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How car loans became Britain’s latest consumer finance scandal

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How car loans became Britain’s latest consumer finance scandal

When Marcus Johnson drove his Suzuki Swift out of a dealership in south Wales in 2017, he had no idea that he was helping to precipitate another major UK financial scandal.

The 34-year-old factory supervisor from Cwmbran tells the Financial Times he was “in and out of the place within an hour” having put down a £100 deposit and signed a loan agreement to fund the rest of the £6,499 sticker price. The £154 monthly cost seemed in line with what some of his friends were paying.

What he did not realise was that a big chunk of the interest he was being charged was to fund a £1,650 commission — a quarter of the vehicle’s purchase price — to the Cardiff-based dealership for arranging the loan.

Seven years later, his case and two others led to a landmark Court of Appeal ruling that could have significant implications for the UK’s banking sector and even its economy.

In it, three judges concluded that Johnson did not understand “what a very poor deal he was getting” and had not given his informed consent to the payment, which they deemed unlawful. Dealerships had a fiduciary duty to act in the interests of their customers when arranging financing, they found.

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The decision, which also covered car purchases by a postman in Stoke-on-Trent and a student nurse in Hull, “was like a bomb going off in the consumer finance sector”, says Julius Grower, a professor at the University of Oxford specialising in commercial law.

“It is an Erin Brockovich moment,” he adds, referring to the 1990s lawsuit against a big utility company that inspired the film of the same name, starring Julia Roberts.

Charlie Nunn, chief executive of Lloyds Banking Group, has described the ruling as “at odds with the last 30 years of regulation”. By some estimates, it could leave the sector facing a compensation bill approaching that of the £50bn payment protection insurance scandal.

It has also wrongfooted the UK’s financial regulator, which had been investigating hidden commissions in car finance. Car dealers say that it threatens their viability, while the wider finance industry has warned that it could lead to credit becoming less readily available and more expensive, curtailing people’s ability to buy high-value consumer goods.

Stephen Haddrill, head of the Finance & Leasing Association trade body, told a House of Lords committee in November that fears of “compensation being paid going back 20-plus years” would further reduce lending to the poorest people in society, which had already contracted 30 per cent in the past five years.

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The Supreme Court is due to review the judgment in April. If upheld, millions of people who bought cars in Britain over the past two decades could claim back the cost of commissions and the interest they paid on them. Johnson says he has already received £3,200 from MotoNovo, a specialist car finance company owned by South Africa’s FirstRand Bank.

Estimates of the total cost to the banks that pay the commissions vary; RBC Capital Markets has suggested £17.8bn but analysts at HSBC believe the eventual bill could reach £44bn.

“The tentacles of this could be very long,” agrees Matt Austen, a former official at the UK’s Financial Conduct Authority who now works at consultancy Kroll.

The share prices of car dealers, financiers and lenders most exposed to car loans have already been hit. Close Brothers, a 146-year-old City of London merchant bank that has a fifth of its loan book in car finance, suffered a 70 per cent drop in its share price last year.

Some worry the controversy will harm the UK’s already fraying reputation among international investors. Nunn of Lloyds told an FT event last month that the court ruling had created an “investability problem” and that investors “are telling us they’re really concerned”.

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The FCA, the UK’s main financial watchdog, has also come under fire because for many years its rules seemed to allow practices that courts now judge to have been unlawful. 

The regulator recently extended an eight-week deadline for lenders to deal with complaints about car finance until December 2025 while it decides what to do, but has said an industry-wide redress scheme is likely to be imposed on the banks.

The ruling has left many in the motor trade bemused. “A fiduciary duty is what a lawyer owes to their client,” says FLA head Haddrill. “No car dealer really thinks that is quite how the relationship works [but] the regulatory regime has not recognised what the Court of Appeal says the law is — so we are operating in an uncertain environment.”


The origins of what the chair of the UK parliament’s influential Treasury select committee has described as “one unholy mess” go back decades.

Typically, car dealerships not only sell vehicles but also arrange financing; around 83 per cent of new car purchases were bought using such loans in the year to October, according to the FLA.

