Louisiana
Nearly three years after Ida, housing issues persist in coastal Louisiana's bayou region • Louisiana Illuminator
CUT OFF — It’s a mad scramble Heidi Summers has grown accustomed to in recent years. Until just recently, she and her two children were living out of suitcases and storage containers after they were forced out of their rental home, which had been their most stable residence since Hurricane Katrina.
The reason: Summers, her 15-year-old daughter and 4-year-old son had been diagnosed with lead poisoning, a result of the outdated paint inside their house. The family spent two nights in a motel room before returning to the house, where they isolated themselves in rooms where the paint wasn’t problematic.
“I just moved there. I just was unpacking a tote the other day, and now I have to do it all by myself,” Summers said. “Then, you know what’s the worst part? I have invisible diseases that people don’t see. So it’s hard for me, and nobody knows.”
Summers, 37, has been diagnosed with multiple sclerosis and fibromyalgia and is in remission from thyroid cancer that required surgery when she was a teenager. Flare-ups, which have become exacerbated through her post-storm living conditions, make it difficult for her to maintain steady employment.
Her family is among those who haven’t found stable housing since Hurricane Ida plowed through the bayou region in August 2021. Official numbers on storm-related homelessness are either outdated or too fluid to calculate accurately.
The most recent census of the unhoused from a coalition of groups that assists the homeless in Louisiana was in January 2023. It counted the unsheltered as well as people in transitional housing and showed 60 people without homes in the Houma region, which includes Lafourche, Terrebonne, St. Charles, St. James and Assumption parishes.
It includes people still living in government-provided travel trailers almost three years after the hurricane. Lafourche Parish President Archie Chaisson said there were 104 families still in them as of mid-May, down from a high of 1,200.
Demand for public housing and government rental vouchers also reflects housing instability in Lafourche, which Chaisson said is more acute on the coastal southern end of the parish. Summers’ family was forced out of their public housing unit in Galliano when Hurricane Ida made it unlivable.
Her struggle to find and keep a dependable home offers a glimpse at the fragility of the social safety net in rural coastal areas, where increasingly severe hurricanes test the capacity of local governments and nonprofits to meet basic needs.
Summers’ housing options are limited in Cut Off, a community surrounded by swamp and shrinking marshland along lower Bayou Lafourche where Louisiana Highway 1 is the only way in or out. It’s roughly 45 minutes away from Houma and Thibodaux — both bigger cities, relatively speaking, but with few affordable rentals available themselves.
The Housing Authority of Lafourche reports a waitlist of 400 for rental vouchers, even after putting back online all but four of the 276 units it offered before the storm, executive director Erial Branch said in an email. Before Hurricane Ida, the agency served 226 voucher holders.
Chiasson said people who legitimately need to remain in temporary travel trailers in Lafourche Parish would be accommodated, even though the state’s Ida Sheltering program officially ended April 30 — after an 11-month extension of the original deadline. As of the end of April, 557 travel trailers were still in use in Louisiana, according to the Governor’s Office of Homeland Security and Emergency Preparedness.
Next door in Terrebonne Parish, renovations have yet to begin on two public housing developments that have been offline since Hurricane Ida. The Houma-Terrebonne Housing Agency did not respond to questions about how many units that entails or why repair work hasn’t commenced.
“We have a lack of affordable housing,” Chaisson said. “We have a lack of a couple of large apartment complexes, one of that being a public housing complex that the parish housing authority owns and operates that they still haven’t rebuilt because they’re dealing with their own issues with insurance … So it’s been a struggle.
“It’s been really heartbreaking to see the deadline come, knowing there wasn’t much we could do to stop it.”
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Homeless again after false arrest
Summers’ family was among those who lived out of a travel trailer until being forced out under questionable circumstances. She was arrested and locked out of her camper, even though the district attorney would later refuse to prosecute her case. She and her children had to sleep in their SUV until a nonprofit organization found the rental house they would later have to leave because of lead poisoning.
In March 2022, an acquaintance of Summers asked her for a ride and to accompany him to a nearby casino. She described him as “a friend of a friend” she had met two weeks prior.
Summers obliged, not knowing that Robert “Robbie” Morningstar was the target of a Lafourche Parish Sheriff Office sting operation.
