Vermont
Vermont Bishop Has Faced Dissension and Racial Conflict – The Living Church
The Bishop of Vermont — a Black woman in one of the whitest states in the country — has experienced hostility and conflict in her role, to the extent that she is always accompanied when visiting churches in the diocese, and her visitation schedule is not publicized.
The Rt. Rev. Shannon MacVean-Brown also faced demands for her resignation from members of the Standing Committee. In 2023, the now-former president of the committee lodged complaints about “leadership and accountability” with the presiding bishop’s office — without first attempting to address the concerns with the bishop herself.
The tensions are remarkable in light of the fact that MacVean-Brown was handily elected on the first ballot at a diocesan convention in 2019, outpolling two white candidates.
“Nobody was thinking, oh, this is going to be great to elect this black woman. I mean, there were just so many other things about who I am as a leader, my experiences, that meshed with who the Diocese of Vermont is. and so it made sense for us to be Bishop and people together,” MacVean-Brown told TLC in an hour-long interview. “And I think we all sort of took for granted that there is an opportunity for us … we could have been more proactive, and foreseen that there could be differences.”
The situation is described in a 22-page Mission Leadership Review written by the Rev. Gay Jennings, the former president of the House of Deputies who now serves as a consultant to dioceses. She based her conclusions on interviews with 48 people in leadership roles or otherwise associated with the Diocese of Vermont.
“The bishop has experienced people speaking to her and about her in ways that are inappropriate – she is the bishop, but more importantly, she is a beloved child of God,” the report says. “It has to be safer for her as a Black woman. Experiencing a home intrusion; installing security cameras for physical safety; needing two restraining orders; needing to be accompanied on visitations; being verbally assaulted by a few people in the diocese – all this consultant can say is, Lord, have mercy—and, I am pretty sure this would not be happening if she were white.”
The home intrusion was a frightening episode, but did not appear to be related to MacVean-Brown’s diocesan role. Diocesan offices and the bishop’s residence are located in Rock Point Commons, a 130-acre forested enclave owned by the diocese on the edge of Burlington. MacVean-Brown and her husband Phil were at home one night in November 2021 when they heard glass break. They called police, who responded and arrested a man with a long criminal record.
There’s a separate restraining order against a woman who repeatedly confronted the bishop at her home and office. “She was upset with someone at one of the parishes, but was coming to me to try to make me do something about it. And it became invasive in the ways she was trying to do that,” MacVean-Brown said.
Vermont has a reputation as a very progressive state, but it is also nearly 94 percent white, making it the second-whitest state (Maine is a roundoff error whiter). According to a local television report in 2021: “Since 2018, at least three Black female leaders in Vermont, including a state lawmaker, a town board member and the former head of the Rutland area NAACP branch, have left their roles in response to persistent harassment and sometimes violent threats.”
“Vermont is so beautiful,” the bishop said, and when she visits one of the 42 Episcopal churches in the state, “the drive never gets old, doesn’t matter what season it is.”
But “as you drive around in different places, pockets of the state, you’ll see things that let you know that I might not be safe by myself,” she said, citing militia activity as an example. “And so for peace of mind, my husband goes with me when we make visitations.”
Tension escalated in early 2023 when the president of the Standing Committee contacted the presiding bishop’s office. According to the Mission Leadership Review, “There had been no previous meaningful discussion of the Standing Committee’s concerns with the bishop, and this intervention happened without her knowledge and before she was fully aware of the issues at hand.”
The then-president and another member of the Standing Committee reportedly refused to take part in a reconciliation process, insisting instead that the bishop should resign.
The report is vague about the specific nature of the conflict, and the principals don’t want to discuss it. The Rev. Lisa Ransom, the former president of the Standing Committee, said by email: “Out of respect for my bishop, I will not be speaking to the press.” MacVean-Brown said: “I’ll leave that for others to talk about, you know, the details of that.”
Four of the eight members of the Standing Committee have been replaced since the conflict erupted. The four continuing members wrote in a May 23 letter to the diocese: “It has been brought to our attention that many, if not all, of the individuals named by the former president of the Standing Committee as having formal complaints about Bishop Shannon were not corroborated by those individuals in follow-up conversations.”
Deacon Stannard Baker, one of the continuing members of the Standing Committee, said the conflict stemmed from a confluence of small problems, rather than a single major cause. For example, he noted that the pandemic began about seven months after the bishop’s consecration, complicating relationship-building efforts.
