Colorado
New Colorado tax credit could lift 50,000 children out of poverty, is latest to tap TABOR surplus
Boasting that child poverty in Colorado would soon be cut nearly in half, Gov. Jared Polis on Friday signed a large new tax credit for low-income families into law.
The ceremony put an underline on a legislative session that featured state policymakers looking again and again to the state surplus to flatten inequalities. Lawmakers passed dozens of new tax credits this year that tapped into massive revenues the state couldn’t keep and otherwise would have to return through refund checks.
The new family affordability tax credit that received Polis’ signature is by far the largest individual tax credit in terms of cost. It is also, advocates say, among the most impactful.
They expect it to lift more than 50,000 children out of poverty.
The new law, passed as House Bill 1311, will use roughly $700 million per year that comes in over the state revenue growth limit set by the Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, or TABOR. It will send the poorest Colorado families $3,200 per child younger than 6. The amount of the credit will scale down as children grow older and family incomes increase, eventually zeroing out at $85,000 per year for joint filers and once children turn 17.
“Kids don’t choose who their parents are or what their income level is — or how they grow up,” Polis said during the bill signing ceremony at a Denver preschool. “Making sure kids everywhere have food on the table (and) have the support that they need to grow up is a big deal.”
The child tax credit stacks atop others passed or expanded by the legislature this year, including an increase to the state’s match of the Earned Income Tax Credit. In all, the new policies tap billions of dollars from projected TABOR surpluses in coming years that would have to be returned to taxpayers one way or another.
Democratic lawmakers, often over dissents from Republicans, opted mostly for directed credits rather than the general refunds that long have been typical in the state’s boom years.
How the new tax credits work
The Colorado Fiscal Institute, a progressive think tank involved in crafting the legislation, predicts families will receive as much as $4,400 a year per child 5 and younger through an expanded child care tax credit and the new family affordability tax credit.
Throw in the Earned Income Tax Credit increase, which matches up to 50% of the federal EITC that sends money to low-income households, and Colorado families could see significant financial help. The state EITC match doubled this year, amounting to nearly $1,900 extra for very-low-income working families with three or more children.
The credits depend on consistent TABOR surpluses and will be scaled down in less robust economic times. Caroline Nutter, the legislative coordinator for the think tank, estimates the credit changes will reduce the number of children in poverty — about 133,000 kids — by 40% in years when the credits are fully funded.
“What we’re really trying to do there is make sure families, even those making more than the median household income in Colorado, are receiving help,” Nutter said. “Raising kids in this state is not cheap. Even if you’re making $100,000 a year, it’s still a big cost to bear.”
The credits, while stacking together, work differently:
- The EITC expansion is based on a federal tax credit worth between $600 (for individuals without children) and $7,430 (for families with three or more children). Qualification limits range from $17,640 per year in adjusted gross income for a single person up to $63,398 for joint filers. Colorado will match up to 50% of the federal credit if state growth is on a solid footing.
- The child care tax credit covers a percentage of child care costs, depending on household income. At most, the federal credit covers about $1,050 for one dependent child and up to $2,100 for two or more. The Colorado credit matches up to 70% of that for households with incomes of $60,000 or less.
- The new family tax credit scales down based on family income as well as the ages and number of children. Single filers making $15,000 or less per year in adjusted gross income — and joint filers making $25,000 or less — will receive up to $3,200 for each child younger than 6 and, for children ages 6 to 16, up to $2,400. The credit amounts decrease as incomes rise, with a cap of $75,000 for individual filers and $85,000 for joint filers.
Coloradans may benefit from other credits, too — notably a $1,500 credit for child care workers, home health care workers, personal care aides and certified nursing assistants making less than $75,000 per year that Polis also signed into law Friday. Earlier this week, he signed off on a new tax credit that covers two years of in-state college tuition for students whose families make $90,000 a year or less.
On hand at Friday’s ceremony was U.S. Sen. Michael Bennet, who has championed a short-lived federal child tax credit that he’s hoping to revive in Congress next year by leveraging the looming expiration of tax cuts. He praised the state’s new credit.
“The family affordability tax credit testifies to the idea that we don’t have to accept those levels of childhood poverty as a permanent state of our economy, or our democracy, or our society,” he said. “I think the national leadership you’ve shown here is something that we will carry back to Washington, D.C. — to be able to say that because of your leadership, governor, Colorado now has the best anti-poverty legislation of any state in America.”
Do new credits undermine TABOR?
Together, Colorado’s new tax credits represent a reimagining of how state officials handle TABOR surpluses — while trying to stay within the constraints of the constitutional amendment passed by voters more than 30 years ago.
Traditionally, state revenue that’s over the cap would be returned to Coloradans largely through a six-tier system that gave higher-income households a bigger share under the idea they paid more in taxes. Nutter called that approach “wasteful” because it directs money to people who already have the most resources.
