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Small coastal Alabama town elects first Black woman mayor

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Small coastal Alabama town elects first Black woman mayor


Prichard, a small town north of Mobile struggling with a water and sewage crisis, ousted its mayor from office Tuesday night.

Carletta Davis, a community activist, won the runoff for mayor of Prichard. Davis received 2,191 votes, and incumbent Mayor Jimmie Gardner received 714.

Davis is the first Black woman elected to the office, according to Prichard City Councilmember Stephani Johnson-Norwood. Prichard is 88.7% Black.

After Tuesday’s elections, four out of five members of Prichard’s city council are women, in an overhaul of the town’s leadership.

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Davis leads We Matter Eight Mile, a community action group. She has been active in Prichard’s numerous water and sewer difficulties.

The town’s water and sewer utility has been under control of a receiver for the last two years after it defaulted on a $56 million loan from a bank.

The utility loses 60% of the water it purchases, and millions of gallons of raw sewage spills in the town every year.

Issues with water and sewage service, along with concerns about crime, dominated this year’s elections.

Nine provisional ballots have not been counted, but they will not be a decisive factor in the race. The town came under fire for its handling of provisional ballots during the August 23 general election.

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Issues in last election

Davis ran against incumbent Jimmie Gardner and Lorenzo Martin, a former city councilman, in the general election in August.

Davis and Gardner advanced to the runoff, with Davis receiving the most votes. However, Gardner led Martin by just a few votes, 635 to 631 to get into the runoff, according to WKRG.

Davis received 951 votes in the general election.

However, between 13 and 23 provisional ballots cast in the August 23 race were not counted. Martin filed a challenge in Mobile County Circuit Court, asking for those ballots to be counted.

A provisional ballot is one cast by a voter whose eligibility cannot be proven on election day.

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The provisional ballots in question were left behind at a senior center and delivered to the Mobile County Board of Registrars more than 24 hours after the election. The Mobile County Board of Registrars discounted 13 provisional ballots.

Mobile County Circuit Court Judge Michael Youngpeter dismissed Martin’s claim, in part because of a “failure to file security for the necessary costs.” Martin paid a $10,000 bond as part of his challenge.

“A qualified elector must not be punished, if you will, with blatant misconduct enabled by a public official cognizant of all applicable laws related to fair elections,” Martin’s motion to reconsider Youngpeter’s dismissal says. “This surely is unconstitutional.”

The ACLU of Alabama issued a scathing report earlier this month, highlighting issues with elections around the state, including Prichard. In their report, the civil rights group said provisional ballots were not available at polling places, and poll workers wrote “provisional” on standard ballots.

The Prichard City Clerk’s staff was not available throughout election day August 23, the ACLU said, despite concerns about ballot access.

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City Council races

Prichard city councilmembers Annie Williams, in District One, and Johnson-Norwood, in District Two, were reelected without opposition.

  • In District Three, Traci Hale defeated Mario Yow, Sr., 326 votes to 168 votes.
  • In District Four, leader of voting advocacy group Teresa Fox-Bettis defeated incumbent George McCall, Jr., 316 votes to 193 votes.
  • In District Five, Roy Smith II defeated Anthony Barry, 304 votes to 283 votes. Smith will be the lone man on the city council.

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Alabama

Opinion | Kay Ivey set a governing standard Alabama now measures against

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Opinion | Kay Ivey set a governing standard Alabama now measures against


History has rarely been kind to Alabama’s governors. Few are remembered for long, and fewer still for having led the state well. Governor Kay Ivey is likely to be judged differently—not because she reshaped Alabama politics, but because she set a governing standard that has too often been absent.

Measured against her peers—in this state and across the region—Ivey has led Alabama better than most. Not louder. Not flashier. Better.

In an era of noisy, self-indulgent governance, she has been better than her peers simply because she treated the job as work, not performance.

She inherited a state that has often confused ideological signaling with leadership and volume with results. What she offered instead was competence, continuity and a seriousness about governing that has grown increasingly rare. Ivey did not promise transformation. She delivered stability. She did not seek national attention. She focused on Alabama. And while her approach rarely produced dramatic moments, it produced something far more valuable: a state that was consistently managed, economically competitive and largely spared the self-inflicted chaos that has plagued executive offices elsewhere.

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For most Alabamians, that did not feel dramatic. It felt like schools opening on time, paychecks arriving as expected, roads getting paved and crises handled without panic. Good governance rarely announces itself—it simply spares people from unnecessary disruption.

She will not be remembered for fiery speeches or grand crusades. She will not be remembered for cable-news dominance or viral moments. She will be remembered for keeping Alabama on steady footing at a time when steadiness itself became a scarce commodity.

That steadiness was not accidental. It reflected judgment, discipline and an understanding that governing is not about theatrics, but about responsibility.

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Fault can be found with any leader. Kay Ivey is no exception. There were moments of caution, moments when political realities shaped policy choices, and moments when the gravitational pull of her party’s most aggressive elements was difficult to escape. But what distinguishes her tenure—and what sets it apart from many of her contemporaries—is that she consistently chose outcomes over outrage, policy over performance, and long-term stability over short-term applause.

She governed with policy, not performance.

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For decades, Alabama—like much of the South—has talked about the idea of a “New South” governor. At its core, that idea has always meant the same thing: a leader focused on economic growth over grievance, management over messaging, and results over rhetoric. Other Southern states have elected versions of that leader. Alabama, notably, has not.

