World
MSF halts operations in camp in Sudan’s Darfur region as violence rages
Doctors Without Borders says increased fighting in and around Zamzam camp has made it too dangerous to operate.
Doctors Without Borders has said it is suspending its work in a famine-stricken camp for displaced people in Sudan’s North Darfur region, as an increase in violent attacks has made it too dangerous to operate.
In a statement on Monday, the medical charity – known by its French-language acronym MSF – said fighting in and around Zamzam camp near the town of el-Fasher had made it “impossible … to continue providing medical assistance”.
“Despite widespread starvation and immense humanitarian needs, we have no choice but to take the decision to suspend all our activities in the camp, including the MSF field hospital,” the group said.
MSF was one of the few humanitarian groups still working in the camp, which houses about half a million people displaced by Sudan’s devastating 22-month civil war.
Health workers at the organisation’s field hospital in Zamzam had helped treat people wounded in attacks by the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) this month, as well as provided care to thousands of malnourished children.
“Halting our project in the midst of a worsening disaster in Zamzam is a heartbreaking decision,” said Yahya Kalilah, MSF’s Sudan country director.
“The sheer proximity of the violence, great difficulties in sending supplies, the impossibility to send experienced staff for adequate support, and uncertainty regarding routes out of the camp for our colleagues and civilians leave us with little choice.”
We’ve taken the difficult decision to suspend our activities in Zamzam camp, North Darfur, Sudan. Violence has engulfed the camp, which hosts around 500,000 people.
We urge all armed actors in the area to protect civilians..
The details: https://t.co/7zb32yoe5d
— MSF International (@MSF) February 24, 2025
The war in Sudan broke out between the RSF and the Sudanese military in April 2023.
Both parties have been accused of war crimes as the United Nations says the violence has killed tens of thousands of people, forced 14 million to flee their homes and spurred a humanitarian crisis.
On February 11, the RSF stormed Zamzam, triggering two days of clashes with the army and allied armed groups and forcing about 10,000 families to flee, according to the United Nation’s International Organization for Migration (IOM).
MSF said its teams had treated 139 patients with gunshot and shrapnel wounds in its field hospital so far this month. But 11 people – including five children – died because the facility lacked the necessary equipment.
The organisation also said its ambulances were targeted in recent months.
Meanwhile, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres warned on Monday of a “further escalation” after the RSF and its allies agreed to form a parallel government.
Guterres’s spokesman, Stephane Dujarric, said the UN chief was “deeply concerned” by Sunday’s announcement. “This further escalation in the conflict… deepens the fragmentation of the country,” Dujarric said.
The RSF-led government is not expected to receive widespread recognition, with the group accused of carrying out war crimes, including genocide.
But it is a sign that the splintering of Sudan could be cementing as the RSF focuses on the western region of Darfur while it loses ground elsewhere.
World
A glowing red room in southern Lebanon shows life after the fighting
TYRE, Lebanon (AP) — Hassan Ammar is based in Beirut, Lebanon, and has worked for The Associated Press since 2008. Since 2016, he has been based in Beirut covering conflicts, politics, breaking news and daily life across Lebanon and the wider Middle East.
Here’s what he had to say about this extraordinary photo.
Why this photo?
I made this photograph while documenting the impact of the war between Israel and Hezbollah on civilians in southern Lebanon. I was working on a story about families who had been displaced by the conflict and were beginning to return to their homes. While much of the damage was visible outside, I was interested in