The Dallas Cowboys had an eventful NFL combine. Jerry Jones and Stephen Jones were working the media circuit, fans got to learn more about Christian Parker through a few interviews, and there was drama surrounding the reports of Brandon Aubrey’s contract negotiations.
Dallas, TX
People Who Don’t Understand Downtowns Are Destroying Downtowns
Countless American downtowns are struggling to find their identity, and their tax base, after the convulsions of the COVID-era remote-work experiment. But only one major city is poised to demolish its seat of government.
That would be Dallas, where leaders say the monumental I. M. Pei–designed City Hall is in such bad shape that the city might be better off tearing it down and relocating the government into vacant office buildings nearby. That could create an enormous plot for the Dallas Mavericks, whose casino-company owners, the Adelson-Dumont family, want to build what Mavs CEO Rick Welts calls a “full-blown entertainment district” around their new basketball arena. One of the team’s owners, Miriam Adelson, has also been lobbying to legalize casino gambling in Texas, raising the possibility that Dallas City Hall might ultimately be razed for a casino—a perfect symbol for our era of civic impoverishment and gambling addiction.
This half-baked vision may be the nation’s worst downtown-revival strategy, and not only because it would destroy the city’s one-of-a-kind Brutalist colossus. The imagined payoff—a brand-new, suburban-style entertainment district—is based on a fundamental misunderstanding of what makes downtowns worthy of their designation in the first place.
No doubt City Hall needs some work. Dallas began deliberations over the building’s fate this past fall, but the discussion was complicated by staff’s varying estimates of the deferred maintenance bill: The high end was $93 million in 2018, so could it really be $595 million today? Could citizens trust estimates from a government that had just been forced to auction off a new building for its permitting department because it was not up to code? City Hall’s defenders were suspicious to see the eye-watering tab arrive right as the Mavs came looking for a place to play.
The special tragedy of City Hall’s fate is that the building was designed, not so long ago, to represent Dallas’s growth and ambition in a different moment of uncertainty. After John F. Kennedy was assassinated in Dealey Plaza, Mayor J. Erik Jonsson envisioned a new building as part of reforms to repair Dallas’s reputation as the “city of hate.” After an extensive listening tour, the Chinese American Pei—a novel choice to design a public building in Texas but, notably, the architect of the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library, in Boston—concluded that Dallas needed something grand enough to match the pride of its citizens, and sturdy enough to represent the public sector across from the corporate skyscrapers nearby. He persuaded the reluctant city council to buy a huge block of land for a public plaza to properly orient the building toward the central business district.
The result, which took more than a decade to finance and construct, is a tremendous concrete anvil with its facade leaning at a vertiginous 34 degrees, 74 feet wider at its roof than at its entrance. Jonsson thought the building was a good reflection of the city. “It’s strong, and the people of Dallas are strong people,” he said. “Concrete is simple, and they are simple people—in the best sense of the word, plain people. So the monolithic structure was entirely appropriate.” But the triangular profile wasn’t just form for form’s sake: Pei hoped that by concentrating the bureaucracy on the upper floors, he would offer arriving citizens a neat and clean experience of government. Mark Lamster, the architecture critic at The Dallas Morning News, has written that no building better exemplifies Dallas: City Hall was “forthright, brash, inventive, optimistic, futuristic and downright beautiful.”
In the years since, not everyone has experienced the building as the city’s welcoming front porch. In his 1990 biography of Pei, Carter Wiseman observed that the building could come across as unfriendly, standoffish, and even ominous: “It seems to frown under the load of municipal responsibility it contains.” The writer Edward McPherson likened it to an “architectural bully, looming overhead, dwarfing the individual and threatening to crush all who dare enter the halls of civic duty.” For Americans of a certain age, the building might be most famous for its role as the evil corporate headquarters in the 1987 film RoboCop. “It has more strength than finesse, Pei himself conceded: “There’s a lot of brute force in this building.” And some people think it’s just plain ugly.
