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Ballot initiatives won’t fix Indiana government. Here’s what will. | Opinion

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Ballot initiatives won’t fix Indiana government. Here’s what will. | Opinion



The winning side of ballot initiatives typically outspends opponents by millions.

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It is campaign season for Indiana’s chief elections officer. Republican Secretary of State Diego Morales has become a lightning rod for public anger over the perceived unresponsiveness and corruption of our state government. Some of his opponents have suggested citizen-led ballot initiatives would help fix that. 

Indiana does not allow citizen-led ballot initiatives to change the state constitution. Instead, the legislature must pass proposed amendments as resolutions two years in a row.

In theory, Indiana’s system of so-called “legislative referendums” should limit the ability of corporations with deep pockets to take advantage of voters. However, many people no longer trust the state government to safeguard the process.

It would be easier and more effective to fix that by reforming the legislature rather than making the constitutional changes needed for citizen-led ballot initiatives.

Ballot initiatives would open the door to more lobbyist control

“People feel disconnected with our government in Indianapolis right now,” Beau Bayh, who is seeking the Democratic Party nomination for secretary of state, told me. “They feel like it’s unresponsive to their needs … I have faith in the people of our state to decide the biggest issues of the day.”

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Blythe Potter, a Democrat, and Jamie Reitenour, a Republican, are also running for secretary of state. Both also support citizen-led ballot initiatives.

“We will never have a perfect system,” Bayh added. “Even if we don’t have the citizen-led ballot referendums, which I’m in favor of, corporations and wealthy individuals are still going to contribute to our legislators.”

IndyStar’s Marissa Meador, in fact, recently reported on the cozy relationship energy company lobbyists and donors have with several state legislators. Lobbyists spent over $729,000 this year to develop relationships with legislators and millions more to get them elected. 

Ballot initiatives, however, have less stringent regulations than traditional political campaigns.

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“Ballot measures are commonly associated with weak political parties, dark money, national single interest groups and disregard for centuries old deliberative legislative process,” Lindsey Eaton, a spokesperson for Morales, told me. “Indiana has a well-functioning republic form of government. We trust voters to elect representatives that will govern in their best interests.”

That is largely true. Charitable nonprofits are allowed to contribute to ballot initiative campaigns and are not required to disclose their donors. Social welfare nonprofits, which can include political advocacy, face no limitations on contributions to ballot initiative campaigns.

A quick analysis of ballot initiatives passed in 2023 shows the winning side frequently spent millions more.

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In Ohio, a recent ballot initiative to enshrine protections for abortion in the state constitution was an extreme example of corporate influence over public questions. The Sixteen Thirty Fund, the American Civil Liberties Union and the Open Society Policy Center, all based outside of Ohio, donated a collective $10.8 million to support the ballot initiative. In total, supporters of the initiative raised $19 million more than opponents.

Bayh blamed the influence of money on the U.S. Supreme Court’s Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission decision.

“I share your concern, just like most Americans, just like most Hoosiers about the role that money plays in our politics,” he told me. “The Supreme Court has decided … that corporations have First Amendment rights to involve themselves in these things. I can’t change that as the secretary of state.”

Voters don’t understand ballot questions

Money aside, it is unrealistic to expect the average voter to understand most public questions.

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David Shelton, a Republican challenging Morales for the secretary of state nomination, told me the author of a referendum can shape voters’ perception of the issue through confusing word choices.

“People would vote for it, not realizing that they removed the cardinal as the state bird and … voted in the stink bug,” Shelton said.

If you look at Indiana’s last 15 legislative referendums, voters haven’t rejected one since 1990. The most controversial one since then came last year, when only 54% of voters supported eliminating a state office that no longer existed from the line of gubernatorial succession. 

I worked at the state Senate at the time and several friends told me they had no idea about the public question beforehand and had no idea what it was asking in the voting booth. Studies suggest that’s a common experience.

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According to the National Conference of State Legislatures, only 24% of legislative referendums and 30% of initiatives have failed nationwide since 1990. If you look solely at attempted constitutional amendments, only 22% of legislative referendums and 17.7% of initiatives have failed since 1990. 

Studies have shown low-information voters tend to vote yes on ballot initiatives that are easy to understand and no on ballot initiatives with complicated wording. 

