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America’s Coast Guard Marches North With A Big New Alaskan Base

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America’s Coast Guard Marches North With A Big New Alaskan Base


In a first hesitant step towards reinvigorating the U.S. government’s maritime presence off Alaska, the U.S. Coast Guard, in mid-August, quietly announced that the Alaskan port of Juneau will be upgraded to serve as an icebreaker homeport.

Given that this was America’s first announcement of a new “icebreaker homeport” in more than thirty years, the Coast Guard’s modest, four-paragraph news release was decidedly low-key. Coming just days after Russia announced that their second Project 235500 combat icebreaker, the Nikolay Zubov, will be launched by the end of the year, news that the U.S. Coast Guard was set to install a new, military-ready facility in Alaska merited a far bigger public roll-out.

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In Washington, the announcement of Alaska’s new icebreaker homeport was dismissed as, basically, a reward for the Alaskan Congressional delegation’s unceasing efforts at expanding America’s moribund Polar power-and-presence projection capabilities.

But a big new Juneau homeport—an expansion and modernization of the Coast Guard’s busy District 17 Command Center—is no mere piece of pork. Preparations for the new homeport—improved mooring sites, crew facilities and other things—will pump millions into the waterfront and the local economy.

Homeports come with ships, as well. Once the new base facilities are operational, Juneau is slated to receive the interim icebreaker M/V Aiviq, “a U.S. registered ship originally built to serve as an Arctic oil-exploration support vessel.” An imperfect stop-gap, bought by the U.S. government as the Polar Security Cutter program continues to flounder, the Aiviq is doing good service by priming a wave of national investment in Alaskan harbor facilities, potentially readying Alaska to become a host for a range of new ice-ready presence platforms.

The newly-announced multinational Icebreaker Collaboration Effort, or “ICE Pact,” is ideally positioned as a future engine to pump newly-designed ice-breaking-ready “presence” platforms into America’s Arctic and Antarctic waters.

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With Russia and China joining forces to try and grab control of lightly-held or internationally-regulated maritime territories, arctic presence, delivered by Alaskan-based vessels that are tailored for the rough polar environment, is becoming a critical unmet U.S. requirement. With Juneau and Kodiak now preparing to accept and support ever-larger Coast Guard cutters and military vessels, seasonal “presence-vessel-ready” facilities in Nome and the Aleutians can follow, along with more maintenance and shipbuilding production sites on America’s western coast.

The tension at the Poles is real. In 2023, the Navy dispatched four destroyers to watch 11 Russian and Chinese vessels operate off Alaska. The U.S. destroyers—USS John McCain, USS Benfold, USS John Finn and the USS Chung-Hoon—were likely pulled from other missions, arriving from every corner of the Pacific to monitor the encroaching and semi-hostile fleet.

This was not a trivial sortie. The distances are so vast that just getting to Alaska is tough. One of the four U.S. destroyers sent north was from San Diego, and a round-trip sortie from San Diego to the Bering Sea is a rough, often ship-breaking trip of over 4,000 miles.

Once the warships arrive on station, keeping America’s front-line destroyers in Alaskan waters poses an even tougher challenge.

As robust as America’s surface combatants are, America’s missile-loaded greyhounds don’t really like heavy weather. In 2007, according to the Navy Times, “more than a dozen Arleigh Burke-class destroyers” suffered “significant structural damage in rough seas because designers didn’t account for the effect of jarring “bow slams” on the ship’s hulls.” While the damage didn’t immediately compromise the damaged vessel’s war-fighting capabilities, the enhanced wear and tear threatened to reduce the life of the hull. And, with the Navy wanting to eke a maximum possible service life out of the destroyer fleet, accountant-admirals at the Navy will be loath to send their precious destroyers into the rough waters of the Bering Sea on a regular basis.

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For the U.S. Navy, Alaska operations are a drag on overall readiness. Navy leaders, still struggling to get 75 ships of their 296-ship fleet “mission capable” and ready to deploy, simply cannot meet increased Polar presence demands. But with better shore facilities—and the promise of new, ice-ready, and potentially militarized Navy surveillance craft and non-militarized Coast Guard icebreakers on the way—America will be better positioned to handle future presence demands in Alaskan waters as well as to the south, off the increasingly contested continent of Antarctica.



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Trump Repeals Biden Land Protections in Alaska, Other States

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Trump Repeals Biden Land Protections in Alaska, Other States


President Donald Trump on Thursday signed several congressional measures designed to undo Biden administration land conservation policies restricting energy development in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and federal lands in three Western states.



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Alaska Hosts US Bomber Exercise Against ‘Threats to the Homeland’

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Alaska Hosts US Bomber Exercise Against ‘Threats to the Homeland’


The United States deployed two bombers to simulate strikes against “maritime threats” to the homeland in response to a growing Russian and Chinese presence near Alaska.

Newsweek has contacted China’s Foreign Ministry for comment by email. Russia’s defense and foreign ministries did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Why It Matters

Russia and China have closely cooperated in military matters under their “partnership without limits,” including a joint naval maneuver in the north Pacific near Alaska’s Aleutian Islands involving 11 Russian and Chinese vessels in summer 2023.

Facing a growing Moscow-Beijing military partnership, along with increased Chinese activities in the Arctic, the U.S. has been reinforcing its military presence in Alaska by deploying warships and conducting war games with its northern neighbor, Canada.