All of which has influenced the public conversation over whether the structure is worth the cost of repairs. Many architects have lined up to save the building, and the designer Steven Holl has written to the mayor that its demolition would be a “crime.” Some locals do not see it that way. “The building has too many limitations and not enough of the assets that make for a functional hub of office work or civic pride,” the developer Shawn Todd wrote in The Dallas Morning News last year. He is part of a chorus of real-estate developers saying that Dallas should tear it down.
Technically, the question of City Hall’s viability is being considered in isolation: What are the costs of fixing the building, and what are the costs of leaving it? But well understood in Dallas is that should the government pack up and go, one developer in particular is on the lookout for a big parcel downtown. A Mavericks-arena district could occupy the vacated land, plus a bunch of empty blocks around it. And the conversation is taking place against a backdrop of more existential questions about the city’s place in the larger, 8.3-million-person region.
On January 5, one of Downtown Dallas’s largest employers, AT&T, announced that it would be moving its headquarters to nearby Plano. That will exacerbate a 27.2 percent office-vacancy rate, one of the highest in the country, according to CoStar data reported by The Wall Street Journal.
One reason for the relocation is particularly concerning for Dallas boosters: By moving more than 20 miles north of downtown, AT&T says it will be closer to most of its workers. It’s common for suburban headquarters to be convenient for a company’s CEO, but the fact that such a location is better for the majority of AT&T’s workforce illustrates how far north the region’s center of gravity has shifted. It’s a mortal threat: What is downtown but the easiest place for the greatest number of people to get to? “To call downtown the center is no longer really true,” Patrick Kennedy, a board member of Dallas Area Rapid Transit, told me. “If you look at the job center based on traffic volume, it’s now some amorphous place up near 635 and the tollway. There’s been so much growth to the north, and so little investment in the south.”
That economic migration is one reason that Plano’s mayor no longer wants to be part of DART, which connects Dallas to Plano by light rail and anchors downtown’s place as the center of the region. Plano is one of five suburbs, with a combined population of 600,000, that will hold a vote this spring on whether to secede. (In its place, the suburban mutineers are proposing some kind of subsidized taxi service.)
In Texas, the question of mass-transit funding is closely tied to the local hunt for corporations and sports teams. The state limits local sales-tax revenue to 2 percent. Every penny that goes to buses and trains is a penny that cannot be spent nabbing a company from a neighboring city—a strategy that feels newly relevant in Dallas’s peripheral business centers, which are out of cheap land and fenced in by still-younger suburbs.
Irving, a suburban rival northwest of Dallas, will also hold a special election this year to determine whether to sever its transit connections to the city and pocket that tax money for other purposes. Last year, Irving rezoned 1,000 acres of land recently purchased by the Las Vegas Sands Corporation, whose COO, Patrick Dumont, is also in charge of the Mavericks, for a “high-intensity mixed use district” that would permit an arena with more than 15,000 seats. The Mavericks insist that’s what they want to build in Dallas, but the suburban escape hatch gives them leverage.
The Mavs originally set their deadline for March, which happens to be right after the Dallas Economic Development Corporation will publicly present the results of its City Hall assessment.
Dallas is in a tough spot: No one likes to see a team move out. Texas has strict rules on the use of eminent domain for economic development, which limits the city’s power to assemble a complex urban site for the team—unless it’s on city-owned land. But trading City Hall for an arena would be short-sighted, overestimating the power of stadiums as engines of regeneration and underestimating the value of a public asset.
Many stadium-led developments disappoint, and students of those deals say that people who point to sports as the source of revitalization in San Diego or Baltimore, for example, mistake correlation for causation. Stadiums usually require huge amounts of public subsidy, in land or tax breaks. They tend to be islands of activity whose spillover effects end at the parking garage (casinos are even worse). They are good for some businesses (bars) but not so much for others (grocery stores, doctor’s offices). They cannibalize jobs and spending that might have occurred elsewhere in the city, and hang the prior stadium and associated neighborhood out to dry—in the Mavs’ case, the 25-year-old American Airlines Center, which is a mile away.
