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Where the Voting Rights Act stands after the Supreme Court punts on a Louisiana case

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Where the Voting Rights Act stands after the Supreme Court punts on a Louisiana case


Demonstrators walk in Selma, Ala., in March with a sign saying “UNITE TO FIGHT FOR VOTING RIGHTS” to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the Bloody Sunday march that galvanized the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

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In a rare decision this week, the U.S. Supreme Court postponed ruling on a Louisiana congressional redistricting case that could have implications on legal protections for the rights of minority voters across the country.

The high court’s order on Friday did not explain why the court wants to hear oral arguments again in Louisiana v. Callais during its next term that is expected to start in October, although it signaled there may be details in a follow-up order coming in “due course.”

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“This is on the surface a fairly easy case factually to decide,” says Michael Li, a redistricting expert at the Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law. “The Supreme Court almost never holds over cases for argument. And the fact that it’s doing so in this case is puzzling.”

Some legal experts are watching to see if the court’s ruling ends up joining a string of decisions since 2013 by the court’s conservative majority that have limited the scope of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and its protections against racial discrimination in elections.

“Voting Rights Act watchers have been predicting a major shift around the Voting Rights Act for over a decade,” says Atiba Ellis, a law professor at Case Western Reserve University. “The fact that the Court is rearguing Louisiana v. Callais may mean there is deep debate and a potential major decision upholding — or striking down — the Voting Rights Act.”

The Louisiana case also centers on the role of politics when redrawing maps of voting districts, notes Justin Levitt, a Loyola Law School professor. The court’s punting this week “may mean more justices want to think a little bit more about the interaction of race and politics and the Voting Rights Act than I would have thought, but that’s not sort of prejudging the outcome of that consideration,” adds Levitt, who served as a White House adviser on voting rights during former President Joe Biden’s administration.

Levitt also points to the court’s 2023 ruling for a similar redistricting case out of Alabama as a sign that the Voting Rights Act may end up unscathed by the court’s ultimate ruling in this long-running redistricting battle. In that decision, the court upheld its previous rulings on the same part of the Voting Rights Act that many of its advocates fear could be weakened in the Louisiana case.

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As the Voting Rights Act’s supporters prepare to mark the 60th anniversary of the law’s passage this August, Levitt, however, does note that its critics are setting up potential future showdowns at the Supreme Court.

Here’s what to know about where Voting Rights Act protections currently stand in the Louisiana case and the key lawsuits that could weaken them next:

The Louisiana ruling could make it harder to claim that a voting map dilutes minority voters’ collective power

To comply with what’s known as Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, state lawmakers in Louisiana — where voting is racially polarized and nearly 1 in 3 people are Black — are under a federal court order to pass a map with two out of six districts where Black voters have a realistic opportunity of electing their preferred candidates.

But a group of self-described “non-Black” voters challenged the map that the state’s legislature said it passed to get in line with Section 2. Those challengers argue that one of the districts the lawmakers drew is an unconstitutional racial gerrymander.

Civil rights advocates hold signs saying "LOUISIANA DESERVES FAIR MAPS!" outside the U.S. Supreme Court in Washington, D.C., in March on the first day of oral arguments in Louisiana v. Callais.

Civil rights advocates hold signs saying “LOUISIANA DESERVES FAIR MAPS!” outside the U.S. Supreme Court in Washington, D.C., in March on the first day of oral arguments in the Louisiana congressional redistricting case.

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During oral arguments in March, however, Louisiana state Solicitor General Benjamin Aguiñaga said the Republican-led legislature made a “politically rational decision” to draw a map with a pair of majority-Black districts in a way that protects the seats of three top Louisiana Republicans — U.S. House Speaker Mike Johnson, House Majority Leader Steve Scalise and Rep. Julia Letlow, a House Appropriations Committee member.

With a candidate filing deadline for the state’s 2026 primary election coming up this December, a Supreme Court order from last year keeps the congressional map with two majority-Black districts in effect at least for now.

