California
Will $20 minimum wage crush fast food in California?
California is on the cusp of putting the fast-food industry into a curious economic experiment – mandating a custom minimum wage for larger restaurant chains.
Come April, fast food’s biggest players will be paying workers $20 hourly vs. 2024’s statewide $16 wage floor. The thinking behind the legislation is that the industry’s workers have long been underpaid, and a bold move was required to get these poorly compensated workers some hope of surviving California’s high cost of living.
Economic history tells me that this labor-intensive industry, despite all of its protests about the government’s hand in the cost of doing business, has managed to thrive.
Fast food lives in a consumer sweet spot: demand, convenience and relative affordability. And this pay hike – equal to minimum wage increases during the past five years – will create grand economic unknowns.
Will jobs be cut? Restaurants closed? Automation expanded? Will prices skyrocket? A mix of these? Or none of the above? Already we’ve seen Pizza Hut franchisees say they’ll cut 2,000 drivers statewide due to the wage hikes.
But you cannot ignore the other side of this equation. As a workplace, fast food is a tough gig.
It’s typically part-time employment with challenging schedules and few, if any, benefits. This slice of food service workers is paid some of the state’s lowest wages. California food workers, by one federal calculation, earn $18 an hour on average vs. $35 for all workers statewide.
To understand this dichotomy, I filled my trusty spreadsheet with several employment and price stats for fast food – employment at limited-services restaurants; a California slice of the Consumer Price Index for dining out, and the minimum wage’s history.
What you see is that fast food is a significant, quick-growth industry. Limited-service restaurants employed 744,000 Californians in 2023 – that’s 4% of the state’s 18 million jobs.
And fast food’s addition of 431,000 workers since 1990 is nearly 8% of all California job growth. These worker additions are on par with the expansion of jobs in transportation and warehousing or local government.
Or look at it this way: Fast food’s 138% hiring spree since 1990 is triple the 44% job growth seen for all industries statewide.
That expansion happened as California’s minimum wage ballooned from $3.35 in 1990 to $15.50 last year. That’s a 363% jump in pay for the bottom-tier worker – nearly a fivefold pop. And it’s more than double the 167% jump in overall inflation.
And over the 33 years, dining-out costs for all kinds of eateries inflated only slightly more than the CPI – up 182%.
But look at fast food’s ebbs and flows over this third of a century, as I slice economic history into three chapters. Fast food’s quickest growth has come as wages and dining out costs jump the most.
1990-2000: $1 burger wars
This era featured big national chains battling for market share with a host of marketing ploys — from cheap food to big promotions for kids’ meals.
California fast food staffing grew by 107,000 or 34% growth, which doubled the statewide 16% hiring expansion. Fast food equaled 5% of the 2 million hires statewide.
This was a period where the minimum wage jumped 72% to $5.75 from $3.35. That was nearly double the 38% overall inflation rate.
But dining-out prices rose only 29% – likely due to the significant marketing battles of that era. Do you remember the $1 burgers and cheap taco promotions?
2001-2012: Double dips
Two recessions – one of legendary scope – cooled fast food and iced the rest of the California economy.
Still, the state’s fast food industry added only 79,000 jobs in this period or 19% growth. At the same time, however, all other bosses in total cut 37,500 California workers. Remember, the dot-com crash and the Great Recession throttled employers’ willingness to add staff in most industries.
In these economically uncertain times, the state’s minimum wage rose only 39% to $8 from $5.75. The bump was on par with the overall inflation rate.
Yet dining-out prices rose faster, a 43% increase, as busy consumers grew fonder of eating away from home.
2013-2023: The boom
Quick-serve eateries have flourished. Smaller chains brought new flavors and excitement to the industry as pandemic-era twists helped popularize take-out and delivery dining.
Fast food added 236,700 jobs or 47% growth – that’s 7% of all hires and double the statewide 22% hiring pace.
In this period, the minimum wage nearly doubled (to $15.50 from $8) vs. 39% overall inflation – most of that hike coming in the past two years.
Please note that dining-out prices jumped 53%, easily exceeding broader inflation.
Bottom line
Ponder fast food’s pricier competition, full-service dining.
From 1990 through 2015, staffing at these two styles of eating out moved essentially in tandem.
Eight years ago, when the state minimum wage was $9, full-service had 626,000 California workers – up 297,000 since 1990. Fast food staffing was 605,000 – up 292,000 in 25 years.
Fast-forward to 2023. Full-service added just 2,000 positions statewide in eight years. Fast food grew by 139,000.
This growth gap can be tied to everything from changing consumer demands to pandemic business restrictions to fast food’s price advantage.