Stadium megadevelopments that entice the public’s contribution with the promise of neighborhood renewal are under way in cities such as Nashville and Washington, D.C., but there is always a risk that economic conditions change and reality falls short of the plans. Such a scenario wouldn’t be the first time a failure to launch led to another parking lot in Downtown Dallas: City Hall itself was designed to permit an extension in the back; now the site is parking.
The push to abandon City Hall is even more reckless. Tearing down the building would trade today’s cost of repair for the cost of demolition, and tomorrow’s maintenance for rent. It would forfeit a purpose-built structure with grounds for public protest, city-council chambers, soaring interior spaces, and a municipal garage for a few vacant floors of office space that no one else wants. It would sacrifice a symbol of the city at a time when downtown’s sense of identity is wavering, to add one more empty lot to a neighborhood that is full of them. It would destroy an irreplaceable piece of America’s cultural heritage to facilitate a real-estate project that could, by the Mavericks’ own admission, just as soon be plopped down by the side of a highway.
For decades, a fatal assumption of American downtowns has been that, to compete, they must offer their best approximation of the big, blank parcels and ample parking of their suburban rivals. It’s an impossible game to win. Dallas might instead try to be different. It’s not hard to imagine a stadium district that enfolds City Hall, embracing the contrast and the uniqueness of the historic building in its midst. The jumble, juxtaposition, and surprise of parcel-by-parcel development can distinguish a downtown even when it has lost its claim as the economic center.
This is already happening in Dallas, where the residential population downtown has increased from a few hundred to more than 15,000 over the past two decades, in part thanks to piecemeal conversions of obsolete office buildings. A trio of Dallas architects has made the case that City Hall and the arena could have a symbiotic relationship in a renewed, resident-anchored downtown that would benefit from being busy at all times of day.
That means planning for something other than drivers from elsewhere, with safer and slower streets, local businesses, and redevelopment incentives for vacant lots. That kind of organic growth is what sets a city up to resist the lure of the suburbs and lowers the stakes of negotiations with giants such as AT&T and the Mavs. Nothing is terribly exciting about investing in shade trees or crosswalks, but at least a crosswalk never traded Luka Dončić.
Dallas, TX
Wilonsky: A mom deported, 4 kids left behind and an 80-year-old Dallas Girl Scout troop leader’s good deeds
Early the morning of Feb. 9, Ana, a 45-year-old mother of four, woke up in the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention center outside Abilene. Bluebonnet, it’s called, so named for the toxic state flower. She was hustled from bunk to bus for a ride to Del Rio. By noon, she was standing in the middle of the International Bridge that connects Del Rio with Ciudad Acuña across the Mexican border.
Ana was told only: You’re free to go – back to Monterrey, which she left in 2006 and where her parents still lived. She did not know how she was going to get there. Or when she would see her girls again.
Only five weeks earlier, Ana had a job at an ice cream shop at Lombardy Lane and Brockbank Drive in northwest Dallas, where she’d worked for six years. A single mother, she alone cared for her daughters, two of whom are in elementary school – fifth and sixth grades – and struggle with dyslexia. Her 12-year-old, diagnosed with severe depression, had twice tried to harm herself just last year. Her eldest, a 17-year-old senior at Thomas Jefferson High School, is set to begin college in the fall.
Ana crossed the Rio Grande on an inflatable raft near Laredo 20 years ago for a life she couldn’t find in Mexico. She met a man in Lewisville with whom she had four children. He abused her, she said, so she left again, to start over in northwest Dallas.
Immigration officials gave her a preliminary court hearing: Aug. 24, 2027. Ana, who has no criminal record, went to the ICE offices on Stemmons Freeway around New Year’s Eve for her annual check-in.

A plethora of messages were created on handmade signs for attendees to hold during an ICE vigil held outside the Dallas ICE field office, located at 8101 N. Stemmons Freeway in Dallas, on July 27, 2025.
