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‘Not for the faint of heart’: Private equity’s last retail barbarian

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‘Not for the faint of heart’: Private equity’s last retail barbarian

Ailing retailers like Walgreens Boots Alliance have scared off even the most daring Wall Street financiers. But that fear has repeatedly proven an opportunity for Sycamore Partners’ Stefan Kaluzny.

The intensely secretive co-founder of the private equity firm has been able to make big bets that Americans are not done with malls and in-person shopping, with few rivals daring to circle.

This week Sycamore, which has sucked up waning brands such as Staples, Talbots and Ann Taylor despite managing only about $10bn, announced its biggest deal yet: a $23.7bn transaction to take Walgreens private.

The buyout firm now has to revive a business ravaged by declining prescription drug reimbursements and ecommerce, with 12,500 outlets spanning the US, Europe and Latin America, under brands including Walgreens, Boots, Duane Reade and Benavides. Many peers see the stores as unsalvageable.

“It’s not for the faint of heart,” one lawyer who has worked with Sycamore said of leveraged buyouts in the retail sector. “Oftentimes these deals have less competition because [they’re] going where other people won’t touch with a 10-foot pole.”

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Sycamore co-founder Stefan Kaluzny has refined his technique over 14 years of buyouts © Slaven Vlasic/Getty Images/AAFA American Image Awards

Kaluzny’s well-worn playbook starts with the intricate dossiers Sycamore maintains on hundreds of US retail chains, one Wall Street veteran recalled.

The next step is achieving a modest purchase price. Sycamore has developed a reputation for bargaining hard right up until signing. In some cases — the $6.9bn deal for office supplies chain Staples, for example — Sycamore has even pulled off price chips after reaching a handshake on the terms, according to securities filings and deal insiders.

After landing a deal, Sycamore makes aggressive plans to get its equity investment back quickly by breaking up a target or selling off real estate to generate immediate cash proceeds.

With Staples, Kaluzny rapidly separated the consumer chain that had been battered by Amazon from the business-to-business segment, and sold the company’s headquarters to itself so that it could then collect lease payments. The result: a $1bn dividend within a few years.

“Sycamore is willing . . . to get their hands dirty,” one person involved in the Walgreens buyout said.

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The firm’s success had less to do with “brilliant operational moves” than the fact they were “not sentimental” and were willing to shut down or liquidate business lines quickly, the person said. “They’re willing to play hardball.”

Sycamore and Kaluzny declined to comment.

Such high-stakes gambits are typical of an investor seen by peers as a brutally tough negotiator with a stomach for some of the most complex turnarounds on Wall Street.

Kaluzny honed his craft at buyout group Golden Gate Capital, before setting up Sycamore in 2011. It was a rich time to buy brick-and-mortar retailers: shopping centres were still full of foot traffic and the 2008 financial crisis had knocked many of their businesses off track, creating cheap opportunities for pugnacious investors such as Apollo Global Management and KKR.

Yet since then, the approach has sometimes struggled.

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Investing in retail companies with hulking real estate footprints and thousands of employees can be treacherous, and when retailers fail, they do not collapse quietly.

Previous Sycamore deals involved the owner of shoe Stuart Weitzman and Kurt Geiger © Chris Ratcliffe/Bloomberg
The buyout firm’s latest acquisition is for a different type of troubled retailer, Walgreens Boots Alliance © Bridget Bennett/Bloomberg

“Private equity firms have lost so much money in retail,” said one banker that has worked with Sycamore. “Retail and leverage don’t usually work well. If you get the timing wrong, if you get the fashion wrong, you get your head handed to you.”

One of Sycamore’s thornier situations was its 2014 investment in retail conglomerate Jones Group, where the buyout firm sold two of the company’s most valuable brands — Stuart Weitzman and Kurt Geiger — to another entity it controlled.

It renamed the rump of the business Nine West, which filed for bankruptcy in 2018, and sparked a legal brawl.

