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Behind the spectacular collapse of the Alec Baldwin 'Rust' shooting prosecution

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Behind the spectacular collapse of the Alec Baldwin 'Rust' shooting prosecution

The spectacular collapse of New Mexico’s criminal prosecution of Alec Baldwin in the deadly “Rust” movie shooting laid bare nearly three years of errors by state officials who were eager to prove themselves on a world stage.

Legal experts had long said it was a risk to charge Baldwin with involuntary manslaughter, a felony, for the 2021 death of cinematographer Halyna Hutchins, whom the actor accidentally shot while preparing for a scene with a firearm. Baldwin had been told — incorrectly — that his prop gun contained no actual ammunition.

New Mexico First Judicial District Court Judge Mary Marlowe Sommer threw out Baldwin’s charge late Friday following a day-long hearing in which defense attorneys alleged Santa Fe County deputies and a special prosecutor concealed potential evidence — a bag of bullets an Arizona retired police officer turned in after the incident — that may have proved helpful to Baldwin’s case.

Judge Mary Marlowe Sommer, center, questions special prosecutor Kari T. Morrissey, second from left, Friday in Santa Fe, N.M., about evidence not turned over to defense attorney Alex Spiro, second from right, during actor Alec Baldwin’s trial alleging involuntary manslaughter during filming of the movie “Rust.”

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(Eddie Moore / Associated Press)

“If this conduct does not rise to the level of bad faith, it certainly comes so near to bad faith to show signs of scorching,” Marlowe Sommer said, directing her scorn at prosecutor Kari T. Morrissey.

Baldwin, who had been facing an 18-month prison sentence if convicted, sobbed as he heard the decision.

Legal experts were stunned at what they said was the prosecution’s botching of the case. “What a catastrophic end to this case for the special prosecutor,” said Santa Fe attorney John Day, who was not involved in the case. “It was a disaster — a complete train wreck.”

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Three days into the trial, Baldwin’s high-powered legal team had successfully steered the case away from issues Morrissey wanted to explore, including evidence Baldwin may have pulled the trigger. They focused on an investigation that failed to answer a central question in the “Rust” shoooting: Where did the live rounds originate?

The Baldwin criminal case may have been doomed from the start.

Santa Fe Sheriff's Office Lt. Brian Brandle testifies during the trial

Santa Fe Sheriff’s Office Lt. Brian Brandle testifies during the trial of actor Alec Baldwin on Friday at Santa Fe County District Court in Santa Fe, N.M.

(Ramsay de Give / Associated Press)

Santa Fe County sheriff’s deputies arriving at western movie location Bonanza Creek Ranch near Santa Fe on Oct. 21, 2021, were rattled by the mayhem. Two victims lay bleeding on the floor of an old wooden church, Hutchins and director Joel Souza. Armorer Hannah Gutierrez Reed appeared to be having a panic attack. Baldwin declined a deputy’s invitation to sit in a patrol car, saying he was smoking a cigarette.

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Law enforcement officers were gobsmacked: How could two people filming a movie be shot with a prop gun held by one of Hollywood’s most famous actors?

As journalists from around the world descended on Santa Fe, the sheriff and district attorney projected swagger. The sheriff was preparing for a reelection fight. At a news conference six days after the shooting, Dist. Atty. Mary Carmack-Altwies was asked whether Baldwin might be charged. “All options are on the table,” she told the crowd.

Pressure quickly mounted after Baldwin told ABC News anchor George Stephanopoulos that he didn’t pull the trigger. Gun enthusiasts howled, saying that gun model doesn’t fire on its own.

The set of "Rust" at Bonanza Creek Ranch has several buildings and vehicles nearby.

Bonanza Creek Ranch one day after Halyna Hutchins died on set.

(Roberto E. Rosales / Albuquerque Journal)

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By year’s end, sheriff’s detectives had made mistakes that would haunt the case.