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In exchange for introducing buyers, dealerships usually earn a commission from the lender. As online comparison sites such as Auto Trader have made car valuations more transparent, profits from buying and selling cars have been squeezed and dealerships have become more dependent on payments for arranging finance.

Generic picture of cars lined up for sale
Car dealers say that the court ruling threatens their viability, while the wider finance industry has warned that it could lead to credit becoming less readily available and more expensive © Charlie Bibby/FT

“Without commissions, nine out of ten dealerships would go bust almost immediately,” says Richard Szabo, co-founder of the TT Sports & Prestige car dealership in Derby. Surveying dozens of luxury cars parked in his showroom, he argues that “almost all customers know about us receiving a commission. It would be a surprise if we were not.” 

In 2017, Szabo’s dealership sold a BMW to Andrew Wrench for £9,750 in another case ruled on by the Court of Appeal. The company earned just over £400 for arranging a loan from FirstRand to finance the purchase by Wrench, who was described by the court as “a postman with a penchant for fast cars”.

Szabo maintains that his customer got “a good deal” with an interest rate of 4.3 per cent and says he does not understand why the loan was ruled unlawful.

In the same year that Wrench acquired his BMW, the FCA announced a review of car finance. Its inquiry found that about half of all commissions paid by car finance companies were “discretionary”. They allowed dealerships to adjust the interest rate on loans for customers — and the higher the rate, the more commission the dealer earned. 

Officials estimated that customers buying through such discretionary models were paying £300mn more a year on their car loans than if dealerships had only been receiving a flat commission. Warning of “consumer harm on a potentially significant scale”, the FCA decided to ban all discretionary commissions from January 2021.

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Hundreds of thousands of complaints about car finance poured into lenders. Jenna Lewis submitted one of them after she realised that the Liverpool branch of the Arnold Clark dealership had jacked up the interest rate on a £13,333 loan for her purchase of a second-hand Audi in 2018 from a minimum of 2.68 per cent to 4.67 per cent.

Column chart of New quarterly complaints at the FOS ('000) showing Car finance cases surge at the Financial Ombudsman Service

The increase cost her an additional £1,326.60 in interest, which was paid to the dealership as a commission by Barclays — and represented a fivefold increase on its usual payment.

The banks rejected almost all such complaints, including Lewis’s. She and others then turned to the Financial Ombudsman Service, which resolves disputes involving the sector. The FOS said it received more than 42,000 submissions about car loans in the year to September 2024 — nearly treble the previous year.

It found in Lewis’s favour, saying Barclays had not acted “fairly and reasonably” and had breached both the FCA’s rules and the Consumer Credit Act.

The bank challenged the decision in the High Court, but the judge sided with the FOS, declaring that the only way for Barclays to have avoided “unfair treatment” of Lewis was with “full and complete disclosure” on the structure and amount of commission it paid the dealership at her expense. Barclays has indicated it will appeal against the ruling.

Similarly, Johnson had signed documents that made reference to the possible payment of a commission but had not read what he described as “an enormous amount of paperwork”, which he had been asked to sign on the spot. “It was quite rushed — it did feel like quite high pressure,” he recalls.

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The Court of Appeal judges said that “burying such a statement in the small print which the lender knows the borrower is highly unlikely to read will not suffice”.

Jason Booth leans on a glass divider at Bristol Street Motors
Jason Booth of Bristol Street Motors says disclosing more detail about commissions has made ‘little difference’ to customers on the ground © Charlie Bibby/FT

To the alarm of lenders, lawyers acting for claimants are now pushing for a lot more than just repayment of the disputed commission. “The Court [of Appeal] said the firms have to pay back the commission and the interest paid on the original loan — it’s double recovery — which is unusual in English law,” says Oxford’s Grower.

“It feels very disproportionate and extreme. But there is a well-known history of courts in this country giving a win to the small guy and a poke in the eye to the big banks.”

Putting lenders on the hook for repaying all the interest on the loan potentially adds billions more pounds to the eventual compensation bill. 