Big spenders opposing initiatives also have a clear advantage: Research shows it’s far more effective to attempt to persuade voters to reject a measure than to support one. Even small changes in how a question is worded or where it appears on the ballot can significantly affect the outcome.

Bayh acknowledged these concerns but suggested there are ways to fix the problem.

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“If it is possible to have some type of bipartisan or nonpartisan group that looks at these ballot measures before they go in front of people, it would be a great thing,” Bayh told me. “Let’s work these in a fair way. Let’s get support from people on both sides of an issue with the wording of things and make everyone comfortable with it.”

That bipartisan or nonpartisan group responsible for safeguarding the process, in theory, is the Indiana General Assembly, but the control of party leadership over the legislature admittedly makes it difficult for even broadly popular legislation to pass.

Advocates for representative government should reform the legislature instead

An easier fix to unrepresentative government would involve reforming our legislature. Unlike citizen-led ballot initiatives, many proposed ideas would not require a constitutional amendment.

For one, legislative committee chairs could be elected by committee members, rather than by party leaders. That would make them less accountable to party leaders and lobbyists and more accountable to the committee members they serve. 

On many occasions, legislation passes either the Indiana House of Representatives or Senate with wide support, only to not receive a hearing in another chamber because of one committee chair.

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Sometimes this leads to public outrage, such as when Sen. Liz Brown, R-Fort Wayne, held up an immigration enforcement bill this year. Other times, bills die without much controversy. 

Committee members could be held accountable to the legislature as a whole if individual legislators were able to bypass the committee entirely through a discharge petition. 

These petitions usually require the signature of a majority of legislators in a given chamber and would bring legislation directly to the chamber for consideration. 

This is possible in the U.S. House of Representatives, where a petition was recently filed by Rep. Thomas Massie, R-Kentucky, to release the Epstein Files.

Many supporters of citizen-led ballot initiatives sincerely view them as a way to bypass the perceived corruption of elected officials. They are unlikely to succeed anytime soon, though, and would be better off advocating for reforming the legislature.

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If legislators want to regain public trust, they also have an incentive to make themselves more accountable to their constituents.

Contact Jacob Stewart at 317-444-4683 or jacob.stewart@indystar.com. Follow him on XInstagram and TikTok.





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Trump can’t carry Mike Braun, Indiana Republicans anymore | Opinion

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Trump can’t carry Mike Braun, Indiana Republicans anymore | Opinion



On Iran, as on everything else, Gov. Mike Braun is letting Trump think for him.

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Gov. Mike Braun might end up being the last person in MAGAland to realize it, but he and his copartisans are adrift. Braun will be a one-term governor unless he can think for himself and start serving Indiana without regard for what’s best for President Donald Trump.

Braun doesn’t get it yet. His robotic support for Trump’s war with Iran — “decisive leadership on the world stage,” he told reporters March 2 — shows his brain is cryogenically frozen in 2018 even as the world turns toward an unsettling future with a worsening economy and artificial intelligence-guided military operations.

You can almost sympathize with Braun’s unwillingness to put down the MAGA playbook. Braun is among countless political figures who’ve risen to power over the past decade by genuflecting to Trump and embracing his shamelessness.

Amoral populism launched careers, but it won’t sustain weak leaders through tumultuous times.

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Iran is dividing MAGA

Voters are looking for substance — and, in Indiana, they’re seeing vacuous men who’ve let go of principles so they can cling to Trump like a talisman for their political careers. That goes for Braun, chief among them, but also for a host of other Republicans, including Lt. Gov. Micah Beckwith, Sen. Jim Banks, Attorney General Todd Rokita and Secretary of State Diego Morales, whose temporary claims to power will be forgotten by the next generation.

This MAGA cast of characters achieved success by outsourcing their thinking to a political nerve center. For years, they’ve only had to agree with whatever Trump happened to say today, even if it contradicted what Trump said the day before. Trump’s popularity among conservative voters rewarded groupthink and punished independence.

But Trump’s Iran war adds a critical layer to Americans’ anxieties — including overaggressive immigration enforcement, affordability and a softening job market — which are scrambling U.S. politics and severing the connection between Trump’s stream of consciousness and voter approval.

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Some of the savviest MAGA influencers are hedging their bets. Megyn Kelly, Tucker Carlson and other voices whose personal wealth depends on harnessing the hearts and minds of the right are breaking with Trump on Iran — or, perhaps, using Iran as an opportune moment to create distance from a president whose popularity is falling.