Creditors accused the private equity group of stripping Nine West of valuable assets, leaving it unable to pay off its debt and ultimately insolvent. Sycamore settled the dispute in court by paying junior bondholders; in exchange, the group received releases from future liabilities related to the buyout.

Three years after Nine West’s bankruptcy filing, another Sycamore portfolio company, private department store chain Belk, filed for bankruptcy under the weight of more than $1bn in debt after six years under the firm’s ownership. Sycamore ultimately ceded control of the company to lenders in a restructuring last year.

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Sycamore’s first fund had returned 24 per cent as of the third quarter of last year, while its third fund from 2018 had brought in 18 per cent, according to a person familiar with the returns and public filings. However, its second one from 2014 has only returned 5 per cent.

The private equity group launched a fourth fundraise during the second half of last year which has yet to close, according to a person familiar with the matter.

While private equity titans like Blackstone and KKR have generally walked away from retail buyouts, Sycamore — and Kaluzny — has stuck around.

Kaluzny has run the firm on his own since 2022, when his co-founder Peter Morrow departed. “Stefan’s smart about it,” said the lawyer. “They really scrutinise the assets and figure out ways they can capture value, in a way other people couldn’t.”

With Walgreens Boots, the 90 per cent drop in the company’s market capitalisation in the past decade spells opportunity.

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US pharmacy chains have suffered from a punishing combination of flagging sales and steeper costs, and Walgreens has been no exception.

The buyout group will attempt to turn the business around by using the same game plan it has applied to other targets in its 14 years of buying brands, according to people familiar with the group’s business strategy.

Sycamore ultimately plans to split the pharmacy chain into at least three businesses, the Financial Times previously reported. The company’s US pharmacy retailer Walgreens, its British retail arm Boots, and the speciality pharma unit Shields Health Solutions are among the units that could ultimately become independent companies.

Pulling that off means putting in place precise financing arrangements for the deal to reflect the differing prospects of the businesses, one of the reasons the buyout took months to negotiate.

Lenders to the US retail business, for example, required Sycamore to secure the debt with inventory, including prescription drugs, according to a person involved in the deal.

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Such a structure gives lenders — which include private credit firm Ares — a claim on the assets if the unit defaults on its debt or ultimately files for bankruptcy.

Cleaving a company into parts can help buyout firms unlock conglomerate discounts and secure a higher overall payout, and Sycamore is well practised in the art. But there is still considerable work to be done whipping parts of Walgreens’ core business into shape for potential future buyers.

“Presumably Sycamore’s going to be focused on cost-cutting and cost-reduction to improve cash flow,” said James Goldstein, the head of US retail at CreditSights.

“I’m sure they’ll push hard, but do they have better ideas of how to fix the pharmacy business than the existing management team or anyone else? I don’t know.”

Additional reporting by Sujeet Indap, Antoine Gara and Eric Platt in New York

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Ed Martin, outspoken Justice Department lawyer, is formally accused of ethical violations | CNN Politics

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Ed Martin, outspoken Justice Department lawyer, is formally accused of ethical violations | CNN Politics

Ed Martin, an outspoken Trump administration official, is facing attorney discipline proceedings in Washington, DC, for a letter he sent to Georgetown Law about its diversity programs, the district’s professional conduct investigator announced on Tuesday.

Martin is formally accused of violating his ethical codes as an attorney for telling Georgetown Law’s dean last year that his Justice Department office wouldn’t hire students because of the school’s diversity, inclusion and equity initiatives programs, according to the filing from Hamilton Fox, the disciplinary counsel for DC who acts as a quasi-prosecutor on attorney discipline matters.

Unlike unsolicited complaints, Fox’s formal disciplinary complaint kicks off professional conduct proceedings for Martin in which he will need to respond and could be sanctioned or ultimately lose his law license.

