plan
Nike is cutting about 1,400 jobs in its operations division, mostly from its technology department, the company said Thursday.
In a note to employees, Venkatesh Alagirisamy, the chief operating officer of Nike, said that management was nearly done reorganizing the business for its turnaround plan, and that the goal was to operate with “more speed, simplicity and precision.”
“This is not a new direction,” Mr. Alagirisamy told employees. “It is the next phase of the work already underway.”
Nike, the world’s largest sportswear company, is trying to recover after missteps led to a prolonged sales slump, in which the brand leaned into lifestyle products and away from performance shoes and apparel. Elliott Hill, the chief executive, has worked to realign the company around sports and speed up product development to create more breakthrough innovations.
In March, Nike told investors that it expected sales to fall this year, with growth in North America offset by poor performance in Asia, where the brand is struggling to rejuvenate sales in China. Executives said at the time that more volatility brought on by the war in the Middle East and rising oil prices might continue to affect its business.
The reorganization has involved cuts across many parts of the organization, including at its headquarters in Beaverton, Ore. Nike slashed some corporate staff last year and eliminated nearly 800 jobs at distribution centers in January.
“You never want to have to go through any sort of layoffs, but to re-center the company, we’re doing some of that,” Mr. Hill said in an interview earlier this year.
Mr. Alagirisamy told employees that Nike was reshaping its technology team and centering employees at its headquarters and a tech center in Bengaluru, India. The layoffs will affect workers across North America, Europe and Asia.
The cuts will also affect staffing in Nike’s factories for Air, the company’s proprietary cushioning system. Employees who work on the supply chain for raw materials will also experience changes as staff is integrated into footwear and apparel teams.
Nike’s Converse brand, which has struggled for years to revive sales, will move some of its engineering resources closer to the factories they support, the company said.
Mr. Alagirisamy said the moves were necessary to optimize Nike’s supply chain, deploy technology faster and bolster relationships with suppliers.
Business
Senate committee kills bill mandating insurance coverage for wildfire safe homes
A bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to homeowners who take steps to reduce wildfire risk on their property died in the Legislature.
The Senate Insurance Committee on Monday voted down the measure, SB 1076, one of the most ambitious bills spurred by the devastating January 2025 wildfires.
The vote came despite fire victims and others rallying at the state Capitol in support of the measure, authored by state Sen. Sasha Renée Pérez (D-Pasadena), whose district includes the Eaton fire zone.
The Insurance Coverage for Fire-Safe Homes Act originally would have required insurers to offer and renew coverage for any home that meets wildfire-safety standards adopted by the insurance commissioner starting Jan. 1, 2028.
It also threatened insurers with a five-year ban from the sale of home or auto insurance if they did not comply, though it allowed for exceptions.
However, faced with strong opposition from the insurance industry, Pérez had agreed to amend the bill so it would have established community-wide pilot projects across the state to better understand the most effective way to limit property and insurance losses from wildfires.
Insurers would have had to offer four years of coverage to homeowners in successful pilot projects.
Denni Ritter, a vice president of the American Property Casualty Insurance Assn., told the committee that her trade group opposed the bill.
“While we appreciate the intent behind those conversations, those concepts do not remove our opposition, because they retain the same core flaw — substituting underwriting judgment and solvency safeguards with a statutory mandate to accept risk,” she said.
In voting against the bill Sen. Laura Richardson, (D-San Pedro), said: “Last I heard, in the United States, we don’t require any company to do anything. That’s the difference between capitalism and communism, frankly.”
The remarks against the measure prompted committee Chair Sen. Steve Padilla, (D-Chula Vista), to chastise committee members in opposition.
“I’m a little perturbed, and I’m a little disappointed, because you have someone who is trying to work with industry, who is trying to get facts and data,” he said.
Monday’s vote was the fourth time a bill that would have required insurers to offer coverage to so-called “fire hardened” homes failed in the Legislature since 2020, according to an analysis by insurance committee staff.
Fire hardening includes measures such as cutting back brush, installing fire resistant roofs and closing eaves to resist fire embers.
Pérez’s legislation was thought to have a better chance of passage because it followed the most catastrophic wildfires in U.S. history, which damaged or destroyed more than 18,000 structures and killed 31 people.
