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Video: Welcome to the Neighborhood. It’s Sinking.

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Video: Welcome to the Neighborhood. It’s Sinking.

“OK, don’t step into the actual fissure. We don’t actually know how deep it goes.” In 2024, Eilen Stewart bought a house on a landslide. “Honestly, we’re priced out of a lot of the L.A. area. So when we saw this house in this amazing neighborhood — it’s safe. It’s beautiful. It’s got amazing school districts. I mean, it just seemed like this house is half the price that it should be. Of course, that’s when we figured out that there’s a reason that the house is this price.” Land here was moving as much as a foot per week around that time. But this house seemed OK, so Eilen and her husband went for it, paying $1.3 million, a deal for coastal Palos Verdes, Calif. “We knew there was a landslide, but we made a calculated risk. And we’ll see if it pays off or not.” Parts of Palos Verdes have been inching towards the sea for decades, but heavy rainfall in recent years accelerated the landslide, cracking foundations and destroying homes. “This is probably one of the largest active landslides with homes on it in the entire United States, if not the world. It’s almost like a giant raft that’s moving on this real slippery layer at depth.” “The movement has always been here. It’s just been at an acceptable level. But once anything has started moving, it’s very, very difficult to stop.” “For longtime residents like Tim Kelly, who bought his home here in 1994, leaving would mean a massive financial hit. Landslides generally aren’t covered by insurance. “So prior to the landslide, my house was — based on Zillow and Redfin and all those — was at approximately $2.1 million. It’s been reassessed on the L.A. County tax rolls at $129,000. All right, guys. 7:01, we’re late. We’re late.” With little choice but to stay put and a deep love for their neighborhood, Tim and a crew of dedicated neighbors are trying to slow down the landslide by drying it out. Every morning, they fire up generators for wells that pump water out of the ground. “Putting in de-watering wells is one of the primary approaches to slow the slide down. And we’ve seen a dramatic reduction in movement as a result of taking those measures. In some areas, we’ve reduced the movement by almost 90 percent at its peak.” Last winter was also less rainy than the two before, another factor. Gas and electricity were cut off to many in 2024, and residents have had to go off grid. Some families have left altogether for safety reasons. Nearly two years later, 172 homes are still disconnected from grid power, including Eilen’s. Her land has also moved a lot since she moved in. “When we first moved in, you could see maybe this much of the ocean. It was kind of a little tiny sliver. But all of those homes that are in front of us sunk down a good 10 feet. And part of the silver lining is that we have a much better view now.” Eilen estimates she spent about $200,000 on landslide-related fixes, including picking up the house, placing it on steel beams and moving it away from the slide. But all of this might just be delaying the inevitable. “You’re fighting nature, and what we see is that nature is changing with climate change and maybe more rainfall occurring in the future. We do have means and methods to tackle that. It’s just very expensive.” As of June this year, Palos Verdes will have spent about $65 million on landslide mitigation since 2022. Its entire annual city budget is about $40 million. “We’re aggressively trying to get money from the state and federal government to be able to solve the problem and implement the solutions that we have. But we need more to keep going.” At least 11 homes have sold in the landslide zone since 2024. Last summer, the city banned future new construction here. But anybody is still free to move in. “It’s buyer beware, right, because you’re coming into an area that the land is going to be moving forever. But if they want to then it’s their choice.” “If the house slid down the hill tomorrow, what would you do?” “I would put up a tent in that backyard and still live here.”

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House Adopts Budget to Unlock $70 Billion for Immigration Enforcement

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House Adopts Budget to Unlock  Billion for Immigration Enforcement

The House on Wednesday narrowly adopted a Republican budget blueprint that would allow the G.O.P. to blow past Democratic opposition and pour an additional $70 billion into immigration enforcement through the remainder of President Trump’s second term.

The measure is a crucial step in Republicans’ plan to reopen the Department of Homeland Security, ending a shutdown that has lasted for nearly 11 weeks.

Republicans pushed through the plan, which the Senate adopted last week, on a party-line vote of 215 to 211, with one independent lawmaker voting “present.” That set the stage for the G.O.P. to begin working on a special budget measure, shielded from a filibuster in the Senate, to fund Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and Border Protection, the two agencies charged with carrying out the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown.

“This is the moment we take the keys, and we say, no more of this nonsense,” said Representative Jodey C. Arrington, Republican of Texas and chairman of the Budget Committee. “And we open up the people’s government and we restore the safety and security of the American people.”

The budget plan — which stalled in the House for more than five hours as Republicans fought among themselves over measures on agriculture and ethanol that had nothing to do with immigration — was part of the two-track strategy that Republicans agreed to earlier this month to reopen the Department of Homeland Security, whose funding lapsed on Feb. 14.

