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My Red Carpet Quest: A Two-Year Search for Steve

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My Red Carpet Quest: A Two-Year Search for Steve

Times Insider explains who we are and what we do and delivers behind-the-scenes insights into how our journalism comes together.

Steve Olive was my white whale.

I had been trying for two years to write a profile of Mr. Olive, the co-founder of Event Carpet Pros, the California-based company responsible for custom-making the colorful, though not always red, carpets for thousands of movie premieres, the Golden Globes, the Grammy Awards, the Super Bowl and, since 1997, the Academy Awards.

I learned about Mr. Olive in 2023, while reporting an article about why the organizers of the Oscars were rolling out a champagne-colored carpet that year. My editor, Katie Van Syckle, and I had found the Event Carpet Pros website and we took turns calling the listed number in an effort to reach someone. Finally, Katie connected with Mr. Olive, and briefly interviewed him.

But this mysterious, matter-of-fact, low-key man at the heart of the glitz and glamour of awards season stuck in my mind. I wanted to know more about him. How does one become a rug guy? What had he wanted to be when he grew up? Had he ever attended an award show himself?

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Last year, when the Oscars returned to a classic red carpet, Katie and I again agreed that I should pursue a story on Mr. Olive, but he was hesitant. But this year, with the encouragement of the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences, he agreed. It was three weeks before the ceremony.

Mission: Steve, as I termed it, had officially begun.

I sent a barrage of frantic texts and placed several calls to Brooke Blumberg, a publicist for the academy, trying to nail down when the carpet, which was manufactured at a mill in Dalton, Ga., would arrive at the company’s warehouse in La Mirada, Calif., a city in Los Angeles County.

My goal was to be there when the approximately 30 rolls, each weighing 630 pounds, were unloaded in the Event Carpet Pros parking lot, from a truck that had been driven about 35 hours, from Dalton. The scene, I imagined, would be akin to the arrival of the Rockefeller Center Christmas tree in New York City.

Despite my persistent overtures, Ms. Blumberg informed me that I had missed my chance. The truck had arrived at the warehouse the afternoon before I was planning to fly to Los Angeles.

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“Oh darn!” I texted her. “We can hopefully get the install, though!” (The week before the ceremony, the 50,000-square-foot carpet is rolled into place by a crew of 20-some workers on Hollywood Boulevard.)

My next priority was meeting Mr. Olive at his office. But he had the flu, so I was told the interview might need to happen over a video call. Still, Katie and I thought I should go to California to capture the scene. And I wanted to meet his co-workers, as well as talk to the person who orders the red carpet for the Oscars from Mr. Olive each year.

When I finally made the decision to get on a plane, there was a chance that I might have neither the opportunity to talk to Mr. Olive in person nor to see the red carpet. But I bought a seat on a Wednesday afternoon flight and hoped for the best.

On my first day in La Mirada, I scouted out the Event Carpet Pros warehouse, a 36,000-square-foot white structure tucked among palm trees. Then, on Thursday night, I interviewed Joe Lewis, a producer for the Oscars who has ordered the awards show’s red carpet from Mr. Olive for the past 16 years.

On Friday morning, face mask on as a precaution, I visited Mr. Olive — now energetic, his bout with the flu evidently a distant memory — at his office inside the warehouse.

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I’d had an idea of him in my head for two years, and I was curious to see if it matched the man. At 6-foot-2, bald and dressed entirely in black, he was somehow exactly as I’d imagined. He was, I learned, a former bodyguard for Mötley Crüe.

He had gotten into the red carpet business in 1992, with his brother-in-law, who installed tents around the country. I met Mr. Olive’s 26-year-old son, Nick, and his co-workers, all of whom told me the same thing: This is a man who doesn’t want, or need, the spotlight; he’s just happy making other people happy.

“I’m not good at this,” said Mr. Olive, as he awkwardly tried to follow the instructions of our photographer, Jennelle Fong, at what must have been his first-ever photo shoot, while standing on the Oscars red carpet.

A bit media shy, it took him some time to open up. And he was never really keen to discuss himself or his days as a bodyguard, for some of the hottest ’80s bands. “I’m not interesting,” he told me.

But I observed him becoming more comfortable as the talk turned to his lifeblood: carpets. He loved talking about his favorite collaborations over the years — all meticulously documented on the company’s Instagram account, which he created in 2013 — and sharing photos of his dog, Olive.

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“You’ll make me look good, right?” he asked an hour and a half later, as we parted ways. I promised to send him a copy of the article after it was published.

Over the weekend, it was a frantic scramble to write my article. I wanted to capture not just Mr. Olive’s personality, but also the scope and scale of the modern “red carpet,” not just as a platform for fashion, but as a personal branding opportunity for celebrities. I wanted people to understand why what Mr. Olive was doing mattered.

I submitted my article on Monday morning; Ms. Fong photographed the installation of the red carpet on Hollywood Boulevard on Tuesday; and we had the story ready to go for Wednesday afternoon, when the carpet would be rolled out.

I didn’t get my Rockefeller Center Christmas tree arrival moment. But I witnessed something even better: One unassuming man, who neither wanted nor needed recognition, sharing his joy over his decades-long passion.

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Video: How ICE Is Pushing Tech Companies to Identify Protesters

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The DHS is flooding social media companies with administrative subpoenas to identify accounts that are protesting ICE. Social media companies have pushed back but are largely complying. Our tech reporter, Sheera Frenkel, explains.

By Sheera Frenkel, Christina Thornell, Valentina Caval, Thomas Vollkommer, Jon Hazell and June Kim

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Trump immigration sweeps upended L.A.’s economy, with some businesses losing big

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Trump immigration sweeps upended L.A.’s economy, with some businesses losing big

The first month of President Trump’s immigration crackdown in Los Angeles put a dent in the area’s economy, costing business owners millions in lost revenue and exponentially more in lost output from workers, according to a new county report.

