Gird your loins, because “The Devil Wears Prada 2” has finally been unveiled to members of the film press and first reactions are trickling in for highly-anticipated sequel. The movie, which marks the return of Meryl Streep to her Oscar-nominated role of fashion magazine powerhouse Miranda Priestly, is being called “charming and fun” and destined to be a “massive hit.”

Entertainment journalist Daniel Baptista wrote on X that “The Devil Wears Prada 2” is a “fun and fierce sequel” that ushers a natural return for stars Streep and Anne Hathaway, adding: “It feels familiar in the best way, timely in the right ways, and is well worth the wait.”

Variety‘s senior artisans editor Jazz Tangcay echoed the praise, writing on X that “‘The Devil Wears Prada 2’ is “phenomenal” and “the perfect sequel that exceeded all expectations. Aline Brosh McKenna’s script is sharp and witty. We’ll be quoting this for years to come. Meryl Streep, Anne Hathaway and Emily Blunt are still great. Stunning costumes, and that soundtrack slaps hard.”

THR senior editor Alex Werpin called the sequel a “biting media parody wrapped up in high fashion,” adding: “Every journalist who sees it will cringe from recognition.”

“‘The Devil Wears Prada 2’ has no right to be as good as it is,” adds Awards Watch’s Erik Anderson. “Just the right kind and number of callbacks and earned nostalgia, Anne Hathaway continues to be our most vibrant star. It’s funny and deeper, and we get the return of ‘Vogue.’”

Meryl Streep returns for “The Devil Wears Prada 2” alongside original cast members Anne Hathaway, Emily Blunt and Stanley Tucci, plus director David Frankel and screenwriter Aline Brosh McKenna. New cast members include Kenneth Branagh, who is set to play Miranda Priestly’s husband, as well as Simone Ashley, Lucy Liu, Justin Theroux, B.J. Novak and more.

While plot details for the sequel have remained under wraps, trailers for “The Devil Wears Prada 2” have revealed that Hathaway’s Andy Sachs returns to Runway to be the magazine’s features editor. In the original, which opened in 2006 and grossed $326 million worldwide, Hathaway’s Andy is an aspiring journalist who becomes the personal assistant to Streep’s Miranda.

The film’s popularity has only skyrocketed in the 20 years since its release, so much so that filming “The Devil Wears Prada 2” on the streets of New York City proved difficult for the cast and crew as fans and paparazzi stormed the shot to follow their every move. Streep told Harper’s Bazaar that she “unnerved” while the filming because of what a sensation it caused.

“Even though we were aware of the impact of the first film two decades ago, I think none of us were prepared for the ambush of both goodwill and avid attention that engulfed us,” Streep said. “We needed police barriers and crowd control. Buses of fans turned up, and paparazzi swarmed and in one case kept jumping in front of the camera and the shot and got in a kerfuffle with crew. Annie kept her cool, but I was unnerved.”

“The Devil Wears Prada 2” kicks off this year’s summer movie season when it opens in theaters May 1 from 20th Century Studios and Disney.

As Britain publicly distances itself from President Donald Trump’s Iran pressure campaign, King Charles III’s upcoming visit is shaping up as more than royal pageantry. 

It may be Britain’s most important diplomatic tool for preventing growing policy fractures with Washington from becoming something deeper.

“The British monarch has historically had huge importance in terms of creating personal diplomacy to smooth over ruffled feathers,” Alan Mendoza, executive director of the Henry Jackson Society, a London-based think tank, told Fox News Digital, arguing that the crown has often served as Britain’s strategic stabilizer during moments of political strain.

Mendoza said Charles could play a critical role at a moment when Britain’s Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s government and Trump appear increasingly divided over Iran, defense strategy and the future shape of the transatlantic alliance.

TRUMP SLAMS STARMER AS ‘NOT WINSTON CHURCHILL’ FOR REFUSAL TO BACK IRAN STRIKES

“King Charles has the opportunity, through personal diplomacy, to create a new beginning with Donald Trump,” Mendoza said.

Britain’s balancing act became clearer Monday when Deputy Minister Stephen Doughty publicly rejected U.S. blockade tactics against Iran, while still backing Washington’s broader effort to secure maritime traffic through the Strait of Hormuz.