“You are looking at unwinding the [loan] agreement — it engages rescission,” says Kevin Durkin, a lawyer at HD Law who acted for Johnson. That is “what’s really sent shockwaves” through the industry.


Lawyers say it is far from clear how rescission would work in practice, however.

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Any calculation of damages would have to include the value to the consumer of using — and, if the loan is paid off, owning — the car, a concept known in law as “counter restitution”.

Such a calculation could be even more complicated if the borrower had since sold the car. Caroline Edwards, partner at law firm Travers Smith, says it “will be necessary to give back the benefits received under the contract, which may not be straightforward to determine”.

Johnson’s claim was considered a “partial disclosure” case, in which the possibility of commission had been referenced in the documents that he signed. In such cases, rescission is at the discretion of the court, and Johnson was not awarded it, in part because he had since sold the vehicle. 

However, Durkin of HD Law says customers in cases such as Wrench’s, where the commissions were not disclosed sufficiently clearly, or at all, are entitled to rescission as a right under previous case law. “There’s a long line of [judicial] authority on rescission,” he notes.

The recent court rulings upholding complaints against the banks are expected to trigger a flood of further complaints. “Claimant law firms and litigation funders are mobilising following the Court of Appeal decision, leading to yet more litigation,” says Kenny Henderson, partner at law firm CMS.

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Line chart of Point of sale financing of UK consumer car purchases (£bn) showing The UK car loans market has grown rapidly in recent years

There are also concerns that swaths of the consumer credit market could be affected. Commissions have long had to be fully disclosed in some areas, such as for any above £250 paid to mortgage brokers for arranging home loans. But the rules are less clear elsewhere. “Since the decision we’ve had lots of discussions with clients about the extrapolation risks,” says Kate Scott, a partner at law firm Clifford Chance.

Companies in several sectors were examining if they needed to improve their disclosure of commissions, such as those earned for arranging loans on the sale of electrical goods like fridges and televisions, or for insurance where people pay for cover in monthly instalments rather than up front, she adds.

Martin Lewis, the UK’s most high-profile consumer champion, says more than 2.5mn people have already complained to their car finance provider over discretionary commissions using an email template on his Money Saving Expert website. 

He estimates that the number of people who could potentially complain doubled after the Court of Appeal ruled that flat commissions were also illegal if they were not fully disclosed and the customer did not give clear consent.

But he told viewers of his ITV show last month that he was less convinced about the merits of seeking redress for flat commissions that were not fully disclosed. “If retrospective payback is ordered it could be counterproductive . . . we may see less availability of car finance and we may see higher prices.” 

Banks have started to make provisions against likely redress claims. Lloyds, the UK’s biggest car finance provider, has set aside £450mn while the UK unit of Spain’s Banco Santander has booked a £295mn charge and FirstRand bank took a R3bn (£130mn) hit.

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A sales manual used by staff at Bristol Street Motors. Many dealers and lenders have had to rewrite documentation following the Court of Appeal ruling © Charlie Bibby/FT

Credit rating agency Moody’s said bigger banks and the lending arms of major carmakers should be able to absorb the cost of redress quite easily. But smaller banks such as Close Brothers, Paragon and Investec, risked “a more significant hit to profitability and capitalisation”.

Some banks stopped providing car loans for several days after the ruling while they rewrote the documentation and scripts they gave to dealerships to clarify the size of any commissions and require consumers to give their full consent. Three lenders switched to a zero-commission model.

But as lawyerly debate rages ahead of the Supreme Court case, disclosing more detail about commissions has made “little difference” to customers on the ground, says Jason Booth, manager of Bristol Street Motors dealership on the same industrial estate in Derby as TT Sports & Prestige.

He now times all his sales staff to ensure they spend at least 30 seconds explaining its commissions to customers but says the extra detail is yet to put off potential buyers other than at the premium end of the market.

“Most people just care about what their monthly payments will be,” he says.

Additional reporting by Akila Quinio

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Arsenal Braced for Shock Sale to Combat Looming Financial Issues—Report

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Arsenal Braced for Shock Sale to Combat Looming Financial Issues—Report

Arsenal will be forced into selling at least one first-team player at the end of the season as last summer’s $359 million spend catches up with them, a report has revealed.