Fox’s announcement on Tuesday marks the first major bar discipline proceeding against a high-profile administration official or attorney supporting President Donald Trump during Trump’s second term. Several Trump lawyers faced disciplinary proceedings after the efforts to overturn Joe Biden’s victory in the 2020 presidential election, including Rudy Giuliani, who lost his law license.

“Acting in his official capacity and speaking on behalf of the government, he used coercion to punish or suppress a disfavored viewpoint, the teaching and promotion of ‘DEI,’” Fox wrote in the complaint. “He demanded that Georgetown Law relinquish its free speech and religious rights in order to continue to obtain a benefit, employment opportunities for its students.”

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Martin was removed from the top prosecutor job in DC after senators made clear he would not be confirmed to the role, but has remained at the Justice Department in several roles, including as pardon attorney.

“Mr. Martin knew or should have known that, as a government official, his conduct violated the First and Fifth Amendments to the Constitution of the United States,” Fox wrote.

Martin is being represented by a Justice Department attorney, a source told CNN.

A spokesperson for DOJ attacked Fox’s complaint. “The DC bar’s attempt to target and punish those serving President Trump while refusing to investigate or act against actual ethical violations that were committed by Biden and Obama administration attorneys is a clear indication of this partisan organization’s agenda,” DOJ said.

Martin had sent the letter to Georgetown Law while serving temporarily as US attorney for DC, a prominent Justice Department position, and told the school his federal prosecutors’ office wouldn’t hire Georgetown’s law school students. It came at a time when the Trump administration was beginning to crack down on universities for their DEI efforts.

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In his letter, Martin claimed a whistleblower told him that the school was teaching and promoting DEI.

Martin also violated attorney ethics rules by contacting judges of the DC court directly, Fox alleged, rather than going through official channels, once he was informed he was under investigation for his professional conduct. The DC Court of Appeals ultimately signs off on attorney discipline findings.

Early last year, Fox’s office had formally asked Martin to respond to a complaint it received by a retired judge regarding the Georgetown letter.

Martin instead wrote to the judges on the DC court complaining about Fox.

“In that letter, he stated that he would not be responding to Disciplinary Counsel’s inquiry, complained about Disciplinary Counsel’s ‘uneven behavior,’ and requested a ‘face-to-face meeting with all of you to discuss this matter and find a way forward,’” Fox wrote.

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“He copied the White House Counsel ‘for informational purposes because of the importance of getting this issue addressed,’” Fox said.

The top judge in the DC courts told Martin the court wouldn’t meet with him about the disciplinary matter and that he would need to follow procedure.

With Fox’s complaint, there will now be several steps ahead of bar discipline authorities looking at Martin’s action, and Fox didn’t specify how Martin should be reprimanded or punished if the discipline boards and the court ultimately determine he violated his ethical codes.

Spokespeople for the Justice Department didn’t immediately respond to requests for comment on Tuesday morning.

In recent days, Attorney General Pam Bondi announced her office would have a more powerful role in reviewing attorney discipline complaints against Justice Department attorneys, potentially setting up an approach that could keep the department at odds with the bar on behalf of DOJ attorneys facing their own individual disciplinary proceedings.

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CNN’s Paula Reid contributed to this report.

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Europe and Asia battle for LNG as Iran war chokes supply

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Europe and Asia battle for LNG as Iran war chokes supply

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Asian and European buyers are battling to source liquefied natural gas after the war in the Middle East choked off shipments through the Strait of Hormuz, blocking a fifth of global supplies.

In an indication of the intensifying contest for LNG since the US and Israel launched strikes on Iran, a handful of gas carriers have abruptly changed course while sailing to Europe and swung towards Asia instead, according to ship monitoring data analysed by the FT.

Countries across Asia are highly dependent on oil and gas sent through the Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway where shipping has slowed to a near standstill.

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Most of the LNG produced in Qatar and the United Arab Emirates is ordinarily shipped through the strait to Asia, and Asian LNG prices surged almost immediately after war broke out, creating an incentive to divert US gas to the region.