But far costlier quick-serve meals seem to be a likely outcome of the coming higher minimum wage. Will that ultimately slow fast food’s growth, too?
Jonathan Lansner is business columnist for the Southern California News Group. He can be reached at jlansner@scng.com
California
California regulators kill charity fireworks for America’s 250th, sparking outrage
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As the nation prepares for its 250th Independence Day celebration, a decades-long California Fourth of July fireworks tradition that has raised millions for local children’s programs is going dark this year after the California Coastal Commission rejected a final effort to keep it alive, citing environmental concerns to protect the bay.
“We’ve raised over the past 14 years $2 million for kids programs here in Long Beach,” event organizer John Morris told Fox News Digital, adding the July 3 event is fully funded by the local community.
“This community pays for everything — everything. City fees, and the city doesn’t give us a break. We pay $20,000 to the city for police and fire, which I’m fine with, because there’s 100,000 people enjoying the fireworks,” said Morris, a Long Beach resident and business owner.
Morris, who owns the Boathouse on the Bay restaurant, had planned a scaled-up fireworks display this year to mark America’s 250th Independence Day.
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Long Beach residents have enjoyed the fireworks organized by John Morris for over a decade. (Scott Varley/MediaNews Group/Torrance Daily Breeze via Getty Images)
In January, Coastal Commission staff rejected the proposal, and last week commissioners unanimously upheld that decision despite an appeal backed by local, state and federal officials.
Regulators warned Morris last year that 2025 would likely be the final year for fireworks at the event, as they continue pushing organizers to switch to drone shows they say are more environmentally friendly.
The decision stands in contrast to other approvals by the commission, including a permit granted to SeaWorld allowing up to 40 nights of fireworks.
“They get 40 nights in Mission Bay. All I’m asking for is 20 minutes — it doesn’t make any sense,” Morris said.
Morris, 78, also pushed back on the environmental concerns cited by the commission, pointing to years of testing around the event.
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Due to the lack of fireworks, Morris has decided to cancel the July 3rd celebration.
“We’ve had 10 years of environmental studies,” Morris said. “We test the water before and after the fireworks and send a robotic camera into the bay to check for debris — there’s never been any. It’s been spotless.
“We’ve also had eight years of bird reports to make sure we’re not harming wildlife. We’ve never had an issue. We’ve never been written up one time. So what is it really about?”
Joshua Smith, a spokesman for the California Coastal Commission, told Fox News Digital that permits are determined on a case-by-case basis, citing environmental concerns to “protect the bay.”
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Organizer John Morris said environmental studies are regularly conducted to measure the impact of the fireworks show on the bay. (Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)
Smith said Morris was approved for a permit to hold a drone show in lieu of fireworks. Morris told Fox News Digital such a show would cost about $200,000 — roughly four times more than traditional fireworks.
Smith confirmed that SeaWorld received a permit allowing 40 nights of fireworks. When pressed on the discrepancy, he reiterated that decisions are made individually and declined to provide further details.
Morris said the loss of the fireworks show will be felt across the community, from local businesses to families who have made the event an annual tradition.
California
Billionaire Steyer’s spending binge dwarfs rival campaigns in California governor’s race
LOS ANGELES (AP) — In the wide-open race for California governor, billionaire Tom Steyer is on a spending binge.
The hedge fund manager-turned-liberal activist is using his personal fortune to saturate TV screens and mobile phones with advertising, while his competitors accuse him of trying to use his vast wealth to buy the state’s most powerful job.
Steyer’s ads — in which he promises to bring down household costs or rails against federal immigration raids — appear inescapable at times in heavily Democratic Los Angeles, the state’s largest media market. Data compiled by advertising tracker AdImpact show Steyer has spent or booked over $115 million in ads for broadcast TV, cable and radio — nearly 30 times the amount of his nearest Democratic rival.
If he makes it through the June 2 primary election, Steyer could easily eclipse the 2010 record set by Republican Meg Whitman, who spent $178.5 million in a losing bid for governor, much of it her own money. At the time, it was the costliest campaign for statewide office in the nation’s history.
Even when ad buys from all his major competitors are combined, along with ad purchases by independent committees supporting candidates, Steyer is outspending the field by tens of millions of dollars.
“Billionaire money is flooding our state in an attempt to buy this election,” former U.S. Rep. Katie Porter, one of Steyer’s chief rivals, warned her supporters this month.
Mail-in ballots are set to go out to voters next month. Steyer is among a crowd of candidates hoping to seize a spotlight after former Democratic U.S. Rep. Eric Swalwell’s dramatic departure from the race following sexual assault allegations that he denies.