The movie’s prop master threw bullets from other actors’ weapons into the trash. The “Rust” prop truck, which held guns and ammunition, wasn’t searched for nearly a week. And it took another month before detectives showed up with a warrant at the Albuquerque prop house of weapons and ammunition provider, Seth Kenney.

The deputies found the military green ammo box they were looking for — Thell Reed, the armorer’s father, told investigators it contained live bullets that may have been the same batch as those on “Rust” — but it was empty.

Baldwin’s team asserted it was Kenney who co-mingled real bullets with dummies — an allegation that Kenney has denied, including while testifying Friday.

Adding another wrinkle, violent tests of Baldwin’s revolver at the FBI Laboratory in Virginia in mid-2022 fractured key gun components.

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“I don’t think anyone would say this was a good, clean law enforcement investigation,” Day said. “And the prosecutors compounded the problems with their own missteps and poor judgment calls.”

After more than a year of investigating, the sheriff shipped the case to prosecutors so they could make charging decisions. The D.A. had hired a special prosecutor to help. It looked like a powerful team.

Carmack-Altwies was a progressive Democrat. The first special prosecutor, Andrea Reeb, was a Republican who championed gun rights.

But emails between the pair, later turned over to Baldwin’s team, revealed that Reeb had joked that prosecuting Baldwin could boost her state House campaign. To some, the disclosure made it look like Baldwin’s prosecution was politically motivated because many conservatives dislike Baldwin, who lampooned former President Trump on NBC’s “Saturday Night Live.”

Further, prosecutors blundered in January 2023 by adding a “gun enhancement” when filing involuntary manslaughter charges against Baldwin and Gutierrez Reed. The enhancement carried a mandatory five-year prison sentence but wasn’t on the books at the time of the “Rust” shooting, forcing prosecutors to scale back.

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Reeb stepped down and Carmack-Altwies soon followed. That’s when Morrissey, a respected Albuquerque criminal defense lawyer, dug into the case.

Baldwin’s lead attorney, Luke Nikas, flew to New Mexico. He gave Morrissey evidence that he said showed Baldwin’s gun had been modified before arriving on set, according to court filings. With little time before a pivotal hearing, Morrissey dropped charges against Baldwin.

Attorney Luke Nikas rubs his eyes during actor Alec Baldwin's trial while other people are seated next to him.

Attorney Luke Nikas reacts during Baldwin’s trial for involuntary manslaughter Friday at Santa Fe County District Court in Santa Fe, N.M. The judge threw out the case against Baldwin in the middle of his trial and said it cannot be filed again.

(Ramsay De Give / Associated Press)

The “Rust” star immediately traveled to Montana to finish filming the movie. Meanwhile, Morrissey ordered more tests to determine whether Baldwin’s gun had a hair-trigger, as the defense team suggested.

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Arizona gun expert Lucien Haag rebuilt the revolver, and ultimately concluded the gun hadn’t been modified. He was also convinced Baldwin pulled the trigger.

By last summer, tensions between Morrissey and Baldwin’s team were growing. But Morrissey offered Baldwin a deal in October to plead guilty to negligent use of a deadly weapon, a misdemeanor, and receive a suspended sentence. Weeks went by with no answer. Then Morrissey learned Baldwin’s team had shared the plea details with NBC News and planned to sue the state of New Mexico. Baldwin also allegedly pressured a crew member to be interviewed in a documentary Baldwin commissioned about himself, according to an April court filing by the prosecutor.

Morrissey withdrew the offer, sending the case to a grand jury. Baldwin was indicted in January and pleaded not guilty.

The trial, which began Wednesday, was to be the most-publicized court action in New Mexico’s 112-year history. Legal experts saw it as a huge gamble by the prosecution.

“This case clearly should not have been criminally brought,” New York defense attorney Duncan Levin said Thursday. “The shooting was a tragic mistake but mistakes are not crimes.”

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It wasn’t long before the case brought by Morrissey and fellow prosecutor Erlinda O. Johnson started to fall apart. Baldwin’s team filed a motion to dismiss the case after the second day of testimony. Marlowe Sommer called an 8:45 a.m. hearing Friday for the lawyers and told the jury to report by 9:30 a.m.