The Common Sense Institute, a nonpartisan, free enterprise-oriented think tank, noted that the money returned through tax credits still stays with Colorado taxpayers, versus going into government programs. But a CSI report on tax credits argues that the new approach “broadly undermines TABOR’s intent” by divorcing refunds from taxes paid.
In coming years, upwards of $1 billion per year that would typically be refunded through the six-tier system will instead go to targeted tax credits, according to its report.
Lang Sias, a former state representative and now a research fellow at the think tank, said the legislature “has effectively substituted its judgment on how those tax dollars should be spent over that of taxpayers who would otherwise see the refunds.”
“We’re moving away from a TABOR refund and toward a TABOR redistribution,” he said in an interview.
He didn’t weigh in on the merits of the new policies but questioned lawmakers’ decision to tie the new tax credits to the state’s surplus and, in some cases, to give them sunsets. Assuming they’re as beneficial as proponents say, both cases mean they may not be permanent policies.
The new tax credits also aren’t the only way state officials responded to a foreseeable future of $1 billion-plus surpluses. Polis fought for a $450 million income tax cut, which predominantly will benefit wealthier Coloradans, and a decrease in the state sales tax rate during economic booms.
Taxpayers can also continue to expect flat TABOR refunds when they file their taxes — albeit closer to the $115 range than the $700-plus amounts of recent years.
Nutter argued that while the shift will affect income brackets differently compared to the prior system, people across the spectrum still will see more money in their pockets — from the credits or, for wealthier people, through the tax cuts.
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Colorado
Colorado buyers gain options as Western Slope housing market rebalances
Colorado’s housing market wrapped up the spring season with more inventory than in previous years, setting up an active summer for buyers — even as economic and political uncertainty continues to drive up prices.
Colorado continued its momentum toward a “balanced and sustainable environment” in May, according to a Colorado Association of Realtors’ market trends report released in June.
Demand remained steady statewide, but buyers gained more choices thanks to higher overall inventory. New listings dropped nearly 14% in May compared to the same month last year, but pending sales increased 7%. This indicates spring buyers were more active than they were in 2025 despite affordability challenges.
“Summer visitors are beginning to arrive, and buyers and sellers are testing the waters for what many expect to be a busy season,” said Dana Cottrell, president of the Altitude Realtors Association, in the report.
Median and average sales prices rose across the state, up 2.7% and 3.3%, respectively, for the month. The median sales price for single-family homes sat at $565,000 — up $15,000 year over year — and $400,000 for condos and townhomes, which saw a modest 1.7% drop. Sellers are, for the most part, receiving close to 99% of a home’s list price, down a feeble -0.1% year over year.
Accompanying May’s higher prices was an increase in the average time a home spent on the market, jumping to 56 days from 53 in 2025.
Although sales were down slightly across the state, inventory remains significantly healthier than the historically low levels of recent years, with 4.3 months of supply statewide.
A balanced real estate market is traditionally indicated by four to six months of supply, measuring the time it would take to sell the current inventory of homes at the existing pace of sales. Anything less than four months would be a seller’s market (demand outpaces supply), while anything more than six would benefit buyers (supply outpaces demand).
While a useful indicator, it can often be unreliable on its own for determining market health in rural Colorado counties due to low sales volume and fragmented property types. Months supply is often over the six-month threshold in ski towns because homes take longer to sell, and don’t automatically point to a buyer’s market.
Rural counties on the Western Slope recorded a larger supply of homes in May for the most part — ranging from 5.5 months supply in Summit County for single-family homes to 10.5 and 8.4 months supply in Pitkin and Grand counties, respectively, according to May 2026 data from the Colorado Association of Realtors.
“Sellers are facing more competition and must price strategically, while buyers see benefit from selection and negotiating power,” the report states. “Overall, the market reflects normalization, with stable pricing, improving affordability and steady buyer activity providing a more sustainable housing environment across the state.”
On the Western Slope, higher inventory brings more negotiation power for buyers, who are becoming more active compared to this time last year. Many buyers are still moving forward despite the combination of rising prices, rising mortgage rates and economic uncertainty.
Western Slope counties see rise in buyer activity
Similar to statewide trends, some mountain towns in Colorado’s western rural counties are seeing higher inventory compared to past years, offering more options for potential buyers.
Grand County, for example, saw sidelined buyers begin re-entering the market after a year of waiting for opportunities to improve, according to Monica Graves, a realtor in the area. These buyers returned to the market with more negotiating power than they’ve had during the last few years.
Sellers in Grand County, on the other hand, are facing increasing competition. As more housing projects pop up around mountain towns, buyers have more inventory to choose from compared to recent spring and summer seasons. The result is steadying demand and a return to a balanced mountain real estate market, according to the Colorado Association of Realtors report.
