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George Norcross threatens lawsuit over New Jersey racketeering case, seeks reporters’ records

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George Norcross threatens lawsuit over New Jersey racketeering case, seeks reporters’ records


George Norcross and Matt Platkin. Illustration by The Jersey Vindicator.

South Jersey political boss George Norcross is threatening to sue New Jersey law enforcement leaders who fingered him and key associates in a criminal racketeering case that was thrown out of court earlier this year.

In an Oct. 7 “litigation hold” letter, Norcross attorney Joseph Podraza of the Lamb McErlane firm in Philadelphia writes that tort claim notices have been filed—the written notification required before filing a lawsuit against a public entity or employee—over the “unfounded allegations and charges” against the party leader and his associates.

A damage suit, if filed, would be the latest in a series of efforts by Norcross and his allies to attack and discredit Attorney General Matthew Platkin, his investigators, and other state officials who have alleged wrongdoing connected to the party leader or his Camden-based insurance brokerage.

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This time, Norcross is seeking the records of journalists who published stories that raised questions about how the Democrat and his political allies benefited from a state tax break program they helped author.

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The letter sent by Podraza singles out two journalists — this writer and former WNYC reporter Nancy Solomon.

The pair, while working in 2019 for the New York-based investigative news outlet ProPublica, documented how Norcross and his allies, including his brother, lawyer-lobbyist Philip Norcross, amassed properties and development rights on Camden’s Delaware River waterfront.

The 111-page racketeering indictment against Norcross and his associates, including former Camden Mayor Dana Redd, claimed the cabal strong-armed rival businessmen and nonprofits out of their legitimate property rights on the waterfront to capitalize on the lucrative tax breaks carved out for the city.

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Norcross and two partners used $245 million in state tax breaks to build an 18-story office tower for their businesses on the river. Norcross also used the tax break money to partner in a new waterfront hotel.

Norcross is now seeking all audio recordings, interview notes, text messages, social media messages and posts, videotapes, spteadsheets, databases, telephone logs, Internet usage files, and records of any electronic correspondence between the reporters and a range of individuals who were connected to Platkin’s investigation or took part in the Camden development.

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All told, the letter from Norcross’ attorney names some four dozen people, from Attorney General’s Office investigators and former members of Gov. Phil Murphy’s executive staff, such as ex-senior aide Dan Bryan, to outside political advisers such as Brad Lawrence and Steve DeMicco, founders of the New Brunswick communications firm Message & Media Inc.

Norcross is also demanding records of any communication with prominent figures from his own circle, including Susan Bass Levin, president and CEO of Cooper Health System in Camden, the hospital network chaired by the party leader. He also seeks records from several individuals who emerged as unnamed witnesses in the indictment, including Anthony Perno, the former head of a Camden nonprofit allegedly muscled aside by the Norcross network.

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Perno and the others would figure prominently in any corruption trial if Platkin’s request to reinstate the racketeering charges is granted by a state appeals court. Oral arguments on the appeal are scheduled for Nov. 6.

Media lawyers say that any effort to force reporters to disclose notes or sources or information is likely to fail. New Jersey law affords journalists and other news media employees strong protections against such disclosure in the form of the state “shield law.”

The law “provides the news media far-reaching protections that are equaled by few states in the nation,” according to a history of the law compiled by the nonprofit Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press.

The shield created an absolute privilege against compelled disclosure in civil cases and a qualified privilege in criminal cases, according to the orrganization. Journalists in New Jersey who have been pressured to disclose information have prevailed and have been awarded attorney fees, lawyers point out.

“There’s no doubt about it, it’s the best shield law in the country,” said Bruce Rosen, a prominent First Amendment lawyer with the Pashman Stein firm in Hackensack. “I can’t see a situation where a reporter has to give up sources in any civil damage case.”

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Platkin’s office declined to comment on a possible damage suit.

Norcross has enjoyed steady support in his campaign against the hard-charging Platkin from political allies who have benefited from the party leader’s influence in Trenton and beyond.

Former Gov. Chris Christie, a Republican and former U.S. attorney known for prosecuting political corruption, at one point called Platkin’s racketeering case “garbage.”

Earlier this week, speaking at a New Jersey Business and Industry Association forum, Christie upped his criticism.

“I don’t think there’s been a person more deceitful and more destructive to state government in my lifetime here than the current attorney general. He is a disgrace to law enforcement,” he said. “As someone who did it for seven years myself, I’m embarrassed.”

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The following day, Platkin responded to the criticism, saying: “I wish the former governor well in the twilight of his career.”