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Democrats had refused to fund the department without new restrictions on federal immigration agents’ conduct, and Republicans had refused to agree to any. Then last month, Senate Republicans struck a deal with Democrats to allow the spending measure for the Department of Homeland Security to pass with no funding for or restrictions on immigration enforcement. The G.O.P. would then seek to fund ICE and C.B.P. through a process known as reconciliation, which exempts certain budget bills from a filibuster and allows them to pass the Senate on a simple-majority vote.

Approval of the budget plan was a crucial first step for Republicans to begin the reconciliation process, which will deprive Democrats of the ability to block the bill funding ICE and C.B.P. President Trump has directed Congress to pass that measure by June 1.

The spending bill to fund the rest of the department, which has passed the Senate twice without objection, has remained stalled in the House, where Speaker Mike Johnson has yet to bring it to the floor, even as the White House has urged swift passage.

Several rank-and-file House Republicans said they would not vote for the spending bill without seeing progress on the bill funding immigration enforcement. It was not clear whether adoption of the budget blueprint would be enough to sway them.

The budget resolution would allow the two Senate committees that oversee immigration enforcement agencies to write legislation that increases government spending by up to $70 billion each. Republican leaders have said that they expect the total spending amount to be closer to $70 billion in total.

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Democrats attacked Republicans for giving more money to immigration agencies that already received a large fund as part of Mr. Trump’s signature domestic policy bill. They argued that such money would be better utilized to address Americans’ concerns over affordability and health care.

“Republicans refuse to address the rising costs that Americans are dealing with because this administration refuses to put the people first,” said Representative Pramila Jayapal, Democrat of Washington. “Americans of every political stripe do not want more money to go to ICE’s slush fund.”

Some rank-and-file Republicans had been concerned about such attacks, and they sought to expand the scope of the budget bill to include priorities that they argued would be felt more directly by most Americans.

But the White House and congressional Republican leaders rebuffed those efforts, worried that adding other priorities to the bill would slow its passage and could prolong a record shutdown.

Megan Mineiro contributed reporting.

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Supreme Court appears to lean toward ending TPS for some migrants

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Supreme Court appears to lean toward ending TPS for some migrants

The U.S. Supreme Court

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The Supreme Court’s conservative majority seemed ready Wednesday to allow the Trump administration to potentially proceed with mass deportations of more than a million foreign nationals, including those from Haiti and Syria, who live and work legally in the United States.

Until now these individuals have been accorded temporary legal status because their safety is imperiled by war or natural disasters in their home countries.

Congress enacted the Temporary Protected Status program in 1990, and every president since then — Republican and Democrat — has embraced TPS. President Trump, however, is trying to end it.

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On Wednesday his solicitor general, D. John Sauer, told the justices that the statute clearly bars any court review of the administration’s decisions. And he dismissed the idea that a separate law established to provide procedural fairness does not allow the courts to review the Homeland Security agency’s decision-making either. Pressed by the court’s three liberal justices, Sauer insisted that the courts cannot review anything.

“None of those procedural steps required by the statue are reviewable. That’s your position?” asked Justice Sonia Sotomayor.

“Correct,” responded Sauer.

“What you’re basically saying is that Congress wrote a statute for no purpose,” Sotomayor said.

Justice Elena Kagan noted that under the statute the secretary of Homeland Security is supposed to consult with the U.S. State Department about what the conditions are in those countries that people have been forced to flee. What if she didn’t do that at all, Kagan asked. Or what if she asked, but the response from the State Department came back: “Wasn’t that baseball game last night great!”

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Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson asked what would happen if the secretary used a Ouija board to make decisions?

To all these hypotheticals, Solicitor General Sauer stood firm. That prompted this from Sotomayor: “Now, we have a president saying at one point that Haiti is a ‘filthy, dirty, and disgusting s-hole country.’ I’m quoting him. He declared illegal immigrants, which he associated with TPS, as poisoning the blood of America. I don’t see how that one statement is not a prime example … showing that a discriminatory purpose may have played a part in this decision.”

Sauer pushed back, noting that Kristi Noem, the then-DHS secretary, had not mentioned race at all. That prompted this response from Justice Jackson, the only Black woman on the court, “So the position of the United States is that we have an actual racial epithet that we aren’t allowed to look at all the context.”

Justice Amy Coney Barrett, the mother of two adopted Haitian children, interjected at that point to clarify the administration’s position. Are you conceding that individuals with TPS status could bring a challenge based on race discrimination? she asked.

Sauer appeared to concede the point.

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Representing the Haitians, lawyer Geoffrey Pipoly described the administration’s review as “a sham.”