MAGA is a declining brand

It’s too soon to say with certainty what’s signal and what’s noise. But we have increasing evidence that the American public (though not necessarily Republican primary voters) are breaking with Trump-aligned Republicans.

Democrats have been out-performing Kamala Harris’ 2024 results by double digits and they have a 7-point lead over Republicans in congressional midterm polling. Most Americans disapprove of Trump’s military strikes on Iran, per Politico.

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The winds of change are blowing in Indiana. Republicans who carried water for Trump’s early redistricting push suffered an embarrassing loss in December. Braun, the Indiana face of early redistricting, has a 25% approval rating, according to a Public Policy Polling survey.

Braun’s path out of office runs in multiple directions: He could simply decline to run again, as he did in the Senate; a primary challenger could exploit his 43% approval rating among Republicans; or a Democrat could capitalize on the kind of hometown unpopularity that produces a 16% approval rating in Jasper.

Morales faces the same reckoning. His reelection bid for secretary of state is in deep trouble.

Some Indiana Republicans are more adaptable than others. Banks, for example, is an adept shape-shifter who could likely adopt a sober, statesmanlike persona if he perceived an evolving market demand.

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Braun’s internal software does not seem to update so easily. He has time to change, having served just over one year as governor. The next three years will test Braun’s capacity to be something more than he’s been since winning election to the U.S. Senate in 2018.

Braun and his fellow Indiana Republican travelers have sailed as far as Trump’s tailwinds can take them. We’re about to see how they perform when they have to find their own ways.

Contact James Briggs at 317-444-4732 or james.briggs@indystar.com. Follow him on X at @JamesEBriggs.





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Are microschools a solution to falling public school enrollment? One Indiana district thinks so

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Are microschools a solution to falling public school enrollment? One Indiana district thinks so


GREENFIELD, Ind. — Seventh grader Taitym Lynch plans most of her school day herself, mapping out a schedule each morning on her school laptop. She typically starts with math when her brain is sharpest, logging into an online platform her school uses for math lessons. Next she often tackles science with her “class guide,” a teaching assistant who walks her though topics like animal food chains. Lynch chooses to have lunch around noon, and finds time to take breaks in the woods that surround her school, Nature’s Gift.

Lynch, 13, came to Nature’s Gift this fall after years in a traditional public school. She kept trying to adapt, but her anxiety made it difficult. “Honestly, I had problems with school,” Lynch said. “I didn’t feel like going every day.” She also had a brief stint in virtual school.

So far, Lynch is happy at Nature’s Gift. She feels comfortable asking questions of teachers and likes the small size. There are just 64 kids in grades kindergarten through 12th, taught by three licensed teachers and several class guides who provide extra support.

Lynch is the sort of student George Philhower had in mind when he helped start Nature’s Gift — one of a small but growing number of public “microschools” across the country.

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Philhower is the superintendent of Eastern Hancock Community Schools, a rural district of 1,200 students about 30 miles east of Indianapolis. He’d worried for years about the district’s financial health as more families whose kids didn’t thrive in public school considered homeschooling.

Around the same time, the concept of microschooling was gaining traction nationally. Microschools offer multiage learning environments that focus on personalized, often less-regulated instruction. Popularity grew during the pandemic when families sought learning alternatives in online, hybrid and pod options; an estimated 750,000 to 2 million students now attend the schools.

The schools are typically privately run, but Philhower saw a role for them in his small district. Last year, he won approval from the state’s charter school board to establish the Indiana Microschool Collaborative, which he says will incubate a network of microschools statewide. They will operate as charter schools, meaning they are public but have more flexibility in terms of curricula and other operations than traditional public schools.

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Nature’s Gift is located on a 12-acre youth camp surrounded by woods.

Nature’s Gift, the first such school, received so many applications for its original 50 spots that it twice added additional seats and still has a waiting list. Philhower hopes that by 2030, the network will add at least 10 more schools and enroll some 6,000 students statewide. Word is spreading: He said he’s received inquiries about the model from school district leaders and education organizations from elsewhere in the state and beyond.

“The interest has been higher than we ever imagined,” Philhower said.