Steve Hamm / Special Contributor
And every time she returned home to her girls. Until Dec. 30, 2025, when she was detained by officers, then shuffled around the state – Dallas to Alvarado to Abilene – before being sent back to Mexico, leaving behind daughters, all born in Dallas, to whom she did not get to say goodbye.
“I was so scared,” said Ana, who, with her eldest, agreed to talk to me if I did not use her full name or her children’s names.
“And I was in shock,” she said. “The whole morning I was just praying thinking about what to do next. I thought I would see my lawyer or talk to someone about what was going on, but the way they took us, no one explained anything to us. I know I did something wrong when I came over without my paperwork, as I should have. But I wasn’t stealing or hurting someone; I was working for my family, providing.”
Ana spoke by phone from Monterrey, where, last week, she buried her father, whose heart failed him days after she was left on that bridge. She began to cry.
“The fact that they just took apart my family, it’s breaking my heart,” Ana said, trying to catch her breath. “There are a lot of people who are doing bad things. We’re just trying to provide for our kids. Why us?”
But she knows why. Everyone does. Because there have been so many stories like this in recent months it’s impossible to keep track.
Ana was transferred to and deported from the Bluebonnet Detention Center in Anson on Feb. 9. 2026.
Eli Hartman / AP
Just last week, María de Jesus Estrada Juarez of California, who came to the U.S. when she was 15 and was a Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals recipient, was arrested during her regular check-in and sent back to Mexico. In Alaska, a mother and her three children were sent to Tijuana within 36 hours of being detained by ICE. NBC News also recounted the story of an 11-year-old girl, a U.S. citizen, whose brain-tumor treatment was interrupted when her parents were deported to Mexico.
The Texas Civil Rights Project has been trying to reunite the parents with their 11-year-old girl so she can get the care she needs. I asked the Austin-based organization if they kept track of the number of parents without criminal records deported to Mexico while their children are left behind. A spokesperson said they do not maintain a database tracking such cases, but that “it happens very often under this administration.”
Which is more or less what other immigration advocacy and legal nonprofits told me: We don’t track that data. But it’s, you know, a lot. ICE didn’t respond to emails asking for that information, either.
But just because we’re inundated with these stories doesn’t mean we should turn a deaf ear to them, especially when they involve our neighbors. This feels especially personal, as Ana’s eldest will graduate from my alma mater – if she can survive the next few months of waking her sisters each morning, getting them to school, working late hours at her fast-food job, dealing with grown-up responsibilities suddenly thrust upon her and trying, somehow, to fit in homework.
“It wasn’t really a choice for me,” the 17-year-old told me. “If I don’t do it, who will? The hardest part is getting up every morning, because there’s no break for the rest of the day – it’s the same thing every day, the same loop. And if there is, I have to do laundry or get these girls to their Girl Scouts things.”
Lynn Wilbur has been a Girl Scouts troop leader since 1983. For the last decade, she’s been part of an outreach group within the Scouts that helps girls who otherwise couldn’t afford to be part of the organization.
Courtesy Lynn Wilbur
I never would have known of Ana’s story, and that of the children left behind, had I not been forwarded a newsletter from Now>Forward, the nonprofit once known as North Dallas Shared Ministries. In the newsletter was a brief telling of the tale, along with a plea for assistance, as the girls need food, rent, uniforms.
I was told to call Lynn Wilbur, a Girl Scout troop leader since 1983, when her own daughter turned 5, and, for the last decade, leader of an outreach program that provides financial assistance for girls who want to be Girl Scouts but can’t afford dues, uniforms, supplies, field trips. “Anything that has to be paid for,” Wilbur said.
There are some 60 girls in the program, most spread across Dallas ISD elementary schools, including Ana’s three youngest daughters. Where once the program was funded by a foundation, though, the troop is having to depend on private donations – begging and scrounging, Wilbur said.