“The true reason for the termination [of TPS status] is the president’s racial animus toward non-white immigrants and bare dislike of Haitians in particular,” Pipoly said. “The secretary herself described people from Haiti” and from other non-white countries as “killers, leeches, saying, ‘We don’t want them, not one,’” while “simultaneously enacting another humanitarian form of relief for white and only white South Africans.”

That was too much for Justice Samuel Alito who asked Pipoly, “Do you think that if you put Syrians, Turks, Greeks and other people who live around the Mediterranean in a line-up, do you think you could say those people are … non-white?”

An uncomfortable Pipoly resisted categorizing each group until Alito got to his own roots.

“How about southern Italians?” Alito inquired, prompting laughter in the courtroom.

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Responded Pipoly: “Certainly 120 years ago when we had our last wave of European immigration, southern Italians were not considered white. … Our concept of these things evolves over time.”

At the end of Wednesday’s court session, one thing was clear: President Trump may be furious at some of the conservative justices he appointed for invalidating his tariffs, but for the most part, he is getting his way. Especially in light of the court’s 6-to-3 decision, announced Wednesday, which effectively guts what remains of the landmark Voting Rights Act, once celebrated as a signature achievement of American Democracy.

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Springfield’s Haitian Workers and Businesses Face Uncertain Future

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Springfield’s Haitian Workers and Businesses Face Uncertain Future

When Stanley Charles, a Haitian immigrant, arrived in Springfield, Ohio, in 2021, “it was like a desert,” he recently recalled.

The industrial city had been losing population for decades, and some streets were lined with boarded-up, dilapidated homes.

To revive the city, Springfield’s leaders lured auto parts manufacturers, warehouses and other businesses to the area. But once the companies began operating, they struggled to find workers.

Then a wave of Haitian immigrants arrived, helping fill the labor shortage.

Now, many of those Haitians are facing a very uncertain future. The Trump administration wants to end Temporary Protected Status, a humanitarian program that has allowed about 350,000 Haitians, including thousands in Springfield, to live and work in the United States for years because of instability in their home country.

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The program’s fate rests with the Supreme Court, which is hearing oral arguments on Wednesday to determine whether the administration has the legal authority to terminate it. A decision is expected by July. If the court rules in the administration’s favor, Haitians would lose their work permits and become subject to deportation.

Springfield, about an hour’s drive west of the Ohio capital, Columbus, could be reshaped by the Supreme Court’s decision.

A few years ago, word spread among Haitians that jobs were plentiful in Springfield. Thousands, some newly arrived to the United States after crossing the border, others relocating from states like Florida and New York, settled there.

“We Haitian people came, we began to work, pay taxes,” Mr. Charles said. “We helped this city develop.”

Between 10,000 and 15,000 Haitians live in the city of 58,000, according to county estimates.

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The influx of newcomers initially caused friction. A local health clinic had to hire additional staff; schools had to accommodate new students; and some city services were strained.

Then during the 2024 presidential campaign, Donald J. Trump and his Ohio-born running mate, JD Vance, repeated a baseless claim — that Haitians in Springfield were eating their neighbors’ pets.

White supremacists descended on the city, bomb threats were made against schools and some Haitians moved to other cities. But many remained and carried on with their lives, said Heidi Earlywine, who mentors Haitian families and teaches them English at Central Christian Church.

Now, though, the Trump administration’s push to end T.P.S. has left many Haitians anxious and injected uncertainty into the local economy.

A Haitian exodus could derail Springfield’s momentum just as it rolls out “Springfield 2051,” a road map for the city ahead of its 250th anniversary.

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While most employers have not spoken publicly, local and state officials have voiced concern about losing Haitian workers.

“We would have manufacturers and businesses that don’t have employees,” said Charlie Patterson, a commissioner in Clark County, which includes Springfield.

“They will be looking for workers for jobs they couldn’t fill before,” he said in an interview.

The Ohio governor, Mike DeWine, a Republican who has championed the contribution of Haitians, has warned that ending T.P.S. would be a “mistake.”

In early February, a federal judge in Washington paused the government’s termination of T.P.S. for Haiti, finding that the administration’s move had been “arbitrary and capricious” and had failed to consider the perilous conditions in Haiti. On March 6, a three-judge appellate panel affirmed that decision. Five days later, the Trump administration asked the Supreme Court to intervene.

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Mr. Charles, 45, who worked at a telecommunications company in Port-au-Prince, fled Haiti after being threatened and imprisoned for his political opposition activities, he said.

After entering the United States in 2021 on a tourist visa, he qualified for T.P.S. under the Biden administration. He also applied for asylum, which, if granted, would allow him to remain in the country even if T.P.S. is revoked.

For now, he operates robots at a manufacturing plant and sends money to his wife and other family members in Haiti.

“They all depend on me,” he said. “We are here because our country is not functioning.”

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