While some government and education leaders praise the public microschool model as an innovative way to allow more personalized approaches to learning, it’s far too soon to know the extent to which they can succeed in effectively educating students or stemming falling enrollment. Some experts also worry that the innovation that has defined microschools may be lost as the model expands.

“American education is populated with fads and failed reforms and that type of thing, things that don’t work out, and it’s hard to start a school and sustain it,” said Christopher Lubienski, director of the Center for Evaluation and Education Policy at Indiana University. Still, he said the collaborative model in Indiana could give the schools a strong shot at succeeding.

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Don Soifer, CEO of the National Microschooling Center, an industry nonprofit that works to grow the microschool movement, estimates that only about 5 percent of the country’s microschools are public charter schools. But his organization hears from public school superintendents in states with school choice who are curious about the model, he said. “They’re losing some of their best teachers and families to microschools, and they want to get out in front of that.”

According to a 2025 analysis of more than 800 microschools his group conducted, more than 40 percent of students previously attended district-operated schools or were homeschooled before enrolling in a microschool.

Indiana’s public schools, meanwhile, have been losing enrollment since 2008. Just over 1 million students attend them, while about 70,000 students receive school vouchers for private schools through the state’s voucher program, started in 2011. An estimated 8 percent homeschool, above the national average.

Scott Bess, a board member for the Indiana Microschool Collaborative, said he thinks Philhower has found a middle ground for some rural families who chose to homeschool only because they didn’t have other non-public options such as nearby private schools. “It’s going to feel like a small private school, but it’s public,” Bess said.

Philhower said he understands that some people might question why a public school superintendent is embracing and growing charter schools, but that’s what his community asked of him. “School choice isn’t going anywhere, especially in Indiana,” he said.

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Eastern Hancock Superintendent George Philhower walks the grounds at Nature's Gift Microschool.

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Eastern Hancock Superintendent George Philhower walks the grounds at Nature’s Gift Microschool.

Indeed, the state’s Republican governor, Mike Braun, is an advocate of choice and microschools, and promoted them during a July visit to the state from Education Secretary Linda McMahon. Indiana is going to offer microschool options to parents so “they can educate their kids in a way that they think makes sense,” he has said.

At Nature’s Gift — located at a 12-acre youth camp surrounded by woods that includes four barn-red cabins and a main building leased by the school — learning is personalized, with many of the middle and high schoolers managing parts of their daily schedule. Students advance by displaying ability or showing interest in a subject, not by grade level, testing or age alone.

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Most students also participate in hybrid learning and are homeschooled half the time.

Erin Wolski, lead educator of Nature’s Gift, helps with classes for elementary through high school students, while running day-to-day operations. At any given time, she might be leading group math work, hopping on a walkie-talkie to answer a teacher’s question or taking kids on a nature hike.

Before joining Nature’s Gift, Wolski spent more than 16 years in traditional public schools, most recently in the Eastern Hancock district, her alma mater. In early 2025, she approached Philhower about wanting a change, and he told her about his plans for Nature’s Gift. Together, they started the school. Most of its budget revenue comes from state per-pupil spending and some state grants, like one for qualifying charter schools that funds up to $1,400 per student.

Another Nature’s Gift teacher, Christina Grandstaff, also taught in traditional public schools for years. She said she prefers how responsive Nature’s Gift can be to individual students’ needs. “We’re still doing all the things that you need to do for public school, but we have the flexibility,” she said. “We’re outside more, or we can learn outside, or we have kids that move from that group up to this level.”

The school has a very different relationship with parents than traditional public schools.

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Christina Grandstaff is one of three licensed teachers at Nature's Gift.

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Christina Grandstaff is one of three licensed teachers at Nature’s Gift.

Danielle Maroska enrolled her daughter, Kinzie, in Nature’s Gift after homeschooling her for years. She initially chose homeschooling in part to accommodate Kinzie’s athletic schedule: The 11-year-old is a gymnast who spends 16 hours a week practicing.

“Covid really opened the doors for homeschooling to be enough,” Maroska said. “Most of her gymnast friends are homeschooled, so we went that route, and we did that for a couple years.”

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But Kinzie began to miss having a sense of community. This fall, she began attending Nature’s Gift full days on Mondays and half days the rest of the week. Her mother homeschools her those afternoons when she’s not at the gym. Maroska describes herself as a “co-captain” in her daughter’s education, with Wolski being the captain.