“She had to hold the line quite, quite strongly on not having in-person services, not having communion, that sort of thing. And before it was safe to leave that, there were small congregations, particularly saying, Oh, we want to go back, we want to go back. And the bishop had to say ‘no, you may not,’” Baker remembered.
The leadership review provides hints of a conflict over governance. “Congregationalism is the dominant polity throughout much of New England’s religious life,” the document states. “The town hall culture of Vermont means people expect to have a say on anything and expect to be involved in all decision-making.”
Congregationalism is a system in which individual churches are largely self-governing, and as the report dryly states: “some aspects of congregationalism are in tension with some aspects of the polity of the Episcopal Church.”
MacVean-Brown is from Detroit, which she identified as “the Blackest city in the nation.” She said, “I’m used to a really diverse form of leadership, with a lot of Black people in leadership. … So it takes practice doing this, what we’ve done.”
The bishop started a new congregation online during the pandemic, the Green Mountain Online Abbey, which continues to worship as a community today, led by a vicar. When online worship started, “it was funny because we didn’t have enough room in the ‘church,’ because our Zoom account wasn’t big enough to accommodate everyone. So we had a new church ‘building’ by the next day.”
Financial concerns have added to the tension. In 2021, an assessment by an accountant “revealed that a financial cliff is on the horizon,” necessitating austerity measures. She reached an agreement with Bishop of New Hampshire Robert Hirschfeld and Bishop of Maine Thomas Brown to share resources for ministry and administration, and each of the bishops now serves as an assisting bishop in the other two dioceses.
“We’ve been chipping away at it for the last few years,” working to get clear accounting practices and efficiencies in place, and hiring a new interim chief financial officer. “We’re going to be OK,” she said.
Under her leadership the diocese also has created “constellations” of affiliated congregations, creating more full-time opportunities for clergy. Five of the 42 parishes currently have full-time priests, and three additional full-time priests serve constellations. In December, the diocese (along with the Diocese of Massachusetts) received a Lilly grant of $1.168 million for “an initiative that will provide lay leaders in lay-led congregations with opportunities for spiritual growth.”
The diocese recently invited Kaleidoscope Institute to facilitate a day of conversation and reconciliation. “Executive Council and the Standing Committee have a mixed assessment of the March 16 Truth and Reconciliation Day,” the two groups said in a May 23 letter. Some attendees had not been aware of the conflict, and “the day was not managed in a way that enabled attendees to hear or discuss details of the 2023 conflict, still less to begin a process of reconciliation. As a result, the work of the day was far from complete, and many attendees left wondering, ‘What’s the next step?’”
Still, “The lay and clergy members of both groups agree unanimously that we support Bishop Shannon MacVean-Brown and look forward to her having a long tenure as our bishop.” She is 57, and thus has 15 years until mandatory retirement.
“We’ve really gathered around her and and begun this process of really understanding some of those currents of racism and misogyny, and how we move forward in a stronger, more thoughtful way,” Baker said.
Vermont
Jewish group files ethics complaints against Vermont legislators who took paid trip to Israel – VTDigger
MONTPELIER — A Jewish group that opposes Israel’s military campaign in Gaza has lodged ethics complaints against the five members of the Vermont House who traveled to Israel last September on a trip that was sponsored by the Israeli government.
The Vermont and New Hampshire chapter of Jewish Voice for Peace argued in filings last week that by accepting invitations to go on the trip, the Democratic and Republican legislators ran afoul of state laws limiting what gifts public officials should accept.
The lawmakers are Rep. Sarita Austin, D-Colchester; Rep. Matt Birong, D-Vergennes; Rep. Gina Galfetti, R-Barre Town; Rep. Will Greer, D-Bennington; and Rep. James Gregoire, R-Fairfield. In all, 250 legislators from all 50 states attended the trip, which was described as the largest-ever gathering of U.S. state legislators in Israel.
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According to an Instagram post from Israel’s government at the time, the lawmakers “witnessed the magnitude of the October 7 tragedy, experienced Israel’s innovation and cutting-edge technology, tasted our incredible cuisine, and met with Israel’s leaders — including the Prime Minister, the President, the Foreign Minister, and many others.”
At a press conference Tuesday in the Statehouse — the first day of the 2026 legislative session — members of Jewish Voice for Peace, and several other advocacy groups, lambasted the lawmakers’ decision to travel to Israel and demanded they resign.
Officials from the Israeli government valued the trip at $6,500 per person, according to records attached to the ethics complaints that Jewish Voice for Peace filed.