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Taiwan, South Korea and Japan are among the countries that need to source LNG to make up for supplies they will not receive from the Gulf, said Massimo Di Odoardo, head of gas and LNG analysis at consultancy Wood Mackenzie.

Taiwan relied on Qatar for more than 30 per cent of its gas consumption in 2025, according to Citigroup, while for South Korea and Japan the figures were 15 per cent and 5 per cent respectively. Asia typically uses more gas than Europe in the hotter summer months because of more air-conditioning use, creating urgency for Asian utilities to secure cargoes.

The vast majority of LNG is sold under long-term contracts rather than on the spot market, but some buyers are able to change the final destination of their purchases and some sellers are willing to break contracts if prices rise high enough.

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By Thursday, surging European gas prices and rocketing shipping rates had swung the balance back against diversion of US LNG to Asia, according to data company Spark Commodities.

The decision on where to send gas carriers can depend on the relative levels of the European gas price, Asia’s JKM benchmark for LNG and shipping rates.

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For European buyers, the battle with Asia for LNG supplies is eerily familiar to the situation four years ago after Russia slashed pipeline natural gas flows to the continent following Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Competition for spare cargoes then pushed prices to record levels.

On Monday, European gas prices reached as high as €69.50 per megawatt hour, more than double their level before the Iran conflict began. Even so, prices are still far from the €342 per megawatt hour reached in 2022.

JKM gas prices also more than doubled since the start of the war to $24.80 per 1mn British thermal units by Monday, equivalent to €73.10/MWh.

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European buyers have learnt from their experience in 2022. “Europe has more weapons at its disposal in this extreme price scenario to try and fight,” said Alex Kerr, a partner at law firm Baker Botts.

Buyers had started putting clauses in contracts to say that suppliers would face much higher penalties if they diverted cargoes for commercial gain, Kerr said.

There is also much more LNG on the market now that is not committed to set destinations, largely because of new projects starting in the US.

While producers such as Qatar impose strict rules on where its LNG can be sent, almost all US exports are allowed to sail wherever buyers want. Several analysts said there had also been an increase in the willingness of some producers to break contracts for financial advantage.

This makes diversions more likely, while the reluctance of some European buyers to sign long-term supply contracts before the outbreak of war this month could prove costly.

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Expectations of a global supply glut convinced some European buyers that it would be cheaper to wait until later in the year to sign supply deals.

Wood Mackenzie’s Di Odoardo said the buyers had also held off on LNG purchases because new EU legislation on methane emissions made it unclear whether they could incur penalties in the future.

The risk of prices rising as Europe and Asia fight for available cargoes is increasing every day the Strait of Hormuz stays almost closed.

Gas is more difficult to store and to carry in tankers than oil, making its markets more vulnerable to shortages and price shocks.

“The longer the Strait remains shut, the greater the risk that the shipping disruption turns into a genuine gas shortage, as tankers cannot load and facilities have limited storage,” said consultancy Oxford Economics in a research note.

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Additional reporting by Harry Dempsey in Tokyo. Data visualisation by Jana Tauschinski

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Is Iran another Iraq? : Sources & Methods

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Is Iran another Iraq? : Sources & Methods
Poor planning, overly ambitious goals, not thinking through the aftermath. These are the parallels that Richard Haass sees between the 2003 U.S. invastion of Iraq and its current air campaign against Iran.Haass was in charge of planning for the invasion as a top official in the State Department. He was a voice of dissent within the administration. Now he’s president emeritus of the Council on Foreign Relations and author of the Home & Away newsletter. He talks to Host Mary Louise Kelly about the Trump administration’s foreign policy and national security apparatus and where he sees it falling short on Iran.Email the show at sourcesandmethods@npr.orgNPR+ supporters hear every episode without sponsor messages and unlock access to our complete archive. Sign up at plus.npr.org.
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