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Arsenal parted ways with vast sums for an array of transfer targets before the campaign commenced, with Eberechi Eze ($90.2 million) and Viktor Gyökeres ($85.1 million) among the expensive additions.

An enormous outlay has facilitated an incredible campaign to date for Mikel Arteta’s side, who are currently perched first in the Premier League and can still secure an unprecedented quadruple of trophies.

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However, according to The Telegraph, Arsenal will need to raise funds through player sales this summer to ensure they comply with the Premier League and UEFA’s financial regulations.

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Internal discussions are already taking place over which first-teamer(s) could yield the greatest transfer fee and profit to help Arsenal balance the books. A host of names are potentially on the chopping block.


Few Safe From Arsenal Departure

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Even the sale of Arsenal’s captain has not been ruled out. | Getty Images/Glyn Kirk/AFP

Certain individuals will undoubtedly be off limits when sales are sanctioned at the end of the season—Bukayo Saka, Declan Rice and William Saliba to name a few—but Arsenal might have to be ruthless with their outgoings.

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According to the report, even skipper Martin Ødegaard is not immune to being pushed out the exit door, the Norwegian’s low value on Arsenal’s balance sheet paving the way for a mammoth profit if he’s sold. However, he’s still considered a hugely important figure at the club.

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Gabriel Martinelli is another who is under consideration given his colossal transfer value, while Gabriel Jesus, Leandro Trossard, Kai Havertz and Ben White are other potential candidates for the boot as their contracts tick down.

Arsenal’s current preference is likely to be offloading one of their two precocious academy graduates: Ethan Nwaneri and Myles Lewis-Skelly. Neither are eager to leave the Emirates Stadium but their sales would count as pure profit given they have come through the club’s youth setup. Past sales of Emile Smith Rowe and Eddie Nketiah show Arsenal are not averse to selling homegrown talents.

The Gunners are expected to be protagonists in the transfer market again this summer as Arteta looks to build a dynasty, while the arrival of Piero Hincapié on a permanent deal worth $60 million adds to their desire to cash in on some of their stars.


Who Should Arsenal Offload This Summer?

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Leandro Trossard could be looking for a new club this summer. | Alex Pantling/Getty Images

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Contracts will come under the microscope when Arsenal consider sales. There are currently four players whose deals expire in the summer of 2027—Martinelli, Trossard, Jesus and Christian Nørgaard.

Martinelli and Nørgaard both have clauses allowing Arsenal to trigger a one-year extension and while the latter holds little transfer value, Martinelli would certainly command a hefty fee if he were to depart. The Brazilian has struggled to take the step to superstar status but is still just 24 years old.

Arsenal could therefore turn to Trossard or Jesus. The former will be 32 years old and the latter 30 by the time their deals run out, meaning extensions are unlikely. Cashing in this summer might be the wise move, although neither are likely to be a truly blockbuster sale.

Havertz’s injury issues and the fact his deal expires in 2028 make him a possibility, while White is certainly a luxury option in a well-stocked Arsenal backline.

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Fortunately following years of cultivation, Arsenal will be able to cover for sales this summer given their immense squad depth.


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READ THE LATEST ARSENAL NEWS, ANALYSIS AND INSIGHT FROM SI FC

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Oregon Legislature passes controversial campaign finance changes

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Oregon Legislature passes controversial campaign finance changes
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Legislators passed a bill March 5 to modify forthcoming changes to Oregon’s campaign finance system despite outcry from good government groups who say the bill creates new loopholes.

Those groups were key in creating House Bill 4024, which was created and passed in 2024 in place of warring ballot measures seeking to overhaul the system.

That legislation included new limits on contributions, including capping individual spending on statewide candidates each cycle at $3,300, and other changes. Parts of the bill were set to go into effect in 2027 and 2028.

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Under the new proposal, House Bill 4018, the limits would still begin in 2027, but disclosure requirements and penalties would be pushed to 2031. It also gives the Secretary of State money to update the campaign finance system, but far less than the office previously thought it might need.