The bill was co-sponsored by the Los Angeles advocacy group Consumer Watchdog and Every Fire Survivor’s Network, a community group founded in Altadena after the fires formerly called the Eaton Fire Survivors Network.
But it also had broad support from groups such as the California Apartment Association, the California Nurses Association and California Environmental Voters.
Leading up to the fires, many insurers, citing heightened fire risk, had dropped policyholders in fire-prone neighorhoods. That forced them onto the California FAIR Plan, the state’s insurer of last resort, which offers limited but costly policies.
A Times analysis found that that in the Palisades and Eaton fire zones, the FAIR Plan’s rolls from 2020 to 2024 nearly doubled from 14,272 to 28,440. Mandating coverage has been seen as a way of reducing FAIR Plan enrollment.
“I’m disappointed this bill died in committee. Fire survivors deserved better,” Pérez said in a statement .
Also failing Monday in the committee was SB 982, a bill authored by Sen. Scott Wiener, (D-San Francisco). It would have authorized California’s attorney general to sue fossil fuel companies to recover losses from climate-induced disasters. It was opposed by the oil and gas industry.
Passing the committee were two other Pérez bills. SB 877 requires insurers to provide more transparency in the claims process. SB 878 imposes a penalty on insurers who don’t make claims payments on time.
Another bill, SB 1301, authored by insurance commissioner candidate Sen. Ben Allen, (D-Pacific Palisades), also passed. It protects policyholders from unexplained and abrupt policy non-renewals.
Business
How We Cover the White House Correspondents’ Dinner
Times Insider explains who we are and what we do, and delivers behind-the-scenes insights into how our journalism comes together.
Politicians in Washington and the reporters who cover them have an often adversarial relationship.
But on the last Saturday in April, they gather for an irreverent celebration of press freedom and the First Amendment at the Washington Hilton Hotel: The White House Correspondents’ Association dinner.
Hosted by the association, an organization that helps ensure access for media outlets covering the presidency, the dinner attracts Hollywood stars; politicians from both parties; and representatives of more than 100 networks, newspapers, magazines and wire services.
While The Times will have two reporters in the ballroom covering the event, the company no longer buys seats at the party, said Richard W. Stevenson, the Washington bureau chief. The decision goes back almost two decades; the last dinner The Times attended as an organization was in 2007.
“We made a judgment back then that the event had become too celebrity-focused and was undercutting our need to demonstrate to readers that we always seek to maintain a proper distance from the people we cover, many of whom attend as guests,” he said.
It’s a decision, he added, that “we have stuck by through both Republican and Democratic administrations, although we support the work of the White House Correspondents’ Association.”
Susan Wessling, The Times’s Standards editor, said the policy is a product of the organization’s desire to maintain editorial independence.
“We don’t want to leave readers with any questions about our independence and credibility by seeming to be overly friendly with people whose words and actions we need to report on,” she said.
The celebrity mentalist Oz Pearlman is headlining the evening, in lieu of the usual comedy set by the likes of Stephen Colbert and Hasan Minhaj, but all eyes will be on President Trump, who will make his first appearance at the dinner as president.
Mr. Trump has boycotted the event since 2011, when he was the butt of punchlines delivered by President Barack Obama and the talk show host Seth Meyers mocking his hair, his reality TV show and his preoccupation with the “birther” movement.
Last month, though, Mr. Trump, who has a contentious relationship with the media, announced his intention to attend this year’s dinner, where he will speak to a room full of the same reporters he often derides as “enemies of the people.”
Times reporters will be there to document the highs, the lows and the reactions in the room. A reporter for the Styles desk has also been assigned to cover the robust roster of after-parties around Washington.
Some off-duty reporters from The Times will also be present at this late-night circuit, though everyone remains cognizant of their roles, said Patrick Healy, The Times’s assistant managing editor for Standards and Trust.
“If they’re reporting, there’s a notebook or recorder out as usual,” he said. “If they’re not, they’re pros who know they’re always identifiable as Times journalists.”
For most of The Times’s reporters and editors, though, the evening will be experienced from home.
“The rest of us will be able to follow the coverage,” Mr. Stevenson said, “without having to don our tuxes or gowns.”
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