“As elected representatives of Vermont, they implicated our state in Israel’s atrocities,” said Ashley Smith, a member of the Vermont Coalition for Palestinian Liberation, one of the groups at the press conference, speaking to a crowd of dozens of people.
Israel’s ground and air campaign against Hamas militants in the Gaza Strip has killed more than 70,000 people, according to local health authorities. Israeli strikes have destroyed vast swaths of buildings and other infrastructure in the enclave. At the same time, the United Nations has declared a famine there, saying that more than half a million people face “starvation, destitution and death” as a result of Israel’s war.
An independent U.N. commission determined last year that Israel has committed four “genocidal acts” in Gaza since Oct. 7, 2023. The Hamas attacks on that day that prompted the campaign killed about 1,200 people and led to 250 being taken hostage.
Three other current state legislators were also at the press conference standing among the presenters, including Sen. Tanya Vyhovsky, P/D-Chittenden Central; Rep. Kate Logan, P/D-Burlington; and Rep. Esme Cole, D-Hartford. Vyhovsky called the trip “unconscionable.”
Jewish Voice for Peace is asking Vermont’s State Ethics Commission to recommend that the Vermont House’s internal ethics panel “conduct a thorough investigation” of the group’s complaints. The State Ethics Commission has little authority to take substantive action on ethics complaints when those complaints are related to legislators’ conduct, but the body is generally required to refer such complaints when it receives them.
Christina Sivret, the commission’s executive director, said Tuesday she could not discuss publicly what actions were or were not being taken regarding the complaint.
According to Jewish Voice for Peace, most aspects of the legislators’ trip did not fall into one of the categories of gifts that state law allows public officials to accept. Moreover, the group contended in a press release, the trip amounted to a paid lobbying effort by Israel’s government “with the expectation” that the lawmakers “would support legislation in their home states favorable to Israel’s geopolitical and economic interests.” At the least, the group wrote in its complaints, that created the appearance of a quid pro quo.
The legislators did not file lobbying disclosures with the Vermont Secretary of State’s Office, as is required for some gifts, at the time of the trip. But Vermont legislators aren’t required to disclose gifted trips, anyway, Seven Days reported last year.
The group pointed to how four of the five sponsored a bill last year aimed at creating a new curriculum for Vermont students, and new training for Vermont teachers, focused on “the evolving nature of antisemitism” in the U.S. The legislation, H.310, would also create a new definition of “antisemitic harassment” in Vermont law that includes, among other pieces, “negative references to Jewish customs or the right to self-determination in the Jewish people’s ancestral and indigenous homeland,” which is Israel.
The group also noted how, during a stop in Jerusalem, Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar urged the assembled legislators to pass laws in their states that would hinder the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. That’s the international movement aimed at using economic pressure to force Israel’s government to change its policies.
All five of the legislators pushed back against the advocacy groups’ assertions and calls for resignation in written statements and interviews on Tuesday.
Birong chairs the House Government Operations and Military Affairs Committee and is the most powerful Vermont legislator who took the trip.
“In a world increasingly filled with siloed media and narrowed information streams, I wanted to take the opportunity to witness for myself and ask questions,” he said in a statement. “When accepting the invitation, I was under no illusion as to the perspective of our hosts.”
Gregoire is vice chair of the House Corrections and Institutions Committee and pushed back against the assertion that the trip was a lobbying effort by a foreign government.
“We went during the off session and there was no connection to our legislative work,” Gregoire said in a statement. “No one asked us to do anything beyond standing up against antisemitism and that was during casual conversations.”
Austin said she did not believe she or her colleagues had violated any ethics rules when traveling on the trip. Both Galfetti and Greer said they were eager to move forward with their legislative work for the year, and pointed to how they have been threatened and have feared for their safety since the details of their trip were made public last fall.
Galfetti said in a statement that the complainants and organizers of Tuesday’s press conference “have lied and continued to lie about this trip, pushing an incendiary false narrative designed to spread disinformation in these troubled times.”
In a statement, House Speaker Jill Krowinski, D-Burlington, said her office did not have purview over the legislators’ decision to go on the trip and that “our established, independent review process — the House Ethics Panel” — was where any issues from critics of the trip could be reviewed. The panel’s proceedings are highly secretive, with little information typically available to the public about a given complaint or how it gets resolved.
Meanwhile, Pattie McCoy, the House GOP leader, said in a statement Tuesday that she supported the legislators’ decision to go on the trip.
“We support State Representatives who reach out and travel to engage in, and build, international relations,” the Poultney Republican said. “Through these efforts Vermont has built business partners that continue to increase our economic presence globally, allowing Vermont businesses to grow and thrive.”