Representatives voted 39-19 to pass the bill. A few hours later, the Senate passed it 20-9.

Fourteen of the “no” votes in the House were Democrats, including Reps. Tom Andersen, D-Salem, and Lesly Muñoz, D-Woodburn.

Muñoz told the Statesman Journal she voted against the bill after hearing from people upset with the bill’s process.

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Six Democratic senators cast a “no” vote on HB 4018.

Oregon campaign finance reform advocates say they were left out of negotiations

After working together in 2024, advocates said Speaker of the House Julie Fahey, D-Eugene, “ghosted” them.

Good government groups said the bill does far more than address necessary technical fixes to HB 4024.

HB 4018 is “a complete betrayal of the deal that was made two years ago,” Norman Turrill of Oregon’s League of Women Voters said.

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Should the bill be signed by Gov. Tina Kotek, the groups said they will push their own changes through a 2028 ballot initiative.

Those advocates have outlined at least 11 different changes they believe the bill creates. The bill’s contents were first shared through a Feb. 9 amendment that was posted after 5 p.m., hours before it received a public hearing in an 8 a.m. work session on Feb. 10 and later, Feb. 12.

Secretary of State Tobias Read told legislators in January his office was requesting $25 million as a placeholder to fund a new campaign finance system for the state. Read was not secretary of state when House Bill 2024 was passed and his office is now working to implement the bill’s changes on a fast approaching deadline.

An additional amendment to the bill instead gives the Secretary of State’s Office $1.5 million for staff, some of whom would be tasked with updating the state’s current system.

House members agreed March 4 to send the bill back to committee, presumably to be amended. A 5 p.m. committee meeting was canceled about an hour after initially being announced.

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A work session on HB 4018 was moved to the next morning. After an hour of delay, legislators convened and finished the meeting, moving the bill back to the floor without any changes, in less than three minutes.

A new campaign finance bill, Senate Bill 1502, was introduced and scheduled for a public hearing and work session March 4.

The bill is “very simple,” Senate Minority Leader Bruce Starr, R-Dundee, said. It tells the Secretary of State’s Office to draft a bill for the 2027 session with necessary campaign finance improvements from HB 4024 and HB 4018.

Three senators voted against the bill March 5. It now moves to the House. Legislators have a March 8 deadline to end the session.

“SB 1502 would not correct the severe damage to campaign finance reform that will occur, if HB 4018 B is enacted in this session,” Dan Meek of Honest Elections Oregon wrote in submitted testimony.

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Lawmakers appear unsatisfied, but supportive, toward Oregon campaign finance bill

House Majority Leader Ben Bowman, D-Tigard, said HB 4018 made positive changes but acknowledged it was “a challenging vote for many of us.”

“We are implementing this whole new system that is new for all of us, and there are a lot of opinions and there are a lot of details to figure out,” House Minority Leader Lucetta Elmer, R-McMinnville, said. Elmer and Bowman carried the bill in the House. “With that being said, we’re moving forward in good faith, knowing that we’ll also be coming back next year to make sure that those details and all those kinks are worked out.”

Rep. Mark Gamba, D-Milwaukie, said he was concerned about the bill and the “non-inclusive process” that led to it.

Gamba pointed to a letter from the Washington, D.C.-based Campaign Legal Center that states in part that the bill “would substantially revise critical campaign finance reforms enacted two years ago in Oregon” and weaken the state’s campaign finance law.

The current bill is not the only possibility for moving forward, Sen. Jeff Golden, D-Ashland, told lawmakers. Proposed amendments that would have extended implementation timelines without the additional changes were ignored, he said.

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“House Bill 4024 and this bill, 4018, have two things in common. One, they were thrown together in a few days behind closed doors, mostly by organizations who dominate campaign funding in the current system,” Golden said. “And two, very few legislators understand what is actually in these bills.”

He urged lawmakers to abandon the system created in House Bill 4024 as an “uncomfortably expensive learning experience” and develop a new plan based on successful programs in other states.

Sen. Sara Gelser Blouin, D-Corvallis, also spoke against the bill on the Senate floor.