According to a sheriff’s office report, a confidential informant had set up a drug deal at the casino with Morningstar, who allegedly sold 2 grams of methamphetamine to the informant for $80. Sheriff’s investigators had set up surveillance to capture the encounter and sent the purchased drugs to a Louisiana State Police lab for confirmation.
Court records show Morningstar was charged with two counts of methamphetamine distribution and one count of distributing synthetic opioids and naloxone. He pleaded guilty to the meth charge in January 2023 and was sentenced to 90 days in the parish prison with a $1,000 fine.
A sheriff’s task force arrested Summers five months later. It happened a day after she had made an appointment with the governor’s office to inspect her travel trailer for a growing mold problem — and hours after she had threatened to sue the state-contracted crew that was tearing its insides apart, spreading the mold.
Summers said state officials left her with the impression she would receive a replacement trailer. But moments after their departure, sheriff’s deputies arrived to arrest Summers and charged her with being a principal to distribution of a controlled dangerous substance. She was taken to a sheriff’s substation, photographed and fingerprinted but never booked into jail. After posting $600 bail, she returned to her camper within a few hours to find its entrance padlocked.
Casey Tingle, GOSHEP director under former Gov. John Bel Edwards, said in a December interview that contractors were under the impression that Summers was not living in her camper at the time of her arrest and didn’t intend to move back into it.
“From our perspective, the arrest … did not play into the issue with her being allowed to stay in the unit if she had wanted to keep that unit and allowed the repairs to happen,” Tingle said. “My sense is that the situation would have never evolved in the way that it did.”
Summers insists she was told her camper would be replaced and said she gave no indication she was backing out of the state sheltering program.
Asked whether GOSHEP had any paperwork that would confirm Summers backed out of her lease agreement, Tingle said he couldn’t answer the question.
“She certainly would have done something when she first occupied the unit,” he said “… But it’s my perception that it’s generally pretty vague.”
Lead poison concerns linger
Summers just moved her family into a rental home near Galliano, after two more months of living in the Cut Off house with lead paint problems. She continues to receive rental assistance and in-home health care through Start Corp., a Houma-based nonprofit that provides housing and medical services.
“I had to fight for it, honestly … to get rude with them,” Summers said. “Let them know that, ‘Y’all, I’m homeless, and y’all got me in a program.’ I’m like, ‘I’m in a program to not be homeless, and I’m homeless.’”
Start Corp. declined to respond to questions about Summers’ experience.
A doctor has attributed the family’s health issues earlier this year to lead paint exposure.
Summers’ teen daughter suffered with headaches and was uncharacteristically lethargic. Now that she’s in a different house, she’s back to normal and will return to the school sports teams that kept her busy before her symptoms slowed her down.
Summers is also concerned about her son, whose school told her he had been acting up frequently around the same time her daughter’s health worsened. Even low lead levels in children’s blood have been linked to behavioral issues and learning difficulties, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Such effects could be permanent. Summers won’t know for certain until he’s back at school, and she fears any lead exposure damage she and her children suffered could be long-lasting after spending roughly two years in the home.
It still bothers Summers that her current situation was triggered through a false arrest, one that she fears could haunt her once she looks for work again, applies for a passport or does anything that requires a background check. She doesn’t feel it should fall on her to have the arrest expunged from her record.
Then there’s what she describes as the emotional damage her family endured. Both children have lived with separate relatives while Summers ironed out their housing situation. For a while, she said her daughter stopped talking to her.
“My kids shouldn’t have had to go through that at all,” she said.
Charitable effort reaches capacity
One effort has addressed the post-Hurricane Ida demand for permanent housing in lower Bayou Lafourche one family at a time, though its leader acknowledges the need far outweighs their capacity.
The Bayou Community Foundation put its resources behind a hurricane recovery project of a Mennonite group from Pennsylvania. With their free labor and construction expertise, the volunteers who started work in January 2022 will have built 53 new homes and made repairs to 450 homes in lower Lafourche and on Grand Isle by the end of August.
A stipulation of the Bayou Community Foundation rebuilding program is that the recipients hold clear title to the land where their homes are built. They represent a separate offshoot of homeless: property owners who cannot afford to rebuild their homes.