Spiro began Friday’s hearing by accusing Morrissey of signaling directions to her witnesses. Nikas then launched into a litany of alleged evidence violations, stemming from a bag of bullets that Troy Teske, a retired police officer who lives in Arizona, turned over to the Sheriff’s Office in March — potential evidence that was not disclosed to the defense.

Actor Alec Baldwin closes his eyes as he sits between his attorneys.

Actor Alec Baldwin, center, reacts as he sits between his attorneys Alex Spiro, left, and Luke Nikas after the judge threw out the involuntary manslaughter case against him Friday.

(Ramsay de Give / Associated Press)

Morrissey insisted the envelope contained nothing of “evidentiary value” because the bullets remained in Arizona — far from the “Rust” set.

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“This defies everything they teach you in law school, and when starting out as a prosecutor,” University of New Mexico law professor Joshua Kastenberg said. “Prosecutors should never determine what evidence is relevant — that’s up to a judge.”

With a stern look, the judge donned blue latex gloves and opened the evidence envelope with scissors.

Marlowe Sommer directed crime scene technician Marissa Poppell to categorize the bullets.

Gasps rippled through the courtroom when it was revealed that three bullets had casings stamped with Starline Brass — the identifying marker of the deadly bullets on “Rust.”

Furious, the judge scrapped the day of testimony and sent home the jurors who had been waiting in a back room. Johnson, the new prosecutor, resigned from the case and took a seat on a bench reserved for the public.

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Special prosecutor Kari T. Morrissey holds out her hands while standing and looking at a laptop screen in court.

Special prosecutor Kari Morrissey talks about evidence not turned over to the defense during actor Alec Baldwin’s trial Friday.

(Eddie Moore / Associated Press)

The two sides clashed over the value of the Teske bullets. Teske was a former friend of Kenney, the ammo provider, and a current friend of Thell Reed. Baldwin’s lawyers argued the bullets might show a connection to Kenney, one of Morrissey’s main witnesses.

Morrissey disagreed, saying the bullets only pointed to Thell Reed. She has alleged his daughter brought some to the “Rust” set.

The judge also was deeply troubled that sheriff’s deputies logged the Teske bullets under a different case number, not the one for “Rust” evidence, making it impossible for defense attorneys to find on their own.

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Marlowe Sommer grilled the lead detective, Alexandria Hancock. The judge asked whether Morrissey had participated in discussions this spring about the Teske bullets.

“Yes,” Hancock said. Louder gasps were heard in the courtroom.

At the end, Morrissey took to the witness stand to defend her conduct in the case. The judge was not swayed.

“There was no excuse for what happened from a prosecutorial standpoint,” Kastenberg said. “The recriminations are just starting.”

Hilaria Baldwin speaks to husband, Alec Baldwin, and wraps her arms around his neck while he looks down.

Hilaria Baldwin, right, speaks to her husband, actor Alec Baldwin, at his trial Friday.

(Ramsay de Give / Associated Press)

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“Rust” legal wranglings are not over.

Certain civil lawsuits against Baldwin and the producers, including from Hutchins’ family members, remain unresolved.

“We respect the court’s decision,” said Brian Panish, lawyer for Hutchins’ husband, Matthew, after the judge dismissed Baldwin’s criminal case. “We look forward to presenting all the evidence to a jury and holding Mr. Baldwin accountable for his actions in the senseless death of Halyna Hutchins.”

Actor Alec Baldwin hugs wife Hilaria Baldwin

Actor Alec Baldwin hugs wife Hilaria Baldwin after District Court Judge Mary Marlowe Sommer threw out the involuntary manslaughter case against Baldwin on Friday.

(Luis Sánchez Saturno / Associated Press)

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Gloria Allred, who represents the victim’s Ukranian family, added: “The dismissal of the criminal case against Alec Baldwin is in no way, shape or form an exoneration of him.”