Vermont
Vermont lawmakers reconsider school funding law – Valley News
The future of Vermont’s education system again hangs in the balance as lawmakers return to Montpelier this week to reconsider a sweeping law that would change how the state funds and governs public schools.
Six months ago, Republican Gov. Phil Scott and Democratic leaders in the House and Senate stood together at a bill-signing ceremony in Montpelier to celebrate the passage of Act 73. The landmark law launched a multi-year plan to consolidate Vermont’s 119 school districts into five regional governance hubs and ultimately shift control over school spending from local boards to the state.
“While this session was long and difficult and uncomfortable for some, we were able to come together and chart a path towards a system that better serves our kids and one that taxpayers can afford,” Scott said in July.
But that path may no longer be politically viable in 2026.
The critical first phase of Act 73 — mandatory school district mergers — has ignited fierce opposition in communities across Vermont. That resistance got amplified last month when a task force appointed by the Legislature to draw new district maps rejected the premise of forced consolidation altogether.
In its final report, the group cited “strong concerns about student wellbeing, loss of local control, transportation burdens, rural equity, and a process perceived as rushed or unclear.”
Cornwall Rep. Peter Conlon, the Democratic chair of the House Education Committee, said lawmakers now have to confront the possibility that Act 73 no longer has the political support needed to move forward as originally envisioned.
“Whether state-imposed larger districts would pass the General Assembly I’d say is questionable,” Conlon said. “To be very honest, we’re still wrestling with the question of what the best way forward is.”
A new plan to rein in school spending
The seeds of Act 73 were planted on Nov. 5, 2024, when Vermont voters punished House and Senate Democrats at the ballot box following an average 14% property tax increase driven by education spending.
Republicans made historic gains in both chambers, shifting the balance of power and forcing Democratic leaders to negotiate an education reform compromise with Scott, despite significant resistance within their ranks.
Senate President Pro Tem Phil Baruth said he remains hopeful lawmakers can still move forward with district consolidation. But the Chittenden County Democrat acknowledged that the task force’s refusal to produce new maps has delayed implementation by at least six months to a year.
That delay also pushes back the rollout of Act 73’s centerpiece: a new “foundation formula” that would give the state the authority to set per-pupil spending levels for every public school in Vermont. Lawmakers view the formula as the primary mechanism for curbing education spending, which has increased by $850 million over the past decade.
With property taxes projected to rise another 12% on average this year, Baruth said taxpayers can’t afford to wait. He plans to introduce legislation this week that would impose hard caps on school budget increases ahead of Town Meeting votes in March.
“Now that we have this delay, I think it’s very hard to say that anything is going to produce savings within the next three or four years,” Baruth said. “So I started thinking about, ‘How could we reduce the rate of growth in the education system quickly?’”
Baruth said he has not yet settled on a specific allowable growth rate. He said the growth caps would be in effect for the next two fiscal years.
The proposal has drawn swift pushback from school officials. Sue Ceglowski, executive director of the Vermont School Boards Association, said budget increases are largely driven by rising health insurance costs that boards can’t control.
Imposing hard caps, she warned, would force districts to cut core student services. And she said the proposal comes as school boards put the finishing touches on spending plans they’ve been carefully crafting for months.
“Imposing hard caps on those same school budgets would inject chaos and confusion into the budget process, possibly postponing budget votes until later in the spring,” Ceglowski said.
House Speaker Jill Krowinski echoed those concerns. While she acknowledged the need to address what she called “unsustainable” property tax increases, the Burlington Democrat warned against a last-minute mandate.
“I am concerned that a last-minute pivot to new (a) school budget construct will upend communities and lead to rash decisions that will have a negative impact on our Vermont kids,” Krowinski said in a written statement.
Redistricting or bust?
It’s now up to the Legislature’s education committees to redraw school district maps, though neither has a clear plan for how to proceed.
“The task force, whether you agree with them, don’t agree with them … it set the process back,” said Bennington County Sen. Seth Bongartz, the Democratic chair of the Senate Education Committee. “And so we’re going to have to regroup and figure out the path forward.”
Bongartz said he remains supportive of redistricting but warned lawmakers not to let opposition derail broader funding reforms.
“The funding formula that we have right now is not working, is not going to work, and is putting Vermonters in a position where they can’t afford to pay their bills, so we must fix the funding formula,” he said.
The governor, however, insists that no aspect of Act 73 can fall into place until and unless the Legislature votes to approve new district maps.