Michelle Dubois is one of the recipients of a new home, the first “tiny house” among the BCF projects. Finishing touches awaited in early June when she gave a reporter a tour of her new dwelling in Cut Off. It’s built right next to the lot where the trailer home she owned before Ida was destroyed.
For Dubois, a new home couldn’t be constructed soon enough. She described her temporary living situation as a shared home with five “strangers,” some of whom invade her privacy, eat her food and root through her belongings. Dubois has also found herself taking care of seven dogs that also live inside the home.
“It’s very, very rough,” she said. “Lately I’ve been crying so much because it’s overwhelming.”

Evette Rousse stands in the garden she planted in front the home Bayou Community Foundation built for her and friend Veronica Gisclair, standing on the porch, in Cut Off. (Greg LaRose/LAI)

Bayou Lafourche is visible through the back door of the former Cut Off store building that Bayou Community Foundation is helping renovate as Colbi Galliano’s new home. Unprecedented storm surge from Hurricane Ida in August 2021 flooded the building. (Greg LaRose/LAI)

Colbi Galliano stands amid new appliances and cabinetry that will be installed in her refurbished home in Cut Off. (Greg LaRose/LAI)

Colbi Galliano and her dog are pictured outside the former store building in Cut Off that the Bayou Community Foundation is helping refurbish to become her new home. (Greg LaRose/LAI)

Veronica Gisclair, left, and Evette Rousse spend time on the front porch of their home in Cut Off that was built with support from the Bayou Community Foundation. The organization has built 53 homes and repaired storm damage from Hurricane Ida at 450 more since January 2022. (Greg LaRose/LAI)

Michelle Dubois, left, provides a tour of her newly built mini house to Jennifer Armand, executive director of the Bayou Community Foundation. The organization has erected 53 homes and repaired 450 more since January 2022 in response to widespread damage from Hurricane Ida in August 2021. (Greg LaRose/LAI)

Michelle Dubois sits on the steps of her newly built mini house in Cut Off. She was just days away from final touches being made and receiving the keys from the Bayou Community Foundation, which has built more than 50 new homes and repaired 450 others in the bayou region since January 2022. (Greg LaRose/LAI)
A stroke left Dubois partially disabled and forced her to quit what she said was a good-paying job as a lab scientist. Standing for extended periods is difficult, forcing her to rely on a wheelchair at times. That lack of mobility removed a temporary travel trailer as an option for her, forcing her to endure the strained living conditions until she connected with the Bayou Community Foundation.
The foundation has reached its capacity for new homes, BCF executive director Jennifer Armand said. Her organization’s members feel good about the work that’s been done, but she acknowledged there’s more demand than resources.
Armand expects the need to increase further when people who are still in temporary trailers the Federal Emergency Management Agency have to exit them by an Aug. 31 deadline — a date that’s already been pushed back multiple times.
“The need is definitely still there,” Armand said, referencing a waitlist of 49 applicants and 25 more requests from outside of South Lafourche.
“And that’s just applications that we received, not even the more people out there that we have not even been able to reach out to and get an application from,” she said. “But we know that the need still exists.”
Louisiana
Louisiana National Guard troops return to Washington for Trump task force
GOP-led states sending hundreds of additional National Guard troops to DC
Three GOP governors have pledged to send hundreds more National Guard troops to Washington, D.C., to aid Trump’s federalization of the city.
Straight Arrow News
Louisiana National Guard soldiers have returned to Washington, D.C., on a second deployment as part of President Trump’s continued crackdown on crime in the nation’s capital.
Trump declared a crime emergency in Washington nine months ago to trigger deployments of states’ National Guard troops to the capital.
Republican Gov. Jeff Landry first sent a contingent of Louisiana soldiers to Washington in August 2025. Lt. Col. Noel Collins told USA Today Network on May 13 that all of those soldiers returned to Louisiana by the end of December.
Landry’s latest deployment of Louisiana soldiers includes about 125 who began assisting other soldiers and local police May 12.
Louisiana’s soldiers won’t make arrests, but they will patrol high-traffic areas while playing a supporting role for the D.C. National Guard and local police.
The White House has said its capital crime task force has made more than 12,000 arrests since August and seized thousands of illegal guns.