Others took a more charitable view, including LeAnn Brightwell, 80, who moved to Santa Fe two years ago from Palm Desert.

“I never thought he was guilty of murder; they shouldn’t have charged him,” Brightwell said. “What a horrific thing to know that you killed someone — that’s punishment enough.”

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Movie Reviews

Critic’s Appreciation: Few Actors Could Go as Terrifyingly Big, and as Hauntingly Small, as Robert Duvall

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Critic’s Appreciation: Few Actors Could Go as Terrifyingly Big, and as Hauntingly Small, as Robert Duvall

When people talk about an actor with range, they usually mean the wide variety of roles they can play. De Niro going from Travis Bickle to Jake LaMotta. Brando going from On the Waterfront to Guys and Dolls. Pacino playing both Michael Corleone and Tony Montana, two gangsters with diametrically opposed approaches to criminality.

The same holds true for Robert Duvall, a tremendous screen actor who died on Monday at the age of 95, and whose credits — over 150 in a career spanning six decades — include everything from a Texas Ranger (Lonesome Dove) to a Texas outlaw (True Grit); a sinister TV boss (Network) to an enlightened L.A. cop (Colors); an ex-con pulling off one last job (The Outfit) to an aging rancher protecting his land (Open Range); a conniving sports journalist (The Natural) to an editor-in-chief seeking redemption (The Paper) to a Soviet dictator (Stalin).

There are a hundred other examples in Duvall’s vast filmography, which lasted all the way till he was over 90, when he held his final roles as a seasoned practitioner of black magic (The Pale Blue Eye) and the owner of the Philadelphia 76ers (Hustle). Like many actors who hailed from a generation trained under the Method — in Duvall’s case, with the legendary Sanford Meisner — and who cut their chops in the burgeoning years of television, Duvall was extremely prolific and willing to try out any part at least once.

But he had a gift few performers have ever showcased to such an extent: a range that not only spread horizontally, shifting through characters across the board, but vertically, allowing him to be a big, bellowing, destructive man in one movie, and then a small, discreet, vulnerable one in the next. This extreme pendulum of human temperament meant Duvall could go from boiling hot to ice cold within a single film or even a single scene. It helped him to fully embody people at either end of the spectrum, in a series of iconic roles that made him one of the greatest.

Let’s start with the famous ones: For The Godfather, Francis Ford Coppola always wanted Duvall to play the soft-spoken Corleone consigliere Tom Hagen. In the director’s previous feature, The Rain People, the actor was terrifying as a nutso highway patrolman who tries to rape the film’s heroine. It was the polar opposite of Hagen, but Coppola knew Duvall had the range for both parts.

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What makes the actor so formidable in The Godfather is how Hagen always sits in the shadows, serving as both strategic advisor and silent moral compass to a corrupt family. An adopted son to Don Corleone, and therefore not a blood brother, Tom Hagen is a perpetual outsider who at one point becomes the Don himself. This happens during a memorable scene between Duvall and Pacino in The Godfather: Part II, after the Corleone’s Lake Tahoe compound gets ambushed. Duvall plays a man of few words, so when he looks at Pacino and says, “I always wanted to be thought of as a brother by you, Mike. A real brother,” it carries the weight of the world, and tons of contained emotion.

In another Coppola classic, Apocalypse Now, Duvall portrayed a man of many words that have turned into some of the most famous lines in film history. To embody the surf-obsessed and fearless Colonel Kilgore, the actor delved into his own past in the military, first as the son of a Rear Admiral in the navy and later as a private first class in the army, which he ditched to study acting in New York.

Duvall did plenty of research to build the Kilgore character, basing his performance on officers he served under at Fort Bragg and choosing a cowboy hat to mimic how members of the air calvary in Vietnam sometimes wore mementos from the American West. But it’s the actor’s delivery that everyone remembers, brilliantly going from hot to cold as he lambasts his troops during a bombing campaign, then kneels beside them to calmly state: “I love the smell of napalm in the morning” — a sinister line considering the mass death happening all around them, but also perfectly true to character.