“May 2026 felt like the market finally woke up from winter,” Graves said in the report. “Resort buyers are still attracted to the area’s year-round recreation and proximity to Denver, but they are taking longer to make decisions.”
Steamboat Springs saw a similar trend in May, with higher year-over-year inventory despite entering 2026 with fewer new listings across all property types. Single-family inventory was down 4.5% and multi-family inventory was down 21.9% compared to last year, the report states.
Sales for single-family homes were stronger to end the spring season, but homes took longer to sell, averaging 90 days on the market year-to-date.
Summit County’s spring inventory also remained above the “extremely limited levels” seen during the pandemic years, according to Cottrell, giving buyers more options and negotiating power. Single-family home sales were up 27% with a 20% bump in listings in May 2026 compared to 2025, while multi-family homes saw a 32% drop in sales and a 15% decline in new listings.
Listings were mostly down for counties across other parts of the north-central mountains, with Eagle, Garfield and Pitkin counties seeing fewer new listings for single-family homes. All except Pitkin County saw a rise in inventory compared to last May, accompanied by a lengthening of days on market to over 100 days. Pitkin County properties spent the longest on the market before selling, rising 10% to 228 days, according to data from the Colorado Association of Realtors.
Interest is high, but what about pricing?
Whether Western Slope counties saw housing prices rise or drop varied significantly from town to town. However, more expensive price tags don’t seem to be slowing buyers down heading into the summer selling season — for now.
The median price for single-family homes dropped to $965,000 in Grand County from $990,000, while the median list price in Winter Park hit $1.2 million.
“Well-priced properties moved, while homes that missed the mark on pricing tended to sit longer,” Graves said. Homes in Winter Park averaged around 51 days on market in May — lower than the statewide average — while those in Granby averaged 78 days despite significantly lower pricing. Graves added that, in places like Granby, homes offering updated finishes, views or short-term rental potential generated the strongest interest.
Prices across Summit County went up compared to last spring. The average price for single-family homes rose 6% to $2.68 million in May 2026, while multi-family home prices saw a larger 19% jump, hitting $1.07 million.
The most expensive home sold in the county was a $13 million home in Breckenridge. This continued strength in pricing demonstrates that demand for mountain living remains firmly intact, with many buyers still moving forward despite economic uncertainty, Cottrell said.
In Steamboat Springs, multi-family homes — which matched last year’s May closings at 26 — saw median and average sales prices increase to $1.96 million and $2.24 million, respectively. Across Routt County, median sales prices jumped 62% for single-family homes and 156% for townhomes and condos, more than doubling from their May 2025 median price of $640,000 to hit $1.64 million.
Across Eagle, Garfield and Pitkin counties, changes in pricing differed by property type. All three counties recorded a drop in the median sales price for single-family homes, with the greatest drop coming from Pitkin County: 58.5% for a median price of $5.5 million in May 2026. The average sales price also dropped from $12.9 to $12.6 million, while townhomes and condos saw a 50% increase in average sales price, bumping up the cost from $2.99 million to $4.5 million.
Could rising mortgage rates scare away potential buyers?
A major market element that could influence buyer activity heading deeper into the summer season is rising mortgage rates.
In February, Western Slope housing markets were reporting an uptick in buyer inquiries due to sinking mortgage rates. Rates had trended downward throughout the first few months of 2026, after home loan rates hit their lowest point in three years in early January.
As of July 2, 30-year mortgage rates have climbed to 6.51%, reversing what had once improved the sentiments of buyers who had been sidelined by affordability concerns.
Rates began increasing following the start of the war in Iran and the closing of the Strait of Hormuz. Rising inflation has only further elevated mortgage rates, though they’ve managed to remain below the 7% reached in early 2025, according to reporting by the Wall Street Journal.
With recent rate fluctuations, it remains to be seen whether rates will dampen buyer enthusiasm during Colorado’s peak season for buyers.
Colorado
New Colorado wildfire sparks evacuations south of Steamboat Springs
A new wildfire sparked Sunday in northern Colorado’s mountains, forcing evacuations near Stagecoach State Park in Routt County, according to county officials.
The Green Ridge fire was discovered Sunday near the Stagecoach Reservoir, according to Routt County officials. That’s roughly 17 miles south of Steamboat Springs.
As of Sunday afternoon, mandatory evacuations had been ordered for an area bordered to the west by Stagecoach Reservoir, to the south by Woodchuck Hill, to the east by Service Creek and to the north by Blacktail Mountain, according to the Routt County evacuation map.
Pre-evacuations were also in place at that time for an area west of the mandatory evacuation zone. That area was bordered to the north by Stagecoach Reservoir, to the west by Routt County Road 16 and to the south by Routt County Road 212 and Cheyenne Trail.
The wildfire was last mapped at 7 acres with no containment, according to the National Interagency Fire Center. Information on the cause of the fire was not immediately available.
