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How JD Vance's Ohio hometown defied his expectations

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How JD Vance's Ohio hometown defied his expectations


By Nicholas P. Brown

MIDDLETOWN, Ohio (Reuters) – In his bestselling 2016 memoir, Republican vice presidential hopeful JD Vance questioned whether rural, white Americans, like those in his native Middletown, Ohio, had the drive to reverse their economic decline. But as Vance was writing, his hometown was in the thick of the grassroots revitalization he envisioned.

Vance’s “Hillbilly Elegy: A Memoir of a Family and Culture in Crisis” tried to explain the mindset of white Appalachian voters at a time when many Americans were baffled by the popularity of Donald Trump, who would win the presidential election later that year.

The Yale-educated Ohio senator, who was tapped earlier this month to be Trump’s running mate in the Nov. 5 election, urged this struggling cohort to take more responsibility for its problems, stop looking to government or big companies for solutions, and work harder to improve its lot.

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Chunks of Middletown still encapsulate the hackneyed images of the disenfranchised industrial hubs Vance wrote about: shabby strip malls sit along sprawling, potholed thoroughfares in a city where Trump flags fly from pickup trucks.

But there’s a different vibe in the southwestern Ohio city’s downtown. A brewery, wine bar, art collective, and even an opera house surround intersections bridged by sleek brick crosswalks and walls brightened by murals. Rainbow flags, left over from last month’s LGBTQ Pride celebrations, hang in several windows.

It’s part of a revitalization that, while far from complete, conflicts with the 2016 book’s portrayal of a community that is a “hub of misery,” and whose people react “to bad circumstances in the worst way possible,” according to some 20 locals interviewed by Reuters.

“We’ve been through this before, where we’ve had to reinvent ourselves. That’s what I think people lose sight of,” said Sam Ashworth, trustee and former executive director of the city’s historical society.

Ashworth noted that the city’s population, which is about 78% white, experienced industrial shifts throughout the 20th century that saw the loss of jobs in the tobacco and paper industries. “JD’s time in Middletown was very short,” said Ashworth, 83.

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The Middletown of Vance’s youth was reeling from contraction and labor disputes at its AK Steel plant, which in 2003 – the year Vance graduated from high school – employed around 4,000 people, sharply down from its heyday in the 1970s.

The 2007-2009 recession compounded the strain, triggering a decline in city property tax revenue. AK Steel continued to downsize, employing about 2,300 people in 2012, municipal financial records show. The plant is owned today by Cleveland-Cliffs Inc.

Vance’s memoir referred to disenfranchised white communities as “a pessimistic bunch,” asking rhetorically if they were “tough enough” to hold themselves accountable for their plight and reverse their fortunes. “We created the (problems), and only we can fix them,” the future U.S. senator wrote.

Middletown, part of a staunchly conservative congressional district that voted overwhelmingly for Trump in the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections, is trying to do just that.

Between 2012 and 2022, the city’s income tax revenue spiked from $19.7 million to $33.6 million, according to official records. Optimism has been further fueled by Cleveland-Cliffs’ announcement this year of a $2 billion investment in its Middletown Works steel plant, and the city has approved a new, $200 million commercial development on 50 acres of municipal land.

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The city, with a population of about 51,000, still grapples with high poverty and low median income, and the 75-bed Hope House Mission, a local homeless shelter, remains consistently full, said Tim Williams, the shelter’s vice president of homeless services.

But the situation is improving, and locals credit that to the kind of bootstraps-style initiative whose prospects Vance had questioned. “He makes it sound like this place sucks you in and that you’re destined to fail,” said Rochelle Zecher, a 42-year-old shop owner. “But this community builds itself up.”

Vance’s press secretary had no immediate comment on Reuters’ reporting.

FEDERAL FUNDS

In 2011, the city government and the Middletown Community Foundation created Downtown Middletown Inc, a nonprofit organization that helps market the city’s commercial district. With capital limited after the recession, city leaders got creative in finding money, including by using funds left over from a previous redevelopment loan.

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That same year the city persuaded Cincinnati entrepreneur Jim Verdin to refurbish a building that now houses the Pendleton Art Center, creating space for 30 art vendors at little cost to Middletown.

Triple Moon Coffee Company, across the street from the art center, was launched in 2015 by lifelong Middletown resident Heather Gibson, who opened it with funds from her partner’s long-forgotten AK Steel retirement account.

The cafe is one of at least five LGBTQ-owned businesses in Middletown, said Duane Gordon, spokesman for the Middletown Pride Committee, who added that the city’s outreach to a wider array of communities helped spur its economic revitalization.

Middletown navigated the coronavirus pandemic with help from the federal government, receiving $19 million from Democratic President Joe Biden’s American Rescue Plan of 2021. City businesses got a combined $75 million from the Paycheck Protection Program – a business loan initiative signed by Trump and later extended by Biden – according to the federal government’s pandemic spending database.

The Republican Party’s 2024 platform promises to “rein in wasteful federal spending” as a way of “promoting economic growth,” and Vance has voiced skepticism about how much federal policymakers can do for local communities.

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But Gibson, who used her PPP loan to open a drive-through behind her cafe, said federal money saved her business.

“It was a sink-or-swim moment,” she said.

(Reporting by Nicholas P. Brown; Editing by Paul Simao)



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Ohio’s secretary of state shows “cognitive dissonance” on election integrity – again

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Ohio’s secretary of state shows “cognitive dissonance” on election integrity – again


Ohio Secretary of State Frank LaRose is once again demonstrating that he operates not based on principles but on his loyalty to President Donald Trump and the MAGA movement, say the hosts of the Today in Ohio podcast.