The same year Apocalypse Now was released, Duvall played another bigger-than-life military man in The Great Santini, which was shot after the Coppola film and feels at times like a spinoff story for Colonel Kilgore. As the titular antihero and contender for worst screen father of 1979, Duvall embodied a Lieutenant Colonel in the U.S. Marines who settles with his family near a base in South Carolina, where he conducts training sessions and rules over his four children like he’s about to send them off to battle.

There are some classic Duvallian moments in The Great Santini, a movie I recall well because it was one of my dad’s favorites (don’t ask). In the opening scene, Santini — whose real name is “Bull” Meechum — gets wasted at an officer’s dance and fake vomits Campbell’s Soup all over the floor, then has his platoon lick it up in front of all the horrified guests. In what’s probably the film’s highlight, the Colonel plays a long one-on-one basketball game against his oldest son (Michael O’Keefe) that turns so violently competitive, he nearly takes his kid’s head off.

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Like Kilgore, Meechum is a professional soldier and all-around tyrant with a voice that resounds like a bullhorn. But Duvall also reveals his weaknesses at key moments, showing how he actually tries hard as a father yet can’t help confusing training soldiers with rearing his own children.

Weakness also characterizes the role that earned Duvall his only Oscar for best actor. As the broken country singer Mac Sledge in Bruce Beresford’s Tender Mercies, he became so small on screen that his character almost disappeared amid the Texas flatlands where he washes up after another catastrophic drinking binge. Ditching alcohol and a successful music career to stay on as a handyman at a roadside motel run by a beautiful widow (Tess Harper), Sledge hardly utters a word for the first half of the movie. When he finally speaks, and eventually sings again, it’s with utter grace and sincerity. Duvall was perhaps never better than as a severely wounded man who finds enough inner strength to restart his life, letting go of the two things he loves — music and whiskey — to last another day.

Fans of the star surely have other characters to add to the list, whether big or small or some of both. (I have to confess that I’ve never seen his famous performance in Lonesome Dove, which aired on CBS when I was 12 and earned the actor a Golden Globe.) In his later years, Duvall seemed to say yes to anything, from solid A-list dramas like The Road and Crazy Heart to blockbusters like Gone in 60 Seconds, Deep Impact, The 6th Day and Jack Reacher.

He played it big again one last time in The Apostle, a role he was born to inhabit — and ingeniously did so at the ripe age of 66, in a movie he also wrote and directed. As a Pentecostal preacher with major anger issues, causing him to kill his wife’s lover with a baseball bat at…a Little League game, Duvall portrayed a character who was like an aggregate of all the men he’d played before — flawed and crazy men with good hearts, men who meant well but had a terrible way of demonstrating it. Using his roaring baritone as both a weapon and a healing device, he ultimately gets under our skin in a series of fiery sermons he delivers like monologues accumulated throughout his long career.

Duvall’s brilliance was not only in his versatility, but in the way he could make larger-than-life men like the preacher or Kilgore suddenly seem tiny, undercutting their belligerence with vulnerability or tenderness. And he could make tiny men like Mac Sledge or Tom Hagen stand tall through what they held back, finding strength and stature in their restraint. One memorable late role in which he did the latter was as NYPD Captain Burt Grusinky in James Gray’s crime thriller We Own the Night, in which he played a thoughtful Hagen-like patriarch who gradually loses a handle on his two sons, then dies in spectacular fashion during an ambush on a rain-soaked expressway.

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He only had a few lines in that movie, but it was enough to make him an anchor for the drama. The thing about great screen performers like Duvall is that, whether they played it big or small, the scene was often centered on them. It’s the secret that a select few have managed to grasp — especially those who came up alongside him, including the actor’s former roommates, Dustin Hoffman and Gene Hackman. Each had his own alchemy for drawing our attention. In Duvall’s case, it was about reining in the beast or unleashing it, rip-roaring through scenes or vanishing within them. Barking orders as bombs dropped or receding unforgettably into the dark.