This is a developing story and may be updated.
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Colorado
Spending topped $67 million in key Colorado primary races. But big money didn’t always win.
The $67 million storm has passed. For now.
That is roughly how much was spent on all of Colorado’s competitive primaries for statewide and federal office — and almost all of it went to influence Democrat-vs.-Democrat contests as voters picked who would represent the party in November’s election, according to an analysis by The Denver Post. Millions more went to down-ballot races, such as local legislative races.
The rain from the proverbial storm of cash poured down in the form of candidate mailers, door knockers, and TV and digital ads, and in less apparent campaign infrastructure and polls. The vast majority of the money went directly to campaigns and supported direct messaging, staffing and other expenses of running for office.
But more than a third — almost $25 million — flooded the races through super PACs and other outside groups that approach politics with different levels of opacity.
The money also didn’t do much to predict eventual winners. Four of the most-monied candidates seeking statewide or federal offices won their primaries. Four others lost.
Paul Teske, a political scientist at the University of Colorado Denver, said it can be tough to tease out how much of a difference money can make in a campaign, especially if spending between candidates is in the same ballpark. But the amount this time also seems striking, even if there isn’t an immediate apples-to-apples comparison to prior election years.
“People realize this is a way to influence policy that can be effective — if it’s the right place, at the right time, in the right way,” Teske said.
Former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg appears to have been the single largest player in Colorado politics in the June 30 primaries. The billionaire pumped $5 million in cash into a state super PAC backing U.S. Sen. Michael Bennet’s failed bid for governor against Attorney General Phil Weiser. Weiser ended up winning the race by more than 13 percentage points.
The race for the Democratic nomination for governor by far outstripped every other race in the primaries, with more than $24.5 million spent by either the super PACs backing the candidates or by the campaigns themselves.
That money was almost evenly split between the super PACs and the campaigns, though that number is skewed by the super PAC backing Bennet, Rocky Mountain Way. That political action committee spent nearly $11 million, almost twice as much as Bennet’s official campaign spent.
The Republican side of the governor’s race saw a relatively paltry $4.1 million spent through June 29, the cutoff for the most recent batch of campaign data. Nonprofit leader Victor Marx, who had more than $3.2 million of that money backing him either directly or through a state super PAC, narrowly secured the nomination Thursday over state Sen. Barb Kirkmeyer and third-place state Rep. Scott Bottoms.
On the federal side of the ledger, the money becomes even more opaque — though there was less of it. Campaigns’ federal reports cover fundraising and spending through June 10, though outside groups had to file more frequent spending reports in the lead-up to the election.
State Rep. Manny Rutinel benefited from the most outside money, $5.5 million, in his successful campaign for the Democratic nomination in the 8th Congressional District. By comparison, Shannon Bird, the former state representative who lost to Rutinel, saw $1.7 million spent to buoy her.
More than $3 million of outside help for Rutinel came from the Latino Victory Fund and the associated Latino Victory Project. Those groups have received money from Opportunity Forward Alliance, a dark-money group that describes itself as backing business-friendly policies, and 5000 Broadway Productions, the production company founded by Lin-Manuel Miranda.
He also benefited from almost $1 million spent by You Can Push Back, a super PAC supported by pro-AI regulations billionaire Chris Larsen. And $1.2 million backing Rutinel’s campaign came from the SOMOS PAC, a super PAC that was backed by the nonprofit Advocacy Action Fund. That nonprofit has been linked to former Google CEO Eric Schmidt and has a history of giving to self-styled progressive and abortion-rights advocacy groups.
That 8th District race — expected to be one of the most competitive in the nation, again — will almost certainly draw a gob-smacking amount of money and attention as the November general election nears. In 2024, the candidates and outside groups spent more than $40 million on the election that saw U.S. Rep. Gabe Evans, a Republican, win the seat. It was among the top 10 most expensive races in the country and is seen this time as key to whichever party will hold the House majority next year.
Now Evans is running for reelection in the 8th District, which stretches from the north Denver suburbs to Greeley.
U.S. Rep. Diana DeGette, who was on the wrong side of the primary night’s biggest upset in Colorado, was the second-largest beneficiary of outside money, largely as part of a last-minute surge to preserve her office. More than $2.3 million flew into that race to defend DeGette, whose 1st Congressional District mostly covers Denver.
Of that, more than $1.5 million came from the Pro-Choice Majority Action PAC, which in turn receives money from the EDW Action Fund, a pro-Democratic women’s group that is affiliated with the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC.
By comparison, now-Democratic nominee Melat Kiros, a democratic socialist who beat DeGette by 13.4 percentage points, had just over $500,000 in outside spending support her campaign against the 30-year incumbent. Kiros’ campaign also spent less than $600,000 directly, or less than half of DeGette’s total campaign spending.
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