Instead, the state has often oscillated—sometimes choosing cultural familiarity over competence, sometimes rewarding ideological signaling over executive ability and sometimes settling for leaders who spoke loudly but governed thinly. That pattern did not belong exclusively to one party or one era. It has been a feature of Alabama politics for generations.

Ivey did not become Alabama’s first New South governor. But she governed closer to that standard than most of her predecessors. She practiced conservatism not as spectacle, but as stewardship—a quieter, more functional form that treated governing as an executive responsibility rather than a cultural performance.

As she enters her final year in office, Alabama stands at an inflection point. We know what Alabamians want because they have told us—clearly, repeatedly and across survey after survey that cuts through party labels and campaign rhetoric.

They want a governor focused on affordability and economic stability. They want attention paid to the cost of living, to whether wages keep pace with prices, to whether growth reaches working families instead of stopping at press releases and ribbon cuttings. They want competence in managing the basics—infrastructure, education, health care access, workforce development—and seriousness about the long-term health of the state.

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They are not asking for ideological theatrics. They are not asking for endless conflict. And they are not asking for leadership consumed by national attention rather than Alabama outcomes.

In poll after poll, voters prioritize practical concerns over performative ones. They value results over rhetoric, steadiness over spectacle, and leadership that improves daily life rather than dominating the news cycle.

That is not nostalgia. That is data.

The appeal of competence is not ideological. It is rooted in lived experience, especially among people who cannot afford the consequences of instability, mismanagement or performative leadership.

Alabama remains a conservative state. It always has been. For much of its history, it elected conservatives whether they ran as Democrats or Republicans. What changed was not ideology, but sorting. Beginning with Richard Nixon’s Southern Strategy and reinforced through later realignments, including Ronald Reagan’s accommodation with the Christian right, party identity gradually replaced judgment. Over time, the letter beside a candidate’s name came to carry more weight than preparation, temperament or capacity to govern.

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That is not wisdom. It is habit.

And habits, left unchecked, can quietly erode the standards voters believe they are defending.

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Kay Ivey’s tenure stands as a reminder of what happens when judgment still matters. She did not govern as a brand or an avatar. She governed as an executive. Her appeal was not novelty or outrage, but familiarity, restraint and a willingness to do the work without demanding constant validation.

When identity replaces judgment, the risk is not that voters choose the wrong ideology. The risk is that they stop asking whether a candidate is prepared to govern at all. And when that question goes unasked, the cost is never abstract—it is paid quietly, over time, by families who do not have the luxury of treating politics as entertainment.

Kay Ivey will not be remembered as the loudest governor Alabama has had. She will be remembered as one who led the state well—and who showed, almost inadvertently, how rare that has become.

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Standards, once lowered, are difficult to restore. And when they slip quietly, they rarely announce themselves until the consequences are already felt.

Alabama now faces a choice that will not be resolved by slogans or party labels. It will be resolved by whether voters continue to ask the most basic question of anyone seeking executive power: are you prepared to govern—or only to perform?



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4 former Alabama players win Super Bowl as Seahawks beat Patriots

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4 former Alabama players win Super Bowl as Seahawks beat Patriots


The Seattle Seahawks defeated the New England Patriots 29-13 in Super Bowl LX to capture the franchise’s second Super Bowl victory, and four former Alabama players will receive a Super Bowl ring. Jalen Milroe, Robbie Ouzts, Josh Jobe and Jarran Reed are the former Alabama players that played for the Seahawks this year.  Jobe and […]



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How to watch Alabama vs. Texas A&M women’s basketball: TV channel and streaming options for February 8

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How to watch Alabama vs. Texas A&M women’s basketball: TV channel and streaming options for February 8


The Texas A&M Aggies (8-10) will look to turn around a six-game losing streak when they host the No. 21 Alabama Crimson Tide (20-4) on Sunday, February 8, 2026 at Reed Arena. The game airs at 6 p.m. ET on SEC Network.

How to watch Alabama Crimson Tide vs. Texas A&M Aggies

Stats to know

  • Texas A&M has a -98 scoring differential, falling short by 5.4 points per game. It is putting up 63.8 points per game to rank 225th in college basketball and is giving up 69.2 per contest to rank 287th in college basketball.
  • Texas A&M knocks down 5.1 three-pointers per game (274th in college basketball), 1.5 fewer than its opponents (6.6). It is shooting 26.1% from beyond the arc (335th in college basketball) while allowing opponents to shoot 33.0%.
  • Alabama’s +334 scoring differential (outscoring opponents by 14.0 points per game) is a result of putting up 71.5 points per game (86th in college basketball) while allowing 57.5 per outing (35th in college basketball).
  • Alabama connects on 8.3 three-pointers per game (37th in college basketball) at a 37.1% rate (14th in college basketball), compared to the 5.2 per game its opponents make, at a 30.5% rate.

This watch guide was created using technology provided by Data Skrive.

Betting/odds, ticketing and streaming links in this article are provided by partners of The Athletic. Restrictions may apply. The Athletic maintains full editorial independence. Partners have no control over or input into the reporting or editing process and do not review stories before publication.

Photo: Patrick Smith, Andy Lyons, Steph Chambers, Jamie Squire / Getty Images

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