But while Steyer has ticked up in polling amid his spending splurge, he has not broken away from the field, leaving some wondering if he’s getting value for his dollars.
“If your first round of ads doesn’t move you dramatically (in the polls), the third, fourth, fifth, six, seventh and eighth rounds won’t either,” said veteran Democratic strategist Bill Carrick, who for years advised the late Democratic U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein. “There is something inherently holding Steyer back.”
In recent prior campaigns for governor, at this stage a leading candidate was taking control of the race. This year, voters appear to be shrugging at a contest that lacks a star candidate among seven leading Democrats and two Republicans.
“Somehow the campaign is frozen,” Carrick added.
History shows that money doesn’t always translate into votes.
Billionaire developer Rick Caruso spent over $100 million in 2022 in his bid to become Los Angeles mayor, much of it his own money, but he was handily defeated by Mayor Karen Bass, who spent a fraction of Caruso’s total. Billionaire former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg spent more than $1 billion of his own money on his 2020 presidential bid before dropping out. And Steyer’s money was unable to lift him into contention in the 2020 presidential contest, when he dropped out early in the year after a poor finish in the South Carolina primary.
Steyer has never held elected office.
In a 2019 interview with The Associated Press, Steyer was asked what he would say to people who think he’s trying to buy the presidency.
“I don’t think that’s possible,” Steyer said at the time, before adding, “I’m never going to apologize for succeeding in business. That’s America, right?”
His campaign did not respond directly when asked about similar criticism facing his run for governor.
“Tom now stands as the only Democrat with the grassroots energy, institutional backing and resources to advance to the general election,” spokesperson Kevin Liao said in a statement.
The governor’s race was recently reordered by two developments: Swalwell, a leading Democrat, abruptly withdrew from the race then resigned from Congress, following sexual assault allegations. Meanwhile, President Donald Trump endorsed conservative commentator Steve Hilton.
Still, there is no clear leader.
Polling in late March and early April by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California found a cluster of candidates in close competition: Democrats Steyer and Porter, Republicans Hilton and Chad Bianco, and Swalwell. Other candidates were trailing. The polling was conducted before Swalwell withdrew.
Democrats have feared the party’s large number of candidates could lead to them getting shut out of the general election in November. That’s because California has a primary system in which only the top two vote-getters advance to the general election, regardless of party.
Leading Democrats are all claiming to have picked up support since Swalwell’s exit. Steyer nabbed one plum endorsement, when the influential California Teachers Association, which previously backed Swalwell, recommended him.
In his ads, Steyer promises to “abolish” U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, which has been staging raids across California. In another, he laments the state’s punishing cost of housing, “Everybody needs an affordable place to live,” he says.
California
Tory Lanez Sues California Prison System for $100 Million Over Stabbing
Rapper was stabbed 16 times by fellow inmate in May 2025 while 10-year sentence in Megan Thee Stallion shooting case
Tory Lanez has filed a $100 million lawsuit against the California Department of Corrections stemming from a May 2025 incident where the rapper was stabbed in prison.
Lanez — born Daystar Peterson and currently serving a 10-year sentence after being found guilty in the Megan Thee Stallion shooting case — also sued the warden and guards at the California Correctional Institute in Tehachapi, where the rapper was stabbed 16 times in an “unprovoked life-threatening attack” by another inmate, the lawsuit states.
Peterson was hospitalized following the May 2025 incident, suffering a collapsed lung among stab wounds to his back, torso, and head.
According to the Associated Press, the lawsuit criticized the Department of Corrections for housing Peterson with fellow inmate and alleged attacker Santino Casio, who was serving a life sentence for second-degree murder. “The choice to house Casio with Peterson was known or should have been a known danger,” the lawsuit said, adding that Tory Lanez’ “high-profile celebrity status” made him a target.
The lawsuit also said that prison guards were slow to respond to the shanking, and didn’t employ flash grenades or other measures to halt Casio’s attack.; Casio was not charged for stabbing Peterson, the Associated Press notes.
Lanez, who following his hospitalization was transferred to San Luis Obispo County’s California Men’s Colony, also alleges in the lawsuit that he never received his possessions from the California Correctional Institute in Tehachapi, including songbooks filled with lyrics to his unreleased music.
Lanez is serving a 10-year prison sentence for shooting Megan Thee Stallion in the foot during a confrontation in the summer of 2020. He was eventually convicted on several firearms charges, including assault with a firearm, in December 2022. In November 2025, his appeal was denied by a three-judge panel, and the 10-year sentence was upheld.
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