Greg Hilburn covers state politics for the USA TODAY Network of Louisiana. Follow him on Twitter @GregHilburn1.
Louisiana
Louisiana students make biggest gains in nation
BATON ROUGE, La. (WAFB) – A new report shows Louisiana students are making some of the biggest gains in the country, with state education leaders celebrating the progress.
The newest national report card now ranks Louisiana 32nd in the nation, a jump from 49th in 2019.
“Louisiana is no longer about Louisiana simply believes, but for K-12 education, Louisiana achieves,” said state Superintendent Dr. Cade Brumley.
The jump comes mainly from improved reading and math scores, making Louisiana the only state that has returned to pre-pandemic levels.
Gov. Jeff Landry said the achievement comes at an opportune time for the generation to capitalize on economic developments coming to the state.
“These young men and women are going to get an opportunity we have never had. These kids get to grow up in a new Louisiana at a time when they are getting the education they need,” Landry said.
Brumley said the focus is now on attendance, more tutoring, higher teacher pay, and job readiness.
“Tutoring for every kid to get a little extra help if they need it; differentiated pay so we can target pay in a very precise way to those teachers doing great work for kids; and in the elevation in career and technical education,” Brumley said.
While leaders are celebrating, Brumley said the real work is keeping that momentum.
“Louisiana doesn’t have to be last. Indeed, we can be number one. We will continue to see great results,” Brumley said.
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Louisiana
As Louisiana’s Senate election nears, carbon capture becomes a big issue. Here’s what to know.
In a campaign that has focused more on President Donald Trump than the issues, government regulation of carbon capture and sequestration has emerged as a key fault line in Saturday’s Senate primary.
State Treasurer John Fleming has made his forceful opposition to the new process a key driver of his campaign, saying it threatens to poison waterways and strip landowners of property rights.
That has made him the target of attack ads broadcast by two outside groups associated with Gov. Jeff Landry and financed at least in part by oil and gas companies that want to inject the carbon dioxide deep in underground wells.
Fleming has counterattacked by saying that U.S. Rep. Julia Letlow, who has Landry’s support, actually supports the industry because her fiancée, Kevin Ainsworth, is a major lobbyist for carbon capture and sequestration companies in Baton Rouge. Letlow has called that accusation “a low blow.”
Letlow has said she favors letting local communities decide whether to allow the process.
“If a project is not safe, if it’s not transparent and if it does not have community buy-in, it should not move forward,” she said in a radio debate on May 5.
But in a separate interview, Letlow refused to be pinned down on how a community would decide to give a green light.
U.S. Sen. Bill Cassidy on Tuesday said he agrees with Fleming that oil and gas companies should not be able to exercise eminent domain to build pipelines and storage facilities without landowners’ approval.
Cassidy also said he supports the moratorium that Landry has imposed on new carbon capture and sequestration projects. Letlow also backs that moratorium.
Cassidy said allowing parish governments to block carbon capture and sequestration projects “is an acceptable option.”
Where the race stands
Fleming and Letlow are trying to unseat Cassidy this year in the Republican election campaign. Saturday is the primary, where the top two Republican finishers, if no one wins above 50%, advance to a runoff on June 27.
All three candidates are predicting they will win one of the two spots in the June 27 runoff. Polls indicate that Letlow has the best chance.
But political analysts note that the new semi-closed primary election system and recent seismic events – including a U.S. Supreme Court decision that nullified Louisiana’s congressional map and Landry then canceling the House elections – make prognosticating Saturday’s results a challenge.
Three Democrats are vying in their own primary to face the Republican Senate nominee in November. They are Nick Albares, a policy analyst in New Orleans; Gary Crockett, a business owner in New Orleans; and Jamie Davis, a soybean, cotton and corn farmer in northeast Louisiana.
Albares said on Tuesday that he sides with Fleming and Cassidy in not allowing companies to use eminent domain to build carbon capture and sequestration projects on private land.
Davis called for “binding consent from the people who live there, not a public comment period that gets ignored” before any injection wells are permitted.
Crockett said, “I’m totally against it.”
Trump dominates election
Trump has been a dominant topic in the campaign because each of the three Republicans is claiming to be the candidate best aligned with the president. Letlow has his endorsement.