Tuesday’s episode took aim at LaRose’s recent announcement that Ohio is joining the EleXa Network, a system where states share voter data to combat fraud—nearly identical to the ERIC (Electronic Registration Information Center) system LaRose abandoned after MAGA criticism.

“This was the case that — for anybody that wanted to see it — showed just how lily-livered LaRose is, that he doesn’t stand for anything,” said Chris Quinn. He noted how LaRose was full-throated in supporting ERIC “until all of a sudden ‚the MAGA folks said it’s bad. And then like you said, hot potatoes.”

Lisa Garvin explained that LaRose had previously championed ERIC as an essential tool for maintaining accurate voter rolls and preventing fraud. However, when conservative media outlets began claiming the system favored Democrats and undermined election integrity, LaRose abandoned it—only to now join a nearly identical system with a different name.

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Quinn didn’t hesitate to predict LaRose’s future behavior: “And watch, if MAGA comes out and says, ‘Oh, we hate this system,’ he’ll immediately turn tail again. And it shows you everything. He doesn’t stand for anything except supporting MAGA and the Republicans.”

Garvin said LaRose’s decisions are part of his pattern on election integrity.

“He’s always trumpeted the integrity of Ohio’s election system. And then he turns around and said, ‘well, there’s fraud everywhere.’” She said. “This is like cognitive dissonance?”

Both Eric and EleXa allow states to share information on people who may be registered in multiple states or who have died, helping to keep voter rolls accurate and prevent people from voting twice. Ohio is joining with nine neighboring states, including Indiana, Kentucky, West Virginia, and Pennsylvania.

Of course, as podcast hosts noted, voter fraud is extremely rare.

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Listen to the episode here.



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Leaders from dozens of states in Ohio to fight federal overreach

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Leaders from dozens of states in Ohio to fight federal overreach


COLUMBUS, Ohio (WCMH) — The Ohio Statehouse hosted a historic gathering of legislative leaders from across the country Monday, discussing concerns about the increasing power of the federal government.

Senate presidents and House speakers from about 40 states met in the chambers of the Ohio House of Representatives, unanimously adopting a nonbinding declaration for the restoration of federalism and state empowerment.

“The states are not instrumentalities of the federal government; the states created the federal government, the states created the constitution,” said Bryan Thomas, spokesperson for the National Conference of State Legislatures (NSCL), which organized the assembly.

In addition to the federalism declaration, the inaugural Assembly of State Legislative Leaders unanimously adopted rules and frameworks for future assemblies. These rules were submitted by a bipartisan steering committee made up of five Democrats and five Republicans. Likewise, the Assembly’s proposal process requires bipartisan support in order to get a vote.

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“Coming from a blue state and minority [party] in the current federal government, it’s really important for us to find partners to work with,” Hawaii Senate President Ron Kouchi (D) said. “What better partners than our fellow legislators?”

Ohio Speaker of the House Matt Huffman (R-Lima) has been working to organize an assembly of legislative leaders to reassert the tenets of federalism for years.

“What we’ve done in the last 50 years or so, I don’t think that George Washington and Thomas Jefferson and John Adams would recognize,” Huffman said. “There are some things that the states do better and some things that constitutionally the states are required to do.”

According to Thomas, there are several specific issues where many states feel their power has been usurped by the federal government—particularly with regard to Medicaid policy.

“With changes to Medicaid coming down the pipe from Congress, what is the state role?” Thomas said. “What flexibility can states have in administering this program?”

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“Medicaid is the Pac-Man of the state budget. It is costing the state more and more money each year, it’s completely unsustainable,” Ohio Senate President Rob McColley (R-Napoleon) said. “It’s necessary for us to have these conversations about Medicaid because every state’s dealing with the same challenges.”

The Assembly did not end up voting on a proposed declaration regarding Medicaid, which would have urged Congress to “avoid unfunded mandates” and assert that states should “retain the authority to customize eligibility, benefits, and delivery systems.”

Although Thomas said planning for the Assembly has stretched between presidential administrations, President Donald Trump has made several moves during the first year of his second term to assert federal authority over the states — most recently by signing an executive order limiting states’ ability to regulate AI, and attempting to pressure the Indiana state legislature into redrawing congressional maps.

“There’s no specific action here of the current administration or the past administration that spurred this,” Thomas said. “This is more about a real grounding in principles.”

“Anybody has the ability to voice their opinion or their concerns on a variety of these issues,” McColley said of Trump’s campaign to influence the Indiana legislature. “I think the administration is free to talk about it and be involved in the process.”

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It is not clear when or where the Assembly will meet next, but Kouchi suggested a meeting could be held at July’s NCSL conference in Chicago. With a framework in place, Kouchi said he hopes the next assembly will get into the “meaty issues” concerning state legislative leaders.



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Why Ohio State is built to ‘wake up and move on’ from a loss before the College Football Playoff

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Why Ohio State is built to ‘wake up and move on’ from a loss before the College Football Playoff


COLUMBUS, Ohio — Breathe in. Breathe out.

The dust has settled on Ohio State football’s last contest: a 13-10 loss to Indiana in the Big Ten Championship Game. Nearly 10 days have passed since the offensive line struggled to hold up, since the offense struggled to convert in the red zone and since the Buckeyes failed to accomplish one of their three major goals.

As is often the case at OSU, a loss is accompanied by anger, questions, concerns and aches.

“Sick to my stomach that we lost,” quarterback Julian Sayin said last week.

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