“Now, we’re just trying to help the girls pick up the pieces, along with their lives,” the 80-year-old said. When I called, she was with Ana’s daughters.
Most of the girls in Wilbur’s troop are from Spanish-speaking homes. This is the first time one of their parents has been deported. But, she fears, it will not be the last. One mother recently asked Wilbur if she would take her daughter if she, too, is deported.
“The amount of fear is unbelievable,” Wilbur said. “My house is one place they let them come because they know they’d have to kill me before I let them in the door. This has got to stop. Unless good people step up and let their voices be heard nothing is going to change. That’s why I am talking to you. We can’t let this keep happening, especially to children.”
Wilbur taught Ana’s eldest how to pay bills, how to buy a car when her mother’s recently broke down, how to deal with insurance, how to be a grown-up at 17. The TJ student was never a Girl Scout. But Wilbur, the living embodiment of a slogan that demands a Girl Scout do a good deed daily, has surely taught her how to be prepared.
“Miss Lynn has always made us feel like we’re important, that we’re loved,” Ana said. Another small sob. “That we’re human.”
Dallas, TX
NFL insiders share Cowboys rumors from the combine
A lot of knowledge is shared throughout the week, both on camera and behind closed doors, as the NFL landscape is set to shift as free agency approaches in just a few weeks. Jeremy Fowler and Dan Graziano, NFL Insiders for ESPN, emptied their notebooks on what they learned throughout the week.
Here are a few nuggets and takeaways that matter for the Cowboys.
1. How Dallas attacks the start of free agency
Jerry Jones held court on his bus during combine week and talked to media members about how the team will be active in free agency. The majority of their moves could come on the defensive side of the ball as Dallas gets their new defensive coordinator the pieces he needs to run his defense.
Clarence Hill Jr. of DLLS Cowboys was the first to report the Cowboys’ potential interest in Philadelphia Eagles linebacker Nakobe Dean. Fowler doubles down on that idea.
The Cowboys are crafting a detailed free agency plan to bolster their defense. The new scheme under coordinator Christian Parker needs replenishment. Eagles linebacker Nakobe Dean is someone to watch as a green-dot player in the middle of the defense.
Dean has been with the Eagles for four seasons after being drafted in 2022. When healthy, Dean has shown flashes of the player people viewed as the one he could become coming out of Georgia in college. The biggest concern with handing him a big contract is his health.
Out of 68 possible games, Dean was on the field for just 47 of them. He’s battled injuries throughout his young career, so if he’s expected to be the one leading Dallas’ defense, Dean has to be on the field more than he’s shown to this point.
2. The Cowboys will look to add a pass rusher
The Cowboys’ leader in sacks from last year is Jadeveon Clowney, who is set to hit the open market. Two other edge rushers for Dallas are free agents in Sam Williams and Dante Fowler Jr. Both could return to the Cowboys, but the front office might look to not only upgrade the position but also go after one of the top free agents if the price is right.
Fowler: The Cowboys will monitor the top of the pass-rush free agent options, too. They aren’t guaranteed to spend big, but I believe they will get a pass rusher at some point.
Later in the notebook, Fowler says, “Trey Hendrickson (Bengals) and Odafe Oweh (Chargers) will probably not be franchise-tagged.” That means two more premier edge rushers could be on the market. A few beat reporters have mentioned Hendrickson’s name as a possibility this offseason, but will he command too much money that Dallas is unwilling to spend? Probably.
What about Jalen Phillips? Can the Cowboys pull two former Eagles in free agency away from their rivals because of their connection to Parker? The keyword Fowler adds when it comes to Dallas’ interest in the best available pass rushers is “monitor.” If the numbers get outrageous, then they might go in a different direction. A name that could make a lot of sense for the Cowboys is Kwity Paye of the Indianapolis Colts.
He’s totaled 30.5 sacks over his five seasons in the NFL and could play a similar role in Parker’s defense to what Brandon Graham had in Philadelphia with inside-out versatility.