The three Democrats have been scathing in their criticism of Trump.
In a weekly call with reporters Tuesday, Cassidy announced $150 million in additional federal money to build a replacement bridge on Interstate 10 over the Calcasieu River in Lake Charles.
In making the announcement, Cassidy slipped in a story about how he was riding on the ancient bridge with Trump in the presidential limousine nicknamed “the Beast” to an event in Hackberry in Cameron Parish in 2019. As they reached the top, Cassidy said, Trump wondered aloud, “Is this bridge going to hold us”?
Cassidy said the new bridge would be able to hold the Beast and is an example of how he delivers for Louisiana. He said the money came from the Infrastructure and Investment Jobs Act, a President Joe Biden-initiative that he supported, unlike the rest of Louisiana’s Republican delegation.
Fleming, meanwhile, speaking to a Republican luncheon Tuesday in Baton Rouge, highlighted a nine-page referral to the Department of Justice by a nonprofit group that accuses Letlow of filing false campaign finance reports to the Federal Elections Commission.
The Coolidge Reagan Foundation alleged that the Letlow Victory Fund raised money for two months without reporting it and then tried to conceal this later.
The foundation said it has filed previous complaints against Hillary Clinton and the Democratic National Committee.
“With the FEC, you have to be very careful with your paperwork,” Fleming told the crowd at the Ronald Reagan Newsmaker Luncheon.
Letlow’s campaign dismissed the allegation.
“Bill Cassidy voted to convict President Trump (on impeachment charges in 2021) and has spent over $10 million attacking Julia Letlow,” Letlow’s campaign said in a statement. “Now, in an attempt to distract from President Trump’s endorsement of Letlow, Cassidy’s allies are desperately trying to dress up routine FEC paperwork questions because they can’t defend Cassidy’s record. The Letlow campaign takes compliance seriously and has filed all required reports with the FEC.”
In recent days, Letlow has said that the defeat last week of five state senators opposed by Trump in Indiana bodes well for her campaign, since Trump wants to end Cassidy’s Senate career.
Outspent by Cassidy and Letlow, Fleming has said he is running a grassroots campaign. One example of that, he said in an interview, is that a majority of the members of the Republican State Central Committee have requested that the committee endorse him.
Derek Babcock, the party chair, didn’t respond to a text Tuesday asking how the party’s executive committee – which actually issues the endorsement – will respond.
Attack ads target Fleming
Landry has inserted himself into the campaign by raising money for two groups associated with him – the Accountability Project and MAGA Energy – to attack Fleming. Both groups are organized in a way that doesn’t require them to disclose their donors and are headed by two of his key campaign associates, Jay Connaughton and Jason Hebert.
Landry held an event at the Governor’s Mansion on April 20 with about 15 carbon capture and sequestration executives, said someone who attended the meeting but spoke on condition of anonymity. Landry warned the group that a Fleming victory would harm their industry. The executives then heard a pitch to raise $1.5 million to defeat Fleming, according to the source.
In a brief interview, Landry acknowledged holding the meeting but wouldn’t discuss it.
Fleming repeats his opposition to carbon capture and sequestration at every opportunity, telling the Reagan luncheon, “It’s just not good for Louisiana.”
In other appearances, Fleming has said the technology is unproven and dangerous, saying in a radio interview last month, “It’s stuffing toxic carbon dioxide in the ground and using your taxpayer money and stealing your land through private domain for profiteering.”
For a month, the Accountability Project and MAGA Energy have been attacking Fleming.
The Accountability Project has broadcast ads accusing Fleming of being a supporter of allowing illegal aliens across the Mexican border. Fleming called that a lie while speaking at the Reagan luncheon, saying he supports tough border restrictions.
MAGA Energy accuses Fleming of having voted for pro-carbon capture and sequestration bills while he served in the House. That, too, is a lie, Fleming told the Reagan crowd.
In a new line of attack, the Accountability Project is attempting to undermine a key part of Fleming’s pro-Trump biography by saying that Fleming never served as Trump’s deputy chief of staff during his final 10 months as president in first term.
In campaign appearances, Fleming has said his office was 10 steps from the Oval Office in the West Wing, and he told the Reagan luncheon that the accusation was “an absolute lie.”
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