- Tariffs impact businesses in Rye Canyon differently
- Supreme Court may rule on Trump’s emergency tariffs soon
- Some businesses adapt, others struggle with tariff costs
California
Will $20 minimum wage crush fast food in California?
California is on the cusp of putting the fast-food industry into a curious economic experiment – mandating a custom minimum wage for larger restaurant chains.
Come April, fast food’s biggest players will be paying workers $20 hourly vs. 2024’s statewide $16 wage floor. The thinking behind the legislation is that the industry’s workers have long been underpaid, and a bold move was required to get these poorly compensated workers some hope of surviving California’s high cost of living.
Economic history tells me that this labor-intensive industry, despite all of its protests about the government’s hand in the cost of doing business, has managed to thrive.
Fast food lives in a consumer sweet spot: demand, convenience and relative affordability. And this pay hike – equal to minimum wage increases during the past five years – will create grand economic unknowns.
Will jobs be cut? Restaurants closed? Automation expanded? Will prices skyrocket? A mix of these? Or none of the above? Already we’ve seen Pizza Hut franchisees say they’ll cut 2,000 drivers statewide due to the wage hikes.
But you cannot ignore the other side of this equation. As a workplace, fast food is a tough gig.
It’s typically part-time employment with challenging schedules and few, if any, benefits. This slice of food service workers is paid some of the state’s lowest wages. California food workers, by one federal calculation, earn $18 an hour on average vs. $35 for all workers statewide.
To understand this dichotomy, I filled my trusty spreadsheet with several employment and price stats for fast food – employment at limited-services restaurants; a California slice of the Consumer Price Index for dining out, and the minimum wage’s history.
What you see is that fast food is a significant, quick-growth industry. Limited-service restaurants employed 744,000 Californians in 2023 – that’s 4% of the state’s 18 million jobs.
And fast food’s addition of 431,000 workers since 1990 is nearly 8% of all California job growth. These worker additions are on par with the expansion of jobs in transportation and warehousing or local government.
Or look at it this way: Fast food’s 138% hiring spree since 1990 is triple the 44% job growth seen for all industries statewide.
That expansion happened as California’s minimum wage ballooned from $3.35 in 1990 to $15.50 last year. That’s a 363% jump in pay for the bottom-tier worker – nearly a fivefold pop. And it’s more than double the 167% jump in overall inflation.
And over the 33 years, dining-out costs for all kinds of eateries inflated only slightly more than the CPI – up 182%.
But look at fast food’s ebbs and flows over this third of a century, as I slice economic history into three chapters. Fast food’s quickest growth has come as wages and dining out costs jump the most.
1990-2000: $1 burger wars
This era featured big national chains battling for market share with a host of marketing ploys — from cheap food to big promotions for kids’ meals.
California fast food staffing grew by 107,000 or 34% growth, which doubled the statewide 16% hiring expansion. Fast food equaled 5% of the 2 million hires statewide.
This was a period where the minimum wage jumped 72% to $5.75 from $3.35. That was nearly double the 38% overall inflation rate.
But dining-out prices rose only 29% – likely due to the significant marketing battles of that era. Do you remember the $1 burgers and cheap taco promotions?
2001-2012: Double dips
Two recessions – one of legendary scope – cooled fast food and iced the rest of the California economy.
Still, the state’s fast food industry added only 79,000 jobs in this period or 19% growth. At the same time, however, all other bosses in total cut 37,500 California workers. Remember, the dot-com crash and the Great Recession throttled employers’ willingness to add staff in most industries.
In these economically uncertain times, the state’s minimum wage rose only 39% to $8 from $5.75. The bump was on par with the overall inflation rate.
Yet dining-out prices rose faster, a 43% increase, as busy consumers grew fonder of eating away from home.
2013-2023: The boom
Quick-serve eateries have flourished. Smaller chains brought new flavors and excitement to the industry as pandemic-era twists helped popularize take-out and delivery dining.
Fast food added 236,700 jobs or 47% growth – that’s 7% of all hires and double the statewide 22% hiring pace.
In this period, the minimum wage nearly doubled (to $15.50 from $8) vs. 39% overall inflation – most of that hike coming in the past two years.
Please note that dining-out prices jumped 53%, easily exceeding broader inflation.
Bottom line
Ponder fast food’s pricier competition, full-service dining.
From 1990 through 2015, staffing at these two styles of eating out moved essentially in tandem.
Eight years ago, when the state minimum wage was $9, full-service had 626,000 California workers – up 297,000 since 1990. Fast food staffing was 605,000 – up 292,000 in 25 years.
Fast-forward to 2023. Full-service added just 2,000 positions statewide in eight years. Fast food grew by 139,000.
This growth gap can be tied to everything from changing consumer demands to pandemic business restrictions to fast food’s price advantage.
But far costlier quick-serve meals seem to be a likely outcome of the coming higher minimum wage. Will that ultimately slow fast food’s growth, too?