Since attending Nature’s Gift, Maroska said she’s noticed her daughter’s approach to learning change. She used to hate reading, Maroska said, but now she regularly curls up with a book, even ahead of pickup time in early December.

“I feel like this is kind of how college is, in a sense,” Maroska said. “It’s making them take initiative to guide their own learning.”

Still, Maroska said Nature’s Gift isn’t right for all kids. Her two sons, in the second and eighth grades, are thriving at a traditional public school in Eastern Hancock, she said, and she would never pull them from that school unless something changed.

By contrast, mother Jen Shipley said she was initially skeptical of Nature’s Gift, never having seriously considered public education for her homeschooled 9-year-old. But like Maroska, she appreciates the flexibility and close relationships with teachers. Her daughter, Elliana, attends the school roughly three days a week and is homeschooled the other two.

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“We feel like partners in her education, versus I’m just handing her over and I just have to deal,” Shipley said.

A lot goes on in classrooms from kindergarten to high school. Keep up with The Hechinger Report’s free weekly newsletter on K-12 education.

As a public charter school, Nature’s Gift must take state tests, unlike private microschools that do not. So far, the results have been mixed. On state benchmark tests in November, the majority of students, 70 percent, scored below proficient in math while only 10 students, or 30 percent, scored below proficient in English and language arts, according to Wolski.

Teacher Emma Kersey is embraced by her daughter Baylor during lessons. Kersey says one of the benefits of teaching at this school is that her preschool-aged daughter is able to attend a year early.

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Teacher Emma Kersey is embraced by her daughter Baylor during lessons. Kersey says one of the benefits of teaching at this school is that her preschool-aged daughter is able to attend a year early.

She said it’s too soon to use student test scores to evaluate the school since it’s been open less than a year. She noted too that her students were educated in a variety of settings before joining the school.

Only one-third of microschools affiliated with the National Microschooling Center take state tests, according to the Las Vegas-based nonprofit, so data on their performance overall is limited.

Some microschool researchers worry that as public microschools are increasingly evaluated based on state tests, they could become more beholden to that accountability framework and some of what makes them innovative could disappear. “If that high-stakes accountability piece is there, it is inevitable that schools will have to change their operations to lean more towards performing on those metrics,” said Lauren Covelli, an associate policy researcher at Rand, a research organization, who studies microschools.

She added: “With so many school choice options in Indiana, specifically, if families don’t want their child to be taking a standardized test, it’s probably not the choice for them.”

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For families and educators who have chosen Nature’s Gift, the future seems encouraging. “This is sustainable, because so many parents are seeking something different,” said Wolski, the teacher and co-founder. “They have more access to things now than they ever did before.”

As 3 p.m. neared on a recent weekday, Grandstaff wrapped up a lesson and sent some students to the main building for pickup, then checked on a student who was studying at his laptop outside in the 20-degree weather. “He prefers it,” the teacher said.

Wolski said she doesn’t want to be part of undoing what’s happening in traditional schools but, rather, building more options into the public school system. “Families want different things,” she said. “Kids want different things.”

Nature’s Gift still has a long way to go, she said, but she is motivated to keep building it.

“Parents are happy. Kids are happy,” Wolski said. “So we’re going to keep going.”

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Contact editor Caroline Preston at 212-870-8965, via Signal at CarolineP.83 or on email at preston@hechingerreport.org

This story about microschools was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Hechinger newsletter. 

Copyright 2026 IPB News



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Chicago Ridge man accused of stealing vehicles with tow truck, selling them for scrap metal: police

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Chicago Ridge man accused of stealing vehicles with tow truck, selling them for scrap metal: police


CHICAGO (WLS) — A tow truck driver has been accused of selling vehicles he stole.

Illinois State Police arrested 36-year-old Saeed E. Mustafa of Chicago Ridge on Friday.

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Investigators say he used his tow truck to steal vehicles, before selling them for scrap metal.

One of the thefts took place on Feb. 12 on the Bishop Ford Freeway, Illinois State Police said.

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SEE ALSO: 1 in custody after shots fired at 2 CPD squad cars on South Side: Chicago police

Several had been stolen out of Chicago and Indiana, according to police.

Mustafa has been charged with conspiracy to receive/possess/sell a stolen motor vehicle.

He is being held, pending his first court appearance.

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