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Jesse Jackson had onscreen charisma. But when he waged war on Hollywood, it had few results

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Jesse Jackson had onscreen charisma. But when he waged war on Hollywood, it had few results

In 1994, the Rev. Jesse Jackson declared war on Hollywood.

The civil rights leader, who died Tuesday, set his sights on the entertainment industry, accusing it of “institutional racism” and calling out what he called the lack of representation of people of color and women, an issue that reverberates today.

Jackson aimed his trademark fiery dynamism at studio and network executives, forming the Rainbow Coalition on Fairness in the Media — an offshoot of his Rainbow Coalition that focused on social justice and economic equality — and threatening boycotts against projects that excluded minorities.

Comparing his campaign to the historic march in Selma, Ala., and other civil rights demonstrations during a news conference, Jackson said, “They think they have the right to not include us in recruitment, hiring, promotion, projection, decision making. But we have consumer power, we have viewer power, we have the power to change dials. … The networks have time now to get their house in order. They can begin to change now.”

The pronouncement was a dramatic contrast to Jackson’s 1984 hosting gig on “Saturday Night Live” and his memorable reading of “Green Eggs and Ham” during a 1991 appearance on the sketch variety series.

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But despite his characteristic command and media savvy, Jackson’s campaign never gained true momentum, scoring mixed results. Black actors and creators within Hollywood for the most part failed to rally around him, and leaders of some advocacy groups accused him of losing focus. Whoopi Goldberg made fun of him while hosting the 1996 Oscars.

By 1997, the battle had fizzled out and Jackson had moved on to more political concerns.

The clash with Hollywood was first sparked after several Black-oriented shows on Fox, including “South Central,” “Roc,” “In Living Color” and “The Sinbad Show” were canceled in the July 1994. Jackson felt there would not be much improvement in the diversity on the shows in the upcoming fall season.

“We know that significant shows were cut off from Fox this season, and that is of great concern to us,” Jackson said at a news conference at the African American Community Unity Center where he was accompanied by Brotherhood Crusade founder Danny Bakewell and comedian Sinbad, who starred in his own eponymous sitcom.

And Jackson said it wasn’t the only TV network with this problem. “We look at the data we have on NBC. It is substantial. It is ugly. We look at the projected format for CBS this fall. In the real sense, all of them are recycling racist practices. It is called institutional racism. It is manifest not only in their hiring, but in their priorities.”

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He added that he was also concerned about what he claimed was poor representation of people of color and women among network news anchors and on writing staffs on prime-time network series. He criticized the prominence of Black actors having major roles that often involved criminal activity.

Jameel Hasan as Homey Jr., left, and Damon Wayans as Homey D. Clown on Fox’s “In Living Color,” which was canceled in 1994.

(Nicola Goode / Fox)

“We have written the networks letters, and the response, by and large, has been defensive as they attempt to justify what is unjustifiable,” Jackson said at the news conference. “While we’re willing to talk, we’re also willing to walk. It’s now time for aggressive direct action.”

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In a separate interview, he targeted politically oriented Sunday news shows, saying they excluded Black journalists and news figures: “Those all-white hosts determine their guests and set the political agenda for public policy for Monday morning. That’s not America.”

His newly formed commission was researching network hiring practices and minority images. He vowed that boycotts and other actions would take place if there was not significant change.

But those demonstrations never materialized, and no boycotts were called. Roughly a year after his initial declaration, observers inside and outside the industry said networks had mostly ignored Jackson, and that little had changed.

Some leaders at the time questioned his commitment, saying he did not seem truly dedicated to aggressive action.

Sonny Skyhawk, founder and president of American Indians in Film, one of the organizations that had joined forces with Jackson, said the campaign against the networks should have been stronger.