“While the U.K. doesn’t support the U.S. blockade, it supports working with the United States and others to reopen the Strait of Hormuz,” Doughty said ahead of a U.N. Security Council meeting, according to The Associated Press, warning Tehran cannot be allowed to hold “the rest of the world to ransom.”

The split underscores London’s effort to support U.S. security goals without fully endorsing Trump’s “economic fury” strategy, which aims to strangle Iran’s economic lifelines through aggressive maritime pressure.

That policy divergence has intensified scrutiny over whether Charles’ visit is now functioning as a diplomatic pressure valve.

A White House spokesperson emphasized the visit as a sign of enduring personal rapport between the president and the monarch. “President Trump has always had great respect for King Charles, and their relationship was further strengthened by the president’s historic trip to the United Kingdom last year,” White House spokesperson Anna Kelly told Fox News Digital. “The president enjoyed welcoming their majesties to the White House, and he looks forward to more special events throughout the week.”

AS AIRSTRIKES RAIN DOWN ON THE IRANIAN REGIME, CAN A FRACTURED OPPOSITION UNITE TO LEAD IF IT FALLS?

Mendoza pointed to Queen Elizabeth II’s past interventions as evidence that the monarchy can sometimes succeed where elected leaders cannot.

He cited Elizabeth’s historic role in easing tensions with Ireland and described royal diplomacy as uniquely positioned to create trust at the personal level.

“People often wonder why the British monarchy still exists in the 21st century,” Mendoza said. “This is why.”

Still, Mendoza was careful not to overstate the king’s role.

Charles, he said, is unlikely to directly influence specific policies on Iran, NATO or military cooperation. Instead, his greatest value lies in shaping what Mendoza called the “general mood music” around Trump’s willingness to engage.

“It’s more a question of general mood music, which could make the president more receptive to interesting solutions,” Mendoza said.

That distinction may prove crucial.

Rather than forcing policy alignment, Charles could help preserve the broader strategic atmosphere needed to keep Washington and London functioning as close allies even while their elected governments disagree.

KING CHARLES SENDS PERSONAL MESSAGE OF CONGRATULATIONS TO TRUMP ON SWEARING-IN

For Britain, that may be particularly important as outside analysts warn that the “special relationship” is under mounting structural strain.

In an analysis published Monday, Council on Foreign Relations senior fellow Matthias Matthijs argued that while the royal visit offers “spectacle and ritual,” it is unlikely to reverse what he described as the deeper unraveling of U.S.–U.K. ties.

Matthijs pointed to Trump’s repeated criticisms of Starmer about immigration, energy policy and Britain’s posture toward the U.S.-Israeli confrontation with Iran, suggesting Charles may now be doing much of the diplomatic “heavy lifting” required to preserve British access to Trump.

Meanwhile, constitutional scholars in Britain have also raised concerns.

Writing for the U.K. Constitutional Law Association earlier in April, Francesca Jackson warned that using the monarch as a diplomatic instrument during periods of sharp political volatility could expose the Crown to political backlash or “potential embarrassment,” especially if Charles is perceived as caught between Trump and Starmer.

That risk reflects the broader stakes.

CLICK HERE TO DOWNLOAD THE FOX NEWS APP

If Trump embraces Charles while continuing to criticize Starmer, the visit could preserve royal rapport while underscoring political dysfunction, effectively creating a parallel diplomatic lane between Washington and the British Crown.

But for now, Mendoza argues, the monarchy’s purpose is not governance, but access to the king, which may still have a chance to keep the relationship from fracturing beyond repair.

Fox News Digital reached out to Prime Minister Starmer’s office for comment. 

Beijing is losing sway in Brussels as the European Commission hardens its stance on China.

ADVERTISEMENT

ADVERTISEMENT

China hawks are gaining ground inside both the Commission’s powerful Directorate-General for Trade and in the cabinet of President Ursula von der Leyen, Euronews has learned, with drastic new measures being considered to counter what is seen as unfair competition.

The 27 EU commissioners are set to debate on their China strategy on 29 May, with one official saying, “It will be about acknowledging there is a problem and that something needs to be done.”

Tensions flared Monday after China’s Ministry of Commerce threatened retaliation against the EU over its Made in Europe legislation, which sets strict conditions on foreign direct investment.