Another Norcross ally, longtime New Jersey NAACP President Richard Smith, sent an amicus brief to the Superior Court arguing that Platkin’s case be dismissed. The move raised the hackles of Camden progressives, including members of the African American community, who have sought to end the party boss system developed by Norcross.

In August, Smith, who serves on the Cooper University Health Care Board of Trustees with Norcross, took things a step further, calling for the abolishment of the state Office of Public Integrity and Accountability. The office, overseen by Platkin, led the investigation of Norcross and his associates. Smith joined a letter signed by several lawmakers and other Norcross allies claiming the “scandal-plagued” office was wasting millions while using illegal tactics to harass innocent defendants.

Norcross’ public defense campaign has also been taken up by prominent Democrats such as Donald Scarinci, a Hudson County attorney who has represented politicians, including the disgraced Robert Menendez. The former U.S. senator from Union City is serving an 11-year prison sentence after he was caught accepting gold bars and other bribes from foreign agents.

Earlier this year, Scarinci also attacked State Comptroller Kevin Walsh for pursuing an investigation that documented how insurance brokerages owned by George Norcross under the banner of Conner Strong & Buckelew benefited from public insurance funds the party boss has managed for more than 15 years—a claim Norcross denies.

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“Much like the Norcross criminal indictment, the [Comptroller] report appears politically motivated and legally unsupported,” Scarinci wrote in a Sept. 27 column published in The New Jersey Globe.

Scarinci described Platkin’s case against Norcross as “lawfare” and defended the hardball politics and dealmaking the party leader is known for. “There is a very important difference between violating the law and taking advantage of business opportunities,” he wrote.

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Jeff Pillets is a freelance journalist whose stories have been featured by ProPublica, New Jersey Spotlight News, WNYC-New York Public Radio and The Record. He was named a Pulitzer Prize finalist in 2008 for stories on waste and abuse in New Jersey state government. Contact jeffpillets AT icloud.com.





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New Jersey

NJ officers surprised with Eagles playoffs tickets for saving boy who fell through ice

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NJ officers surprised with Eagles playoffs tickets for saving boy who fell through ice


Officers in Gloucester County, New Jersey, got a big surprise on Friday morning.

A representative from Dunkin’ gave them free tickets to this weekend’s Eagles playoff game as a huge thank you for their courageous actions last weekend.

It was a tense scene in Woolwich Township when officers used ropes and went into a frozen body of water to save a child who had fallen through the ice.

“As soon as he started screaming that he couldn’t feel his hands, I just went out there and tried to go get him,” Sgt. Joseph Rieger said. “Immediately thought of my own son and what I would have done with my own son- just go out and get him as soon as I could.”

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The boy was screaming and was not able to grab onto the rope that the officers had thrown to him.

“I try to get him the rescue rope but he can’t hold it because his hands aren’t working. So I go to grab him out of the awter and we both go into the water. So I was able to stand up and throw him on top of the ice and start breaking my way back,” Rieger explained.

The team was able to get the 13-year-old out of the frozen water with no one getting hurt.

Then, Dunkin’ showed up to the police department for Law Enforcement Appreciation Day and praised their actions by giving them tickets to Sunday’s Eagles playoff game against the 49ers.

“This is my job. It was what I signed up to do so getting this kind of attention, I’m not used to it. I’m very appreciative and very excited,” Rieger said.

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The officers said that if there’s anything to take away from this story, it’s to stay off of the ice.

Thankfully, the boy they saved is doing just fine and stopped by the police department earlier this week to thank them.

“It was awesome. It was nice to see that he was safe. He learned his lesson. He was very appreciative,” Rieger said.



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Police investigate fatal stabbing in Mercer County

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Police investigate fatal stabbing in Mercer County


EWING TWP., N.J. (WPVI) — Police are searching for a suspect who fatally stabbed a man in Mercer County, New Jersey.

It happened around 5:20 p.m. Thursday on the unit block of New Hillcrest Avenue in Ewing Township.

When police arrived, they found a 40-year-old man lying in the street with several stab wounds to the torso.

He was transported to Capital Health Regional Medical Center, where he later died.

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The victim has been identified as Jimmy Chase from Philadelphia.

So far, no arrests have been made.

Anyone who has any information on this case is asked to call Mercer County detectives at 609-989-6406.

You can also submit an anonymous tip online at MercerCountyProsecutor.com.

Copyright © 2026 WPVI-TV. All Rights Reserved.

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The arrest of New Jersey’s royal governor changed the colony forever

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The arrest of New Jersey’s royal governor changed the colony forever



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  • The 1st New Jersey Regiment, made up of local tradesmen and farmers, placed Franklin under house arrest after he refused to yield authority.
  • Franklin later led Loyalist operations from Manhattan, using knowledge of New Jersey to target rebel homes and disrupt Patriot efforts.