But voting rights advocates are keeping watch for any ruling by the high court that strikes down the map and potentially further limits how race can factor into redistricting around the country. That could make it harder to enforce Section 2 protections against maps of voting districts that dilute minority voters’ collective power in areas where voting is racially polarized.

Alabama wants to again argue against race-based redistricting before the Supreme Court

Republican state officials in Alabama are, once again, appealing another long-running congressional redistricting case to the Supreme Court.

This time, they’ve teed up an argument that it is unconstitutional for Congress to allow race-based redistricting to continue without an end date under the Voting Rights Act.

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Justices Brett Kavanaugh and Clarence Thomas raised that point when the high court ruled on Alabama’s congressional map in 2023, when Kavanaugh also noted: “Alabama did not raise that temporal argument in this Court, and I therefore would not consider it at this time.”

In that ruling, Kavanaugh joined Chief Justice John Roberts, a fellow conservative, and the court’s three liberal justices to uphold the Supreme Court’s past rulings on Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act.

But some voting rights advocates are watching to see if Republican Alabama officials can sway Kavanaugh this round and ultimately undo Section 2 protections against the dilution of minority voters’ collective power in redistricting.

GOP state officials in Louisiana have raised the same constitutional argument against Section 2 protections in a state legislative redistricting case, which is currently waiting for a ruling by a three-judge panel of the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals.

A North Dakota case could end a key tool for enforcing minority voters’ rights

Last month, a North Dakota state legislative redistricting case moved a step closer to the Supreme Court, where a potential ruling could eliminate a key tool for protecting the rights of minority voters.

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For decades, private individuals and groups have brought most of the lawsuits focused on enforcing Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. But a pair of decisions out of the 8th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals has found that private individuals and groups are not allowed to sue because they are not explicitly named in the words of the Voting Rights Act. Only the head of the Justice Department, these 8th Circuit panel decisions say, can file these types of lawsuits.

Native American voters led by the Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa Indians are asking the full 8th Circuit to review the latest decision.

In the meantime, the rulings apply to seven mainly Midwestern states — Arkansas, Iowa, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota and South Dakota — as the Justice Department under the Trump administration steps away from Section 2 lawsuits it previously brought when Biden was in office.

Some voting rights advocates fear that if the North Dakota case is ultimately appealed to the Supreme Court, the high court could make it harder to enforce Section 2 protections across the country. Justice Neil Gorsuch signaled his interest in this issue with a single-paragraph opinion in 2021.

Edited by Benjamin Swasey

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Louisiana pastor convicted of abusing teenage congregant

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Louisiana pastor convicted of abusing teenage congregant


A Pentecostal pastor in Louisiana charged with sexually molesting a teenage girl in his church has been convicted of indecent behavior with a juvenile – but was acquitted of the more serious crime of statutory rape.

Milton Otto Martin III, 58, faces up to seven years in prison and must register as a sex offender after a three-day trial in Chalmette, Louisiana, resulted in a guilty verdict against him on Thursday. His sentencing hearing is tentatively set for 15 January in the latest high-profile instance of religious abuse in the New Orleans area.

Authorities who investigated Martin, the pastor of Chalmette’s First Pentecostal Church, spoke with several alleged molestation victims of his. But the jury in his case heard from just two of them, and the charges on which he was tried pertained to only one.

That victim’s attorneys – John Denenea, Richard Trahant and Soren Gisleson – lauded their client for testifying against Martin even as members of the institution’s congregation showed up in large numbers to support him throughout the trial.

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“That was the most courageous thing I’ve ever seen a young woman do,” the lawyers remarked in a statement, with Denenea saying it was the first time in his career he and a client of his needed deputies to escort them out the courthouse. “She not only made sure he was accountable for his crimes – she has also protected many other young women from this convicted predator.”

Neither Martin’s attorney, Jeff Hufft, nor his church immediately responded to requests for comment.

The documents containing Martin’s criminal charges alleged that he committed felony carnal knowledge, Louisiana’s formal name for statutory rape, by engaging in oral sex with Denenea’s client when she was 16 in about 2011. The indecent behavior was inflicted on her when she was between the ages of 15 and 17, the charging documents maintained.

