Science
Budget deal for NASA offers glimmer of hope for JPL's Mars Sample Return mission
A bipartisan congressional agreement on NASA’s final budget for the current fiscal year offers a glimmer of hope that the space agency’s ambitious but troubled effort to bring pieces of Mars to Earth can recover from devastating cuts that led to hundreds of layoffs at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory in La Cañada Flintridge.
This week, the House and Senate appropriations committees finalized a deal that would grant a minimum of $300 million for the Mars Sample Return mission, which is managed by JPL. That’s a steep drop from the $822.3 million NASA spent on the program last year, and less than one-third of what the Biden administration requested.
Mars Sample Return would deliver rocks, rubble and dust from the Red Planet’s Jezero Crater that has already been gathered and sealed into tubes by the Perseverance rover. The MSR mission envisions a lander that would retrieve those tubes and use a small rocket to ferry them into Martian orbit, where they would rendezvous with a spacecraft that would make the journey back to Earth, arriving roughly five years after the orbiter’s launch.
The ultimate goal is to comb the samples for evidence that life has ever existed on Mars. That job may be left for future generations of scientists who will have access to technologies that don’t yet exist, NASA says.
A joint project with the European Space Agency, Mars Sample Return is an extraordinarily complex technical effort that scientists say would be a crucial step toward future human missions to Mars. Yet the project has been beset with delays and mounting costs.
NASA Administrator Bill Nelson directed the agency to brace itself for that $300-million figure earlier this year. That order has resulted in the loss of nearly 700 staff and contract jobs at JPL since January.
The Senate appeared ready to condemn the mission altogether when it released its draft budget in July, writing that the appropriations committee was “alarmed” by the mission’s slow progress despite steady funding.
As a result, the Senate demanded a year-by-year breakdown of how NASA planned to fulfill the mission within the $5.3-billion then estimated as MSR’s total lifetime cost. Without that, the committee warned, “NASA is directed to either provide options to de-scope or rework MSR or face mission cancellation.”
In the budget agreement released Sunday, lawmakers clarified that the ultimatum in the Senate’s proposal was no longer on the table.
“MSR is the highest priority of the 2022 Planetary Science Decadal Survey but there is concern that the expected launch schedule continues to slip,” lawmakers said in a bipartisan statement from members of both the House and Senate.
Last year, NASA commissioned an independent review of the mission, which deemed MSR “not arranged to be led effectively” and hobbled by “unrealistic budget and schedule expectations from the beginning.” Making its planned 2027 and 2028 launch dates for the lander and orbiter is likely impossible, the review noted, and even a 2030 launch looks dubious without a massive injection of cash far greater than what Congress has budgeted.
NASA’s response to the review is expected this spring. Once that’s in, the current budget allows NASA 60 days to present Congress a plan for the mission’s future. This can include requests to redirect as much as $649 million in its budget to Mars Sample Return, which would raise program spending to the level Biden initially requested.
“The agreement further directs NASA to not engage in further workforce reductions of the MSR program until such report is provided,” the statement said.
In January, 100 on-site contractors at JPL were laid off after NASA told the lab to reduce spending, despite the strenuous objections of California lawmakers. Last month, the lab let go of 530 employees — approximately 8% of its workforce — and 40 additional contractors.
Many of those who lost their jobs were seasoned veterans whose departures shocked co-workers, JPL employees said.
Some of the state’s representatives in Washington expressed optimism that the mission could get back on track.
“This funding agreement is a step in the right direction to ensure that California continues to lead our nation’s space program,” Sen. Alex Padilla, a Democrat, said in a statement.
“The fight isn’t over,” Rep. Judy Chu (D-Monterey Park) said in a statement. “I urge NASA to swiftly apply the new appropriations guidelines so that officials can consider rehiring JPL employees and contractors who were laid off based on an outdated Senate appropriations bill that no longer is being considered by Congress.”
A JPL spokesperson said this week that no staffing changes were expected at the lab before NASA’s response to the review is published. Late last month, NASA’s Office of Inspector General published its own audit of the Mars Sample Return mission, whose projected cost has nearly doubled to more than $10 billion since the program’s inception.