An EU official told Euronews the Chinese were “playing games,” adding that the Commission’s priority remains engagement with Beijing through multiple channels set up in recent months.

However, Commission services are already working on new measures to address China’s economic threats, sources have confirmed. “We don’t see any move from the Chinese despite all the issues we have flagged with them, so there’s a reflection on whether we should do more,” one said.

Another source said the release of Germany’s trade deficit figures before Christmas marked a turning point for the Commission.

Data published last autumn by Germany Trade & Invest (GTAI) showed a record €87 billion German trade deficit with China — a wake-up call in Berlin, long focused on securing market access in China ahead of protecting domestic manufacturing.

China has since surged up the agenda for German industry, for the Bundestag — which has set up a dedicated committee — and for the Commission, whose German president has Berlin’s ear.

The EU has long grappled with cheap Chinese imports threatening its industry. Pressure intensified last year after the US slapped steep tariffs on Chinese goods, effectively shutting its market and pushing Beijing to reroute overcapacity in sectors like steel and chemicals toward Europe.

A recent report by the French High Commission for Strategy and Planning, a French government advisory body, warned that “the production cost gaps, as assessed by industry players [across Europe], have now reached levels incompatible with sustainable competition, averaging between 30% and 40%, and exceeding 60% in certain segments (industrial robotics, mechanical components).”

Under these conditions, how can the EU defend its market?

The bloc’s leverage is mainly limited to its 450 million-strong consumer base. Still, one source said it is “increasingly becoming mainstream” inside the Commission to warn Beijing that the EU market could close without rebalancing.

But the trade-offs are stark.

Chinese electric vehicles — hit with EU tariffs in October 2024 — highlight the dilemma. China depended equally on the US and EU markets for almost all its exports before Donald Trump’s return to the White House in 2025. “It cannot easily diversify its EVs as it will not sell in Africa, nor in southeast Asia, where there’s no infrastructure,” another source said.

At the same time, Europe remains reliant on China imports in many of the same sectors where China depends on Europe. “Are we to close our market to lithium batteries from China? We cannot do this overnight,” the same source said. The same applies to solar panels, laptops and medical devices.

Commission explores anti-coercion tool

The EU has trade defence tools — including anti-dumping and anti-subsidy duties — but they can take at least 18 months to deploy after a complaint is filed. Two sources said the Commission is working on new instruments, but by the time they bite, the damage may already be done.

A fourth source described an overcapacity instrument as still “premature.”

However, Commission services are also mulling the Anti-Coercion Instrument (ACI), which allows the EU to deploy a wide range of measures — from tariffs to restrictions on public procurement or intellectual property — in response to economic pressure from third countries.

The tool, sometimes described as a “trade bazooka”, has never been used since its creation in 2023, but resurfaced after China weaponised rare earth exports in October 2025 during its trade standoff with the US by imposing strict export controls.

Exports resumed after Washington and Beijing agreed on a one-year truce, which also covers Europe. But that deal expires in October 2026, leaving uncertainty hanging over the EU.

Brussels wants the anti-coercion tool ready if needed.

Tensions could rise further after Beijing’s threats over the Industrial Accelerator Act — the Made in Europe legislation now debated by member states and MEPs — or over pressure linked to the Cybersecurity Act, which could phase out Chinese telecom operators from the EU market.

Securing member states’ backing

However, a qualified majority of EU countries is needed to activate the ACI, and member states remain split.

“It requires a political support higher than for the traditional anti-dumping or anti-subsidies duties which can only be rejected by a reversed majority of EU countries,” a source said.

Despite the wake-up call, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz struck a softer tone in March, floating a long-term trade deal with Beijing.

But in Brussels, that idea is off the table.

“There are a number of concerns and real challenges that the European Union has consistently expressed to China that we need to see them meaningfully address before we can even talk about any future agreements or anything like that,” the Commission’s deputy chief spokesperson, Olof Gill, said.

Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez — who has visited China four times in three years and secured major Chinese investment — backs closer ties with Beijing.

Meanwhile, Belgian Prime Minister Bart De Wever urged a tougher line in an 18 March letter to von der Leyen.

“We have arrived at a point of no return in which we need to make difficult choices in the short term towards China to protect our industries, economies and the well-being of our citizens in the long term,” he wrote.

France, long a proponent of a hard line on China, shares that view.