A civil lawsuit filed against Martin in parallel detailed how he would allegedly bring the victim – one of his congregants – out on four-wheeler rides and sexually abuse her during breaks that they took during the excursions.

The accuser, now about 30, reported Martin to Louisiana state police before he was arrested in March 2023. Other accusers subsequently came forward with similar allegations dating back further. Martin made bail, pleaded not guilty and underwent trial beginning on Tuesday in front of state court judge Darren Roy.

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Denenea said he believed his client’s testimony on Wednesday was pivotal in Martin’s conviction, which was obtained by prosecutors Barry Milligan and Erica Moore of the Louisiana attorney general’s office, according to the agency.

As Denenea put it, it seemed to him Martin’s acquittal stemmed from uncertainty over whether the accuser initially reported being 16 at the time of the alleged carnal knowledge.

State attorney general Liz Murrill said in a statement that it was “great work” my Milligan and Moore “getting justice for this victim”.

“We will never stop fighting to protect the children of Louisiana,” Murrill said.

Martin was remanded without bail to the custody of the local sheriff’s office to await sentencing after the verdict.

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The lawsuit that Denenea’s client filed against Martin was stayed while the criminal case was unresolved. It can now proceed, with the plaintiff accusing the First Pentecostal church of doing nothing to investigate earlier sexual abuse claims against Martin.

The plaintiff also accused the Worldwide Pentecostal Fellowships to which the Chalmette church belonged of failing to properly supervise Martin around children, and her lawsuit demands damages from both institutions.

Martin’s prosecution is unrelated to the clergy molestation scandal that drove the Roman Catholic archdiocese of nearby New Orleans into federal bankruptcy court in 2020 – but the two cases do share a few links.

State police detective Scott Rodrigue investigated Martin after also pursuing the retired New Orleans Catholic priest Lawrence Hecker, a serial child molester who had been shielded by his church superiors for decades. Rodrigue’s investigation led to Hecker’s arrest, conviction and life sentence for child rape – shortly before his death in December 2024.

Furthermore, Denenea, Trahant and Gisleson were also the civil attorneys for the victim in Hecker’s criminal case.

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This Japanese partnership will advance carbon capture in Louisiana

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Newlab New Orleans is deepening its energy-tech ambitions with a new partnership alongside JERA, Japan’s largest power generator, to accelerate next-generation carbon capture solutions for heavy industries across Louisiana and the Gulf Coast, The Center Square writes

The collaboration brings JERA Ventures into Newlab’s public-private innovation hub, where startups gain access to lab space and high-end machinery to commercialize technologies aimed at cutting emissions and improving industrial efficiency.

The move builds momentum as Newlab prepares to open its fifth global hub next fall at the former Naval Support Activity site, adding New Orleans to a network that includes Riyadh and Detroit. JERA’s footprint in Louisiana is already growing—from a joint venture on CF Industries’ planned $4 billion low-carbon ammonia plant to investments in solar generation and Haynesville shale assets—positioning the company as a significant player in the state’s clean-energy transition.

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Fed’s ‘Catahoula Crunch’ finished its first week in Louisiana 

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Federal immigration authorities are keeping a tight lid on key details as “Catahoula Crunch” closes its first week in southeast Louisiana, Verite writes.  

The operation—one of Department of Homeland Security’s largest recent urban crackdowns—began with raids at home-improvement stores and aims for 5,000 arrests, according to plans previously reviewed by the Associated Press. While DHS publicly highlighted arrests of immigrants with violent criminal records, AP data shows fewer than one-third of the 38 detainees in the first two days had prior convictions. 

Meanwhile, advocacy groups report widespread fear in Hispanic communities, with residents avoiding hospitals, schools, workplaces and even grocery stores amid sightings of federal agents.

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Business impacts are already visible: restaurants and Hispanic-serving corridors like Broad Street appear unusually quiet, with staff shortages forcing menu cuts and temporary closures. School absenteeism has doubled in Jefferson Parish, and protests have spread across New Orleans and surrounding suburbs as local leaders demand transparency around federal tactics.

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