The audit determined that the difficulty of deciding upon a design for the mission’s Capture, Containment and Return System significantly threw off budget and timeline estimates. It also attributed some of the mission’s problems to a mismatch in management and communication styles between NASA and the ESA.
But in reckoning with past mistakes and planning a way forward, management must confront “characteristics intrinsic to big and complex missions like MSR … for example, a full understanding of the mission’s complexity, initial over-optimism, a less than optimal design/architecture, and the team’s ability to perform to expectations,” the audit said. It warned project managers to “not simply attribute past cost growth to the COVID-19 pandemic, inflation, or supply chain issues.”
The budget deal between the House and Senate appropriations committees allocates a total of $24.875 billion for all NASA operations this fiscal year, a $500,000 decrease from last year’s budget. The difference is entirely due to the half-million-dollar cut Congress demanded for the Mars Sample Return mission.
The numbers are not technically final until the budget passes, something that is expected to happen this week without further changes.
Science
What’s in a Name? For These Snails, Legal Protection
The sun had barely risen over the Pacific Ocean when a small motorboat carrying a team of Indigenous artisans and Mexican biologists dropped anchor in a rocky cove near Bahías de Huatulco.
Mauro Habacuc Avendaño Luis, one of the craftsmen, was the first to wade to shore. With an agility belying his age, he struck out over the boulders exposed by low tide. Crouching on a slippery ledge pounded by surf, he reached inside a crevice between two rocks. There, lodged among the urchins, was a snail with a knobby gray shell the size of a walnut. The sight might not dazzle tourists who travel here to see humpback whales, but for Mr. Avendaño, 85, these drab little mollusks represent a way of life.
Marine snails in the genus Plicopurpura are sacred to the Mixtec people of Pinotepa de Don Luis, a small town in southwestern Oaxaca. Men like Mr. Avendaño have been sustainably “milking” them for radiant purple dye for at least 1,500 years. The color suffuses Mixtec textiles and spiritual beliefs. Called tixinda, it symbolizes fertility and death, as well as mythic ties between lunar cycles, women and the sea.
The future of these traditions — and the fate of the snails — are uncertain. The mollusks are subject to intense poaching pressure despite federal protections intended to protect them. Fishermen break them (and the other mollusks they eat) open and sell the meat to local restaurants. Tourists who comb the beaches pluck snails off the rocks and toss them aside.
A severe earthquake in 2020 thrust formerly submerged parts of their habitat above sea level, fatally tossing other mollusks in the snail’s food web to the air, and making once inaccessible places more available to poachers.
Decades ago, dense clusters of snails the size of doorknobs were easy to find, according to Mr. Avendaño. “Full of snails,” he said, sweeping a calloused, violet-stained hand across the coves. Now, most of the snails he finds are small, just over an inch, and yield only a few milliliters of dye.
Science
Video: This Parrot Has No Beak, But Is at the Top of the Pecking Order
new video loaded: This Parrot Has No Beak, But Is at the Top of the Pecking Order
By Meg Felling and Carl Zimmer
April 20, 2026
Science
Contributor: Focus on the real causes of the shortage in hormone treatments
For months now, menopausal women across the U.S. have been unable to fill prescriptions for the estradiol patch, a long-established and safe hormone treatment. The news media has whipped up a frenzy over this scarcity, warning of a long-lasting nationwide shortage. The problem is real — but the explanations in the media coverage miss the mark. Real solutions depend on an accurate understanding of the causes.
Reporters, pharmaceutical companies and even some doctors have blamed women for causing the shortage, saying they were inspired by a “menopause moment” that has driven unprecedented demand. Such framing does a dangerous disservice to essential health advocacy.
In this narrative, there has been unprecedented demand, and it is explained in part by the Food and Drug Administration’s recent removal of the “black-box warning” from estradiol patches’ packaging. That inaccurate (and, quite frankly, terrifying) label had been required since a 2002 announcement overstated the link between certain menopause hormone treatments and breast cancer. Right-sizing and rewording the warning was long overdue. But the trouble with this narrative is that even after the black-box warning was removed, there has not been unprecedented demand.