Jason Maulucci, the governor’s director of policy development, said the foundation formula depends on economies of scale that only larger governance structures can provide. Act 73 also envisions major reforms to special education, pre-kindergarten, and career and technical education, all of which, he said, require larger administrative units.
“We don’t see a scenario where the foundation formula that we established last year would work well at all with 119 districts of significantly different sizes,” Maulucci said. “They need the protection of scale in order to make the best budget decisions given the funding that will be provided them.”
A different path
Jericho Rep. Edye Graning, the Democratic co-chair of the School District Redistricting Task Force, was one of several lawmakers who drew the governor’s ire for failing to deliver new district maps.
She said lawmakers’ response to the group’s work has been far more positive.
“We have had more often than not an incredibly positive response to what we did, which feels much better than some of the other responses we got from the administration,” Graning said.
Instead of forced mergers, the task force recommended voluntary consolidation and the creation of “Cooperative Education Service Areas,” which would allow districts to share services such as special education, transportation, and IT.
Graning said the task force heard from thousands of Vermonters and received a clear message.
“Don’t try to jam through massive redistricting without public input and without creating trusted bonds within our communities,” she said. “It was almost a unanimous voice across the state saying, ‘Please do not close our schools, but also we know that there is some reform that is needed, but please do so slowly and deliberately and thoughtfully.’”
Vermont
Nursing home bailouts: Why Vermont has given millions to keep care centers afloat – The Boston Globe
For their part, state health officials say Vermont’s nursing homes are a vital piece of the eldercare landscape. Without extraordinary financial relief, they say, the state would have lost even more critical bedspace.
Efforts to address the upstream causes of the nursing homes’ financial crises, like the state’s reliance on traveling nurses, have received far less financial support.
Around half of the extraordinary financial requests from 2020 onward mention concerns with increased costs of staffing, particularly contract staffing. Staff and contract staff make up about 50 percent of total costs in nursing homes’ budgets, according to the state.
Vermont’s nursing homes depend on traveling staff more than those in any other state, according to federal data from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services.
There are many reasons extraordinary financial relief is not a sustainable means to “plug the gap” for nursing homes, “but we needed something,” said Helen Labun, the Vermont Health Care Association’s executive director.
“We don’t want EFR to be a standard option,” Labun said. “It really is meant to be an extraordinary measure.”
An old program meets an urgent need
Despite existing for more than 20 years, Vermont’s extraordinary financial relief program started playing a recurring and sustaining role for the state’s nursing homes only since the COVID-19 pandemic.
The bureaucratic program routes through multiple departments nested within Vermont’s Agency of Human Services.
The Department of Vermont Health Access’ rate-setting division, which sets Medicaid reimbursement rates for nursing homes, reviews requests submitted by facilities. But the funds for extraordinary financial relief come from Medicaid dollars allocated through the Vermont Department of Disability, Aging, and Independent Living, according to the department’s commissioner, Jill Bowen.
Nursing homes, which receive extraordinary financial relief, provide the most intense level of care, serving people who wouldn’t have their needs met in an assisted living or residential care home, according to Labun. These facilities must serve patients on Medicaid to qualify for financial relief, she said.
There are 33 nursing homes in the state, with a total of about 2,847 beds as of July, a decline of nearly 900 beds in the last 20 years, according to the DAIL.
Bowen said the loss of beds in long-term care facilities is worrying given Vermont’s aging demographic, though she said the trend may partially stem from people seeking at-home care instead.
Angela Smith-Dieng, director of DAIL’s Adult Services Division, said the state does not want to lose options for its large elderly population, so extraordinary financial relief is “incredibly important as a tool to prevent nursing home closures.”
One factor leading to increased emergency funding requests, according to state leaders, is the “rebasing” of Medicaid reimbursements. Rebasing, which most recently occurred in 2025 and 2023, according to state leaders, changes Medicaid reimbursement rates based on cost data from earlier years. In 2023, the state altered reimbursement rates based on 2020 costs, which didn’t yet capture the new financial pressures brought on by the pandemic.
In July, the state again balanced reimbursement rates, this time using 2023 costs, which Bowen hopes will limit the need for extraordinary financial relief.
Working with the Legislature, the DAIL advocated for changing how much facilities are paid based on their occupancy, reducing penalties for not meeting high thresholds, according to Bowen.
In some instances, the state has advanced nursing facilities money through the bailout process or provided more money than a facility requested. The state may advance facilities funds if they will not be able to meet payroll for staff, Bowen said, but she added that the state was more likely to provide less — not more — than a company requested.