3. Dallas may want to add a few pieces in the secondary
One of Jerry Jones’ biggest regrets in recent history seems to be not re-signing Jourdan Lewis last offseason. Dallas would have been much better off with Lewis, given his skill set, familiarity with the defense, and leadership off the field. His presence was missed in more ways than one. It sounds like Jerry isn’t willing to make the same mistake twice.
Fowler: They [Dallas] will also comb the free agent safety class (Arizona’s Jalen Thompson makes sense), and they need a nickel corner. Dallas has felt the void since Jourdan Lewis left.
Christian Parker talked about how important the nickel position is for his defense at his introductory press conference. There are a few free agent corners out there who should be an upgrade from what Dallas had last year, but the route that makes the most sense is drafting a cornerback in the first round.
Donovan Wilson and Juanyeh Thomas are free agents, leaving Malik Hooker and Markquese Bell as the two players under contract on the team with starting experience at safety. Bell is someone who could play a more significant role in Parker’s defense given his position versatility. Where does that leave Hooker? Dallas could save almost $7 million if they cut him before June 1, but how does Parker feel about him fitting into his scheme?
How Dallas approaches the safety position at the start of free agency will tell us a lot.
4. Brandon Aubrey could have a contract sooner rather than later
You know the negotiations with Aubrey go sideways when he, his wife, and Todd France (Aubrey’s agent) go to Instagram and call the reports around it all “fake.” The Cowboys have remained optimistic in getting a deal done with Aubrey to make him the NFL’s highest-paid kicker. The holdup is just how much Dallas is willing to go and raise that number.
The Cowboys made an offer to Aubrey last year to be the highest paid at his position. The number has never been $7.5 million per year. Aubrey and his camp reportedly asked for $10 million per year, which would blow past the current mark with Harrison Butker ($6.4 million annually), but that has also been a disputed figure.
If it comes down to it, the front office is prepared to apply a second-round tender on their kicker, bringing his salary for 2026 between $5.5-5.8 million. It seemed as though negotiations had stalled after things got out of hand, but a resolution may be coming soon.
Graziano: Sabre rattling aside, I expect the Cowboys to reach a deal with Brandon Aubrey at some point in the first week or two of March that makes him the highest-paid kicker in the league. If they don’t get a deal done by the restricted free agent tender deadline, Dallas plans to put a second-round tender on Aubrey. That means he’d make $5.767 million this season if the two sides don’t reach a deal and the Cowboys would get a second-round pick if another team made Aubrey a contract offer they didn’t want to match.
Getting a deal done within the next 10 days before the second-round tender would be ideal for both parties. The front office would lock up the league’s best kicker long-term, and Aubrey will be making more than the price that comes with the tag.
Dallas, TX
Abbott is ramping up protection across Texas after Iran airstrikes
Texas Governor Greg Abbott has directed the Department of Public Safety and the Texas National Guard to increase protection at key state sites following U.S. and Israeli airstrikes on Iran.
Abbott issued a statement Saturday supporting the military action, writing “Texas stands with President Trump in sending a clear message to Iran: its aggression toward American and the West will no longer be tolerated.”
The governor said he directed DPS and the Texas National Guard to ramp up surveillance and patrols at energy facilities, ports and southern border.
“Texas is working closely with our federal partners to protect Texans and our critical assets from potential threats of retaliation,” Abbott said.
In a post on X, the Texas National Guard announced its activation of service members.
Iran has retaliated by firing attacks toward Israel and U.S. military bases in the Middle East.
Across the U.S., law enforcement has stepped up patrols at sensitive areas, including houses of worship and diplomatic sites.
Security expert Eric Jackson, who retired as Special Agent in Charge of the Dallas FBI field office, said law enforcement would be analyzing intelligence closely for potential threats at home.
“These types of matters bring out the best in the [FBI],” said Jackson. “Everybody’s working hard and everybody’s focused on protecting the homeland.”
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