The survey found that 82% of businesses reported negative impacts from the raids that began early last June and 44% reported losses of greater than half their normal revenue. More than two-thirds of respondents said they had changed operations, such as by reducing hours and delaying expansion plans. Some said they had to close temporarily or had difficulty obtaining supplies and services from usual vendors.

The report was prepared jointly with the L.A. County Department of Economic Opportunity; researchers from a nonprofit group called the Los Angeles County Economic Development Corporation conducted an online survey of hundreds of local businesses.

The survey is the latest evidence that the raids upended parts of the Los Angeles economy as some residents here illegally went underground and employers lost workers amid the arrests. It’s clear the immigration action hit some areas and sectors of the economy harder than others. Some communities were largely unaffected. But in immigrant communities such as downtown L.A., Boyle Heights and Santa Ana, merchants have reported impacts.

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The report said some sectors, such as restaurants, construction and retail, would be particularly hard hit. But the authors said both employers and employees found innovative ways to keep going.

“How these businesses are adapting, it’s really a testament to their resilience,” said Justin L. Adams, a senior economist with the Los Angeles County Economic Development Corporation.

According to the report, released this week, undocumented workers contribute an estimated $253.9 billion in total economic output, equivalent to 17% of L.A. County’s gross domestic product. These undocumented workers support over 1.06 million jobs and generate $80.4 billion in labor income across a range of industries, including construction, manufacturing, retail, and services, the report said.

But when masked agents with the Department of Homeland Security started roaming the Southland, targeting immigrants for deportation and arresting the activists and American citizens who followed them on their missions, businesses suffered as workers in the county’s underground economy went into hiding.

In the first week of June alone, when the raids began in earnest and the National Guard was deployed into the city with active-duty Marines, researchers estimated that the nightly curfew downtown resulted in an estimated $840 million in economic output losses, according to the report.

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An analysis of L.A. Metro data, according to the report, showed that bus ridership on high-vulnerability transit lines around that time declined about 17,000 monthly riders compared with baseline levels.

“The out-of-control ICE raids are doing senseless and catastrophic harm to our country, and we are seeing the toll,” L.A. County Supervisor Janice Hahn, who lobbied to commission the report alongside Supervisor Hilda L. Solis, said in a statement.

Adams, one of the authors of the report, said researchers partnered with the USC Equity Research Institute to create an updated, current estimate of undocumented workers in L.A. County, finding it to be about 948,700.

With the county’s overall population at roughly 10 million, undocumented residents represent nearly 1 in 10 people, Adams noted.

“It’s pretty sizable,” he said. “They are going to have a large economic impact on the county.”

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That businesses in the area have been hurt by raid-related disruptions is not necessarily surprising, Adams said, but the report “reinforced and helped quantify that.”

He continued, “It’s not straightforward to do, because this is essentially trying to measure a big portion of the shadow economy.”

About 311 people responded to the survey, but not everyone fully identified themselves, their business or its location, possibly out of concern for future immigration raids, Adams said.

Across some 178 interviews, business owners described seeing significant changes among consumers, including reduced spending and customers avoiding certain areas of the county altogether. Employees expressed fear about coming to work, productivity fell due to worker anxiety, and businesses faced difficulty finding replacement workers, the report said.

Owners described additional costs such as banking expenses for loans to cover lost revenue, more advertising and marketing to attract more business, boosted wages to attract replacement workers, and legal expenses to support detained workers. One business owner said she picked up a side job in order to keep her workers employed, while others had added expenses such as lunch deliveries or gas cards to help employees avoid open areas and public transportation.

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For small-business owners, even small fluctuations in revenue can have ripple effects, affecting their ability to pay rent and vendors.

Ben Johnston, chief operating officer of Kapitus, a firm offering financing to small businesses, wrote in a memo describing expected trends in 2026 that he expects costs to continue to rise for the restaurant industry in particular, which already struggles with thin profit margins and relies heavily on immigrant labor.

“The crackdown on undocumented immigration weighs on the industry, further reducing margins for restaurants who are trying to keep menu prices as affordable as possible,” Johnston said.

The L.A. County report echoes findings by UC Merced researchers based on U.S. census survey data that found that the week after the raids began in June, the number of people reporting private sector employment in California decreased by 3.1% — an employment downturn matched in modern history only by the COVID-19 lockdowns.

Statewide, undocumented workers generate nearly 5% of California’s gross domestic product through their wages earned and the goods and services they help produce alone, according to a report last year from the Bay Area Council Economic Institute. That rises to 9% when additional business activity and other benefits of their labor are added.

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With 2.28 million undocumented immigrants living in California, they represent 8% of workers in the state, with nearly two-thirds having lived in the state for over a decade. Their total contribution in local, state and federal taxes is $23 billion annually, according to the Bay Area Council Economic Institute.

In L.A. County, officials have sought to stem the bleeding from the immigration sweeps by launching a fund to deliver financial relief to small businesses. As of December, some 367 businesses have been awarded more than $1.53 million in grants. The county has also expanded potential paid hours for youth who have become primary earners for their families due to immigration enforcement and sought to connect these youth to employment opportunities.

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Video: Can You Rely on A.I. to Translate Love?

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Video: Can You Rely on A.I. to Translate Love?

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A.I. translation has become a huge industry, but how accurate is it? Our tech reporter, Kashmir Hill, explores its successes and failures through a couple who relies on of A.I. translation to communicate.

By Kashmir Hill, Gilad Thaler, Kassie Bracken, Jon Miller, Jon Hazell and Joey Sendaydiego

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