Around 40% of menopausal women were prescribed hormone treatments in some form before the 2002 announcement. Use plummeted in its aftermath, dipping to less than 5% in 2020 and just 1.8% in 2024. According to the most recent data, the number has now settled back at the 5% mark. Unprecedented? Hardly. Modest at best.
Nor is estradiol a new or complex drug; the patch formulation has existed for decades, and generic versions are widely manufactured. There is no exotic ingredient, no rare supply chain dependency, no fluke that explains why women are suddenly being told their pharmacy is out of stock month after month.
The story is far more an indictment of the broken insurance industry: market concentration, perverse incentives and the consequences of allowing insurance companies to own the pharmacy benefit managers that effectively control drug access for the majority of users. Three companies — CVS Caremark, Express Scripts and OptumRx — manage 79% of all prescription drug claims in the United States. Those companies are wholly owned subsidiaries of three insurance behemoths: CVS Health, Cigna and UnitedHealth Group, respectively. This means that the same corporation that sells you your insurance plan also decides which drugs get covered, at what price, and whether your pharmacy can stock them. This is called vertical integration. In another era, we might have called it a cartel. The resulting problems are not unique to hormone treatments; they have affected widely used medications including blood thinners, inhalers and antibiotics. When a low-cost generic such as estradiol — a medication with no blockbuster profit margins and no patent protection — runs into friction in this system, the friction is not random. It is structural. Every decision in that chain is filtered through the same corporate profit motive. And when the drug in question is an off-patent estradiol patch that has negligible profit margins because of generic competition but requires logistical investment to keep consistently in stock? The math on “how much does this company care about ensuring access” is not complicated.
Unfortunately, there is little financial incentive to ensure smooth, consistent access. There is, however, significant financial incentive to steer patients toward branded alternatives, or simply to let supply tighten — because the companies aren’t losing much profit if sales of that product dwindle. This is not a conspiracy theory: The Federal Trade Commission noted this dynamic in a report that documented how pharmacy benefit managers’ practices inflate costs, reduce competition and harm patient access, particularly for independent pharmacies and for generic drugs.
Any claim that the estradiol patch shortage is meaningfully caused by more women now demanding hormone treatments is a distraction. It is also misogyny, pure and simple, to imply that the solution to the shortage is for women’s health advocates to dial it down and for women to temper their expectations. The scarcity of estradiol patches is the outcome of a broken system refusing to provide adequate supply.
Meanwhile, there are a few strategies to cope.
- Ask your prescriber about alternatives. Estradiol is available in multiple formulations, including gel, spray, cream, oral tablet, vaginal ring and weekly transdermal patch, which is a different product from the twice-weekly patch and may be more consistently available depending on manufacturer and region.
- Consider an online pharmacy. Many are doing a good job locating and filling these prescriptions from outside the pharmacy benefit manager system.
- Call ahead. Patch shortages are inconsistent across regions and distributors. A call to pharmacies in your area, or a broader geographic radius if you’re able, can locate stock that your regular pharmacy doesn’t have.
- Consider a compounding pharmacy. These sources can sometimes meet needs when commercially manufactured products are inaccessible. The hormones used are the same FDA-regulated bulk ingredients.
Beyond those Band-Aid solutions, more Americans need to fight for systemic change. The FTC report exists because Congress asked for it and committed to legislation that will address at least some of the problems. The FDA took action to change the labeling on estrogen in the face of citizen and medical experts’ pressure; it should do more now to demand transparency from patch manufacturers.
Most importantly, it is on all of us to call out the cracks in the current system. Instead of repeating “there’s a patch shortage” or a “surge in demand,” say that a shockingly small minority of menopausal women still even get hormonal treatments prescribed at all, and three drug companies control the vast majority of claims in this country. Those are the real problems that need real solutions.
Jennifer Weiss-Wolf, the executive director of the Birnbaum Women’s Leadership Center at New York University School of Law, is the author of the forthcoming book “When in Menopause: A User’s Manual & Citizen’s Guide.” Suzanne Gilberg, an obstetrician and gynecologist in Los Angeles, is the author of “Menopause Bootcamp.”
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