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“I would hate to criticize him for not being more diligent, but it is frustrating,” said Skyhawk in a 1995 interview about the initiative. “I don’t know where (the issue) is or why he is not continuing on this. But I think he got sidetracked on a lot of other things.”

Sherrie Mazingo, who was then head of broadcast journalism at USC, said she was not surprised that the Jackson campaign had lost steam: “What happened last season isn’t new, it’s perennial, and may even be cyclical. Protests and accusations and talk like this goes on all the time, and nothing ever happens. Nothing.”

Mazingo cited similar efforts by the National Assn. for the Advancement of Colored People in the early 1980s that had attacked Hollywood’s hiring practices. A boycott of films that failed to use Black artists in front of or behind the camera was proposed but never materialized.

“I believe what happens when these things start is that an individual in the organization who is pushing forward on these issues gets tired of banging their head against a brick wall,” Mazingo said. “They make an all-out assault, exhaust a lot of energy and money, and nothing ever significantly changes, except for a token gesture here and there.”

Sumi Haru, who was president of the Assn. of Asian Pacific Artists, said Jackson had been sidetracked by more topical issues such as a conservative power grab in Washington, D.C., and calls for abolishing affirmative action programs.

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“He needed to focus his energy on the civil rights initiative, and affirmative action was a much bigger deal,” said Haru.

But Billie Green, president of the Beverly Hills/Hollywood branch of the NAACP, said Jackson’s campaign would have been more effective if it had joined forces with other organizations that had members within the television industry.

Jackson pushed back against the criticism, insisting that the fight against Hollywood “is still very high on our agenda.” He pointed out that he had worked to continue government funding for the Public Broadcasting Service, protested the cancellation of the Nickelodeon series about two Black brothers, “My Brother and Me,” picketed conservative “hate radio” programs and sent out a fax to 8,000 supporters asking them to rally CBS to bring back the family drama “Under One Roof.”

“It’s going to get more intense,” Jackson said.

In 1996, Jackson turned his attention to the Academy Awards, angered that there was only one Black nominee among the 166 artists nominated. He called for picketing in major cities and and said Black people attending the Oscar ceremony should wear a symbol expressing solidarity against what he called Hollywood’s “race exclusion and cultural violence.”

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But during the Oscars, which was produced by Quincy Jones, Goldberg, who was hosting, took a swipe at the civil rights leader who was picketing across town.

“Jesse Jackson asked me to wear a ribbon. I got it,” Goldberg said during her opening. “But I had something I want to say to Jesse right here, but he’s not watching, so why bother?” The remark drew applause and laughter from the black-tie audience.

Some leaders, producers and directors were not amused by Goldberg, saying her remarks were insulting and dismissive of a serious fight to gain diversity within the motion picture industry. But others criticized Jackson, calling his action ill-timed and ill-advised. Several of the most prominent African Americans present, including Oprah Winfrey, Sidney Poitier and Laurence Fishburne, did not wear rainbow-colored ribbons as a sign of solidarity with Jackson and his Rainbow Coalition.

Even though he concentrated on other endeavors, Jackson was not totally done with Hollywood. He and the Rev. Al Sharpton spearheaded a protest in 2002 against the comedy “Barbershop” and its jokes about Jackson and ciivil rights icons Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King Jr. The two leaders also threatened a boycott against the 2004 comedy “Soul Plane.”

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Review | Jackie Chan’s hot streak continues with Panda Plan: The Magical Tribe

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Review | Jackie Chan’s hot streak continues with Panda Plan: The Magical Tribe

3/5 stars

It has been just over a year since Jackie Chan unleashed upon us the execrable ordeal that was Panda Plan, an abysmal family-focused caper centring on his efforts to save a shoddily rendered CGI panda from a gang of incompetent terrorists.

Continuing this unexpected trend, Panda Plan: The Magical Tribe defies all expectations as a marked improvement on its predecessor in almost every conceivable way.

It jettisons much of the baggage that bogged down the first film in favour of a fanciful jungle adventure that plays to the actor’s enduring strengths as a physical comedian.

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