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Bombers, capable of flying long distances and carrying large amounts of armaments, are a key instrument for the U.S. military to signal its strength. The American bomber force has recently conducted operations as a show of force aimed at Russia and China.

What To Know

According to a news release, the Alaskan Command executed simulated joint maritime strikes with Air Force B-52H bombers and the Coast Guard national security cutter USCGC Kimball in the Gulf of Alaska on Tuesday as part of Operation Tundra Merlin.

The bombers are assigned to the 2nd Bomb Wing out of Barksdale Air Force Base in Louisiana, while the Kimball is homeported in Honolulu. The 354th Fighter Wing at Eielson Air Force Base in Alaska also deployed four F-35A stealth fighters.

Other supporting units included two KC-135 aerial refueling aircraft and an HC-130 aircraft on standby to conduct personnel recovery missions, the news release said.

During the operation, the bombers received target information from the Kimball for standoff target acquisition and simulated weapons use, while the F-35A jets—tasked with escorting the bombers—enhanced mission security and operational effectiveness.

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According to an Air Force fact sheet, each B-52H bomber has a maximum payload of 70,000 pounds and is capable of carrying up to 20 standoff weapons—designed to be fired from outside enemy defenses—such as the Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile.

The simulated strikes “demonstrated the capability of the [U.S. Northern Command] and its mission partners to deter maritime threats to the homeland,” the news release said.

Homeland defense is the Alaskan Command’s top priority, said its commander, U.S. Air Force Lieutenant General Robert Davis, adding that the ability to integrate with other commands and partners is key to safeguarding the U.S. northern approaches.

What People Are Saying

U.S. Air Force Lieutenant General Robert Davis, the commander of the Alaskan Command, said: “Operations in the Alaskan Theater of Operations are critically important to North American Homeland Defense. Operation Tundra Merlin demonstrates the Joint Force’s ability to seamlessly integrate capabilities from multiple combatant commands and mission partners to deter and defeat potential threats in the region.”

The Alaskan Command said: “Operation Tundra Merlin is a Homeland Defense focused joint operation designed to ensure the defense of U.S. territory and waters within the Alaskan Theater of Operations (AKTO). The operation includes integration with partners in the region with the shared goal of North American defense in the Western Arctic.”

What Happens Next

It remains to be seen whether Russia and China will conduct another joint air patrol near Alaska following a similar operation over the western Pacific earlier this week.

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Dunleavy says he plans to roll out fiscal plan ahead of Alaska lawmakers’ return to Juneau

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Dunleavy says he plans to roll out fiscal plan ahead of Alaska lawmakers’ return to Juneau


Gov. Mike Dunleavy says he will roll out a new plan to stabilize Alaska’s tumultuous state finances in the coming weeks ahead of next month’s legislative session. The upcoming session provides Dunleavy his last chance to address an issue that has vexed his seven years in office.

“(The) next three, four, five years are going to be tough,” Dunleavy told reporters Tuesday ahead of his annual holiday open house. “We’re going to have to make some tough decisions, and that’s why we will roll out, in a fiscal plan, solutions for the next five years.”

The state’s fiscal issues are structural. Since oil prices collapsed in the mid-2010s, Alaska has spent more money than it has taken in despite years of aggressive cost-cutting and a 2018 move to tap Permanent Fund earnings to fund state services.

Dunleavy said a boom in oil and gas drilling and growing interest in a natural gas pipeline from the North Slope to an export terminal will likely ease the fiscal pressure in the coming years. He said his plan would serve as a bridge.

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“I think the next five years, we’re going to have to be real careful, and we’re going to have to have in place things that will pay for government,” he said.

Dunleavy, a Republican, declined to reveal even the broad strokes of his plan, saying he plans to hold news conferences in the coming weeks to discuss it.

Prior efforts by Dunleavy and the Legislature to come to an agreement on a long-term fiscal plan have failed.

Dunleavy’s early plans for deep cuts led to an effort to recall him. He has also backed attempts to cap state spending and constitutionalize the Permanent Fund dividend.

A prior Dunleavy revenue commissioner floated a few tax proposals during talks with a legislative committee in 2021, but Dunleavy has since distanced himself from those ideas. Alaska is the only state with no state-level sales or income tax, and asked directly whether his plan would include a sales tax, he declined to say.

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“You’re just going to have to just wait a couple more weeks, and we’ll have that entire fiscal plan laid out, so you guys can take a look at it, and the people of Alaska can take a look at it,” he said.

In recent years, Dunleavy has proposed budgets with large deficits that require spending from savings. His most recent budget would have drained about half of the savings in the state’s $3 billion rainy-day fund, the Constitutional Budget Reserve, or CBR.

Still, Dunleavy says he wants to find a sustainable fiscal path forward for the state.

“We are determined to help solve this longstanding issue of, how do you deal with balancing the budget, and not just on the backs of the PFD or the CBR — what other methods are we going to employ to be able to do that?” he said.

Whether lawmakers will be receptive is an open question. Democrat-heavy bipartisan coalitions control both the state House and Senate, and even some minority Republicans crossed over to override Dunleavy’s vetoes repeatedly this year.

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Dunleavy’s budget proposal is likely to offer some clues about the governor’s fiscal plan. He has until Dec. 15 to unveil it.



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