The state has recouped every advance or was in the process of recouping them, according to the department’s rate setting division.
As part of an extraordinary funding review, Jaime Mooney, the director of the rate setting division, said the state examines a company’s finances and whether facilities are in compliance with state and federal requirements.
After the rate setting division reviews the request, combing through the provided financial information such as past-due invoices and the amount of cash on hand, the division makes a recommendation to the DAIL.
The rate setting division also consults with DAIL regarding possible issues with the care provided by the requesting facility. But Mooney said she couldn’t recall ever denying a facility’s request due to the quality of care.
The state restricts grant use, and facilities cannot pay penalties or exorbitant owner-administrator fees with the funds, according to Mooney.
The facility must also meet reporting requirements, including providing updated financial information, she said.
According to Labun, nursing home owners need to demonstrate they don’t have money from other sources. That prevents companies that own many facilities from shifting their investments to out-of-state homes and then requesting bailouts from Vermont.
In the past, nursing homes had savings they could rely on when reimbursement rates weren’t covering expenses, Labun said. But, during the pandemic, nursing homes’ coffers ran dry, and extraordinary financial relief was retrofitted to respond to the emergency, Labun said.
Nursing homes typically used extraordinary financial relief in one-off cash flow emergencies to “fight financial storms that they might not otherwise have been able to weather,” according to Labun.
That’s now changed, and the cost of nursing is driving the crunch.
Contract staff tend to cost facilities at least twice as much as permanent staff, contributing to nursing homes’ financial distress, Labun said. The use of contract staff in Vermont has fallen slightly, according to Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services data. But the state’s rate is still exceedingly high compared with the national average, Labun said.
While the nation saw heightened rates of contract staff at the onset of the pandemic, the rates have generally returned to the pre-pandemic norm, said Richard Mollot, executive director of the Long Term Care Community Coalition, a national nonprofit organization.
Vermont nursing homes had the highest rate of contract staff employment compared with those in other states in 2024, peaking at 31 percent in the first quarter of 2024, according to analysis of Medicaid data by the Long Term Care Community Coalition. The national average in the same period was 8 percent.
Mollot said nursing homes often use a larger number of contract staff when there is high attrition among permanent staff.
Staffing tends to be the highest expenditure for nursing homes, and oftentimes nursing homes that work with temporary staffing agencies are contractually obligated to pay contract staff more than permanent staff, said Kaili Kuiper, Vermont Legal Aid’s long-term care ombudsman. That means nursing homes spend much of their budget on filling the staffing gap.
This is a “difficult cycle to break, because there’s only so much money to go around,” Kuiper said. The cycle can also cause poor care, and Kuiper said her office has seen “a lot of issues that are related to there not being enough staffing to provide the care that’s needed,” including problems with response times and hygiene.
Vermont’s demographic challenges are driving the underlying problem of nursing homes’ high use of contract staff, Labun said.
So, in recent years, the Legislature has allocated some funds to rebuild the nursing workforce.
The state put half a million dollars toward attracting and keeping licensed nursing assistants in the current fiscal year budget. That investment was an attempt at addressing the upstream causes of nursing homes’ financial woes, according to state Senator Richard Westman, Republican of Lamoille, who sits on the Senate Appropriations Committee and serves on the board of a rural hospital.
The state plans to draw down federal funds for workforce development from the Civil Monetary Penalty Reinvestment Program that had previously been held up in between the President Joe Biden’s and President Trump’s administrations and during the federal shutdown, Labun said.
The legislative investment was far less than the money spent on extraordinary relief, but Westman argued that prioritization makes sense, given the financial weakness of some facilities. In the last two years, about two-thirds of nursing homes have requested extraordinary relief, he said in a May interview.
“I think one could make an argument that without that help, they probably would have gone out of business,” Westman said.
Staffing underlies the financial challenges, Westman said, echoing others. Investing in nurse recruitment and retention, as well as increasing reimbursement rates nursing homes receive, could prevent the facilities’ reliance on bailout money, he suggested.
Kuiper said that using temporary emergency staff is an important tool. As the state’s advocate for nursing home residents, Kuiper said employing contract staff is a better alternative than allowing a facility to be understaffed.
But in the long run, Kuiper said she would like to see “a stronger movement away from temporary staff,” and for the care community to prioritize strategies to curb the high use of contract staff as the “status quo.”
Former VTDigger reporter Peter D’Auria contributed reporting.
This story was originally published by VTDigger and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.
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