“The concern that I had and that my constituents had was technical changes are one thing, but it should not be increasing the amount of money that candidates can take in or hold or carry over,” Gelser Blouin said. “Unfortunately, as it’s drafted, this bill does all of those things.”

HB 4024 is too complicated and “unimplementable” without the fixes in HB 4018, Starr said.

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Sen. Lew Frederick, D-Portland, agreed, saying HB 4018 and SB 1502 give reassurance about a system he has concerns about.

“If there were no cameras and the lights were off, I think most people would agree this is not the bill we want,” Rep. Paul Evans, D-Monmouth, said.

Some lawmakers expressed similar feelings of discontentment with the bill in Ways and Means and one of its subcommittees on March 3, but said they felt it was important to make some progress on the issue. Discussions could happen again in 2027, they said.

Rep. Nancy Nathanson, D-Eugene, who ultimately voted in favor of the bill, said March 3 supporting it “is a very painful choice to make.”

Statesman Journal reporter Dianne Lugo contributed to this report.

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Anastasia Mason covers state government for the Statesman Journal. Reach her at acmason@statesmanjournal.com or 971-208-5615.

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Paramount ally RedBird says using Middle East money to help buy Warner Bros. could be a good idea

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Paramount ally RedBird says using Middle East money to help buy Warner Bros. could be a good idea

  • Last year, Paramount said it would use $24 billion in funding from Saudi Arabia, Abu Dhabi, and Qatar to help buy WBD.
  • Now that Paramount has won that deal, it won’t say whether that’s still the plan.
  • A key Paramount backer suggests that Gulf money would be a good thing for this deal.

We still don’t know if Paramount intends to use billions of dollars from Gulf states like Saudi Arabia to help it buy Warner Bros. Discovery.

But if Paramount does end up doing that, it wouldn’t be a bad thing, says a key Paramount backer.

That update comes via Gerry Cardinale, who heads up RedBird Capital Partners, the private equity company that helped finance Larry and David Ellison’s acquisition of Paramount last year and is doing the same with their WBD deal now.

In a podcast with Puck’s Matt Belloni published Wednesday night, Cardinale wouldn’t comment directly on Paramount’s previously disclosed plans to use $24 billion from sovereign wealth funds controlled by Saudi Arabia, Abu Dhabi, and Qatar to help buy WBD.

Instead, he reiterated Paramount’s current messaging on the deal’s financing: The $47 billion in equity Paramount will use to buy WBD will be “backstopped” by the Ellison family and RedBird — meaning they are ultimately on the hook to pay up. The rest of the $81 billion deal will be financed with debt.

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Cardinale also acknowledged what Paramount has disclosed in its current disclosure documents: It intends to sell portions of that $47 billion commitment to other investors: “We haven’t syndicated anything at this time,” he said. “We do expect to syndicate with strategic, domestic, and foreign investors. But at the end of the day, that alchemy shouldn’t matter because it’ll be done in the right way.”

And when asked about concerns about Middle Eastern countries owning part of a media conglomerate that includes assets like CNN, Cardinale suggested that could be a plus.

“I think we want to be a global company,” he said. “You look at what’s going on right now geopolitically. What’s going on right now geopolitically out of the Middle East wouldn’t be, the positives of that would not be happening without some of those sovereigns that you’re referring to.”

He continued:

“The world is changing. We can stick our head in the sand and pretend it’s not, or we can embrace globalization and the derivative benefits both geopolitically and otherwise that come from that. Content generation coming out of Hollywood is one of America’s greatest exports.
I firmly embrace the global nature and orientation that we bring to this from a capital standpoint, from a footprint standpoint, etc. At the end of the day, I do understand some of the concerns that you’ve raised, but that will work itself out between signing and closing because at the end of the day, worst-case scenario, Ellison and RedBird are 100% of this thing.”

All of which suggests to me that Paramount still intends to use money from Gulf-based sovereign wealth funds to buy WBD.

What I don’t understand is why the company won’t say that out loud. Does that mean it’s still negotiating with potential investors? Or that it’s reticent to disclose outside investors, for whatever reason, until it has to? A Paramount rep declined to comment.

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