On a bitter January morning in 1776, Patriot militia from the 1st New Jersey Regiment slogged through slush to the Proprietary House in Perth Amboy. Their target was William Franklin, the Crown’s highest-ranking civilian official between New York and Philadelphia.

Franklin was not a visiting British officer or a passing bureaucrat. He was the royal governor of New Jersey, and his arrest was a milestone that destroyed the bridge back to reconciliation.

His father, Benjamin Franklin, was already a figure of international renown. Printer, scientist, inventor and diplomat, he moved easily between Philadelphia and London. William had grown up in that orbit, trained in law and politics.

Unlike his father, who increasingly sympathized with the colonial cause, William sided with the Crown. He saw loyalty to Britain as vital to protect law, order and property.

Story continues below photo gallery.

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In the months before militiamen arrived at his door, Franklin steadfastly refused to yield authority as governor. While local Committees of Observation enforced boycotts and intercepted mail, Franklin continued issuing proclamations, corresponding with British officials and loyalists and asserting that the government was still under control of the Crown.

By early January, patience had ended among members of the state’s revolutionary committees. Allowing Franklin to operate inside New Jersey was no longer seen as tolerable.

Shoemakers, tanners and farmers

The men sent to detain him were not professional soldiers in the British sense. In the 1872 “Official Register of the Officers and Men of New Jersey in the Revolutionary War,” historian William Stryker wrote that the 1st New Jersey Regiment was drawn largely from Essex, Bergen and Elizabethtown.

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Stryker noted that shoemakers and tanners from Newark, men who had watched their businesses tighten under British currency and customs policies, made up a significant portion of the early volunteers.

Alongside them were Dutch-descended farmers from the Hackensack Valley, many of whom viewed Franklin’s land agents and surveyors as a threat to their claims, historian Adrian Leiby wrote in the 1962 work “The Revolutionary War in the Hackensack Valley.”

It also had members of the Elizabeth-Town Rifles, whose officers lived within sight of the British fleet in New York Harbor.

The group included men who had previously served during British campaigns during the French and Indian War, when Franklin held a captain’s commission. In her 1990 biography “William Franklin: Son of a Patriot, Servant of a King,” historian Sheila Skemp wrote that some had trained with him, while others had marched beside him.

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Mission led by Lord Stirling from Basking Ridge

Primary source journals from the regiment describe the uncomfortable silence of the Jan. 8 mission, led by William Alexander, an aristocrat from Basking Ridge known as Lord Stirling. In the 1847 volume “The Life of William Alexander,” William Alexander Duer wrote that before the war, Stirling and Franklin had shared wine, discussed land deals and attended the same elite galas.

The group did not storm the Proprietary House. Contemporary journals describe a solemn encirclement. Guards were placed at the gates. According to the “New Jersey Archives” published in 1886, Franklin was informed by Stirling rather plainly that he “received orders… (and) to prevent your quitting the Province… I have therefore ordered a guard to be placed at your gates.”

Franklin objected immediately, calling the arrest a “high insult” and illegal.

The 1886 “New Jersey Archives” record that he argued that nobody in New Jersey possessed the right to restrain the king’s appointed governor, but it was no use. Authority had shifted.

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Franklin signed a parole agreement restricting his movement. Within weeks, it nonetheless became clear that he had no intention of complying.

Seized and transported to Connecticut

He continued corresponding with loyalist figures and acting as governor in all but name. The Provincial Congress responded by ordering his removal from New Jersey. In June 1776, Franklin was seized again and transported under guard to Connecticut.

While Franklin remained imprisoned, events in New Jersey continued. Royal government collapsed. A new governor, William Livingston, assumed office. New Jersey moved formally into rebellion.

Franklin was released in a 1778 prisoner exchange and sent to British-occupied New York City. He did not return to New Jersey. Instead, he took up a new role as president of the Board of Associated Loyalists, an organization tasked with coordinating loyalist refugees and retaliatory actions against Patriot strongholds.

In research for the Online Institute for Advanced Loyalist Studies, Todd Braisted wrote that this organization operated as a paramilitary arm of the Loyalist cause.

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From Manhattan, Franklin drew on his detailed knowledge of New Jersey’s geography and leadership. Raids authorized under the board targeted farms, barns and ironworks. Loyalist parties crossed the Hudson at night, seizing property and prisoners in Bergen and Essex counties.

Leiby documented that survivors later testified that attackers called out names as they approached, which provided evidence of the advanced knowledge Franklin had gathered as governor.

Franklin’s actions during these years ensured that he could never return. When the war ended, he relocated permanently to Britain, where he died in 1813.



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