Jonathan Lansner is business columnist for the Southern California News Group. He can be reached at jlansner@scng.com
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California
Gavin Newsom proposes $350B California budget — kicks the can on debt
California Gov. Gavin Newsom unveiled a record-high $350 billion state budget Friday that makes “historic” investments in areas like education — but kicks the can on paying down federal debt, foisting costs onto struggling employers.
Newsom’s budget incorporates a $43 billion windfall tied to the stock market that he touted in his State of the State speech Thursday, bringing his office’s estimated deficit down to $3 billion — the state’s fourth deficit in a row. The budget plows billions into maintaining education, health care, and other programs but ignores a $20 billion federal loan for Covid unemployment payments — a situation one legislator called “alarming.”
Ignoring the loan means small businesses are on the hook for the state’s debt, said state Sen. Roger Niello of Fair Oaks.
“We already have the highest unemployment in the nation and we’re putting this additional burden on our employers. It makes absolutely no sense,” Niello said.
The budget includes $662.2 million in mandatory interest payments, but there is no money going towards the principal.
Since July, the total balance has ballooned to $21.3 billion, and private employers in California pick up the tab under federal rules. Employers pay an $42 extra per employee this year and growing, per KCRA
Every state expect California has paid off the Covid-era loans.
“That is an alarming thing because [Newsom is] basically saying that businesses and employment are not a priority to him and that’s troubling,” Niello added.
At 5.5%, California’s unemployment rate was the highest in the country as of November.
Newsom’s $350 billion budget proposal is about $30 billion higher than this year’s budget, thanks largely to federal healthcare cuts that forced costs onto the state and mandatory set-asides in areas like education.
At a budget briefing Friday, Newsom’s finance director Joe Stephenshaw highlighted record spending on education— amounting to a record $27,418 per K-12 student, $5.3 billion for the University of California system, $15.4 billion to community colleges, and $1 billion to needy schools — along with $500 million towards local homelessness prevention, $195 million in new public safety spending, $3 billion for the state’s rainy day fund and $4 billion for school reserve funds.
The budget includes some cuts to climate-related spending and housing and homelessness, per Calmatters. And it does not include any direct funding for Prop. 36, the anti-crime measure supported by nearly 70% of voters in 2024 — a move Republicans blasted.
But even with Newsom’s unexpected windfall, analysts expect deficits to grow to as high as $35 billion in the coming years as expenditures outpace even optimistic revenue projections.
Newsom and the state Legislative Analyst create separate budget projections, and the governor’s has historically been far rosier on the revenue side. The legislative analyst projected a $18 billion deficit in the coming fiscal year, while the governor calculated $3 billion.
Under Newsom, the state’s general fund spending has increased by 77% partly owing to new programs spun up when the state was flush with cash, according to Republican legislators.
Newsom’s $350 billion budget — the last before he leaves office next year — does little to confront ballooning expenses, dumping the problem on the future governor and Legislature, according to Senate Minority Leader Brian Jones.
“This is more of the same from a lame-duck governor content on leaving the rest of us to pick up the financial pieces when he leaves office,” Jones said in a statement.
Democrats in the legislature were more measured in their responses.
“During these times of uncertainty, we must craft a responsible budget that prioritizes the safety and fiscal stability of California families,” said State Senate Leader Monique Limón in a statement.
Newsom and legislators will refine the budget in the coming months towards a final proposal in May.
One major unknown is how California will handle a loss of about $1.4 billion in funding due toTrump administration changes to low-income health care and food programs.
Last year, Newsom was force to scale back a controversial plan to provide Medicaid coverage for illegal immigrants after costs spiked, forcing California was forced to borrow $3.4 billion, Politico reported.
Newsom’s budget didn’t fully explain what would happen to immigrant health care under federal cuts, and Stephenshaw struggled to answer detailed questions from reporters — saying Newsom’s office was still awaiting guidance from the feds.
“As we work through the May revision, this is something we’ll be well aware of and we’ll make those decision at that time,” he said.
California
How Trump’s tariffs ricochet through a Southern California business park
VALENCIA, California, Jan 9 (Reuters) – America’s trade wars forced Robert Luna to hike prices on the rustic wooden Mexican furniture he sells from a crowded warehouse here, while down the street, Eddie Cole scrambled to design new products to make up for lost sales on his Chinese-made motorcycle accessories.
Farther down the block, Luis Ruiz curbed plans to add two imported molding machines to his small plastics factory.
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“I voted for him,” said Ruiz, CEO of Valencia Plastics, referring to President Donald Trump. “But I didn’t vote for this.”
All three businesses are nestled in the epitome of a globalized American economy: A lushly landscaped California business park called Rye Canyon. Tariffs are a hot topic here – but experiences vary as much as the businesses that fill the 3.1 million square feet of offices, warehouses, and factories.
Tenants include a company that provides specially equipped cars to film crews for movies and commercials, a dance school, and a company that sells Chinese-made LED lights. There’s even a Walmart Supercenter. Some have lost business while others have flourished under the tariff regime.
Rye Canyon is roughly an hour-and-a-half drive from the sprawling Ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach. And until now, it was a prime locale for globally connected businesses like these. But these days, sitting on the frontlines of global trade is precarious.
The average effective tariff rate on imports to the U.S. now stands at almost 17%–up from 2.5% before Trump took office and the highest level since 1935. Few countries have been spared from the onslaught, such as Cuba, but mainly because existing barriers make meaningful trade with them unlikely.
White House spokesman Kush Desai said President Trump was leveling the playing field for large and small businesses by addressing unfair trading practices through tariffs and reducing cumbersome regulations.
‘WE HAD TO GET CREATIVE’ TO OFFSET TRUMP’S TARIFFS
Rye Canyon’s tenants may receive some clarity soon. The U.S. Supreme Court could rule as early as Friday on the constitutionality of President Trump’s emergency tariffs. The U.S. has so far taken in nearly $150 billion under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act. If struck down, the administration may be forced to refund all or part of that to importers.
For some, the impact of tariffs was painful – but mercifully short. Harlan Kirschner, who imports about 30% of the beauty products he distributes to salons and retailers from an office here, said prices spiked during the first months of the Trump administration’s push to levy the taxes.
“It’s now baked into the cake,” he said. “The price increases went through when the tariffs were being done.” No one talks about those price increases any more, he said.
For Ruiz, the plastics manufacturer, the impact of tariffs is more drawn out. Valencia makes large-mouth containers for protein powders sold at health food stores across the U.S. and Canada. Before Trump’s trade war, Ruiz planned to add two machines costing over half a million dollars to allow him to churn out more containers and new sizes.
But the machines are made in China and tariffs suddenly made them unaffordable. He’s spent the last few months negotiating with the Chinese machine maker—settling on a plan that offsets the added tariff cost by substituting smaller machines and a discount based on his willingness to let the Chinese producer use his factory as an occasional showcase for their products.
“We had to get creative,” he said. “We can’t wait for (Trump) to leave. I’m not going to let the guy decide how we’re going to grow.”
‘I’M MAD AT HIM NOW’
To be sure, there are winners in these trade battles. Ruiz’s former next-door neighbor, Greg Waugh, said tariffs are helping his small padlock factory. He was already planning to move before the trade war erupted, as Rye Canyon wanted his space for the expansion of another larger tenant, a backlot repair shop for Universal Studios. But he’s now glad he moved into a much larger space about two miles away outside the park, because as his competitors announced price increases on imported locks, he’s started getting more inquiries from U.S. buyers looking to buy domestic.
“I think tariffs give us a cushion we need to finally grow and compete,” said Waugh, president and CEO of Pacific Lock.
For Cole, a former pro motorcycle racer turned entrepreneur, there have only been downsides to the new taxes.
He started his motorcycle accessories company in his garage in 1976 and built a factory in the area in the early 1980s. He later sold that business and – as many industries shifted to cheaper production from Asia – reestablished himself later as an importer of motorcycle gear with Chinese business partners, with an office and warehouse in Rye Canyon.
“Ninety-five percent of our products come from China,” he said. Cole estimates he’s paid “hundreds of thousands” in tariffs so far. He declined to disclose his sales.
Cole said he voted for Trump three times in a row, “but I’m mad at him now.”
Cole even wrote to the White House, asking for more consideration of how tariffs disrupt small businesses. He included a photo of a motorcycle stand the company had made for Eric Trump’s family, which has an interest in motorcycles.
“I said, ‘Look Donald, I’m sure there’s a lot of reasons you think tariffs are good for America,” but as a small business owner he doesn’t have the ability to suddenly shift production around the world to contain costs like big corporations. He’s created new products, such as branded tents, to make up for some of the business he’s lost in his traditional lines as prices spiked.
He pulls out his phone to show the response he got back from the White House, via email. “It’s a form letter,” he said, noting that it talks about how the taxes make sense.
Meanwhile, Robert Luna isn’t waiting to see if tariffs will go away or be refunded. His company, DeMejico, started by his Mexican immigrant parents, makes traditional-style furniture including hefty dining tables that sell for up to $8,000. He’s paying 25% tariffs on wooden furniture and 50% on steel accents like hinges, made in his own plant in Mexico. He’s raised prices on some items by 20%.
Fearing further price hikes from tariffs and other rising costs will continue to curb demand, he’s working with a Vietnamese producer on a new line of inexpensive furniture he can sell under a different brand name. Vietnam has tariffs, he said, but also a much lower cost base.
“My thing is mere survival,” he said, “that’s the goal.”
Reporting by Timothy Aeppel; additional reporting by David Lawder
Editing by Anna Driver and Dan Burns
Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.
California
Up to 20 billionaires may leave California over tax threat | Fox Business Video
California Congressman Darrell Issa discusses reports that as many as 20 billionaires could leave the state amid concerns over a proposed new wealth tax which critics say is driving high-net-worth taxpayers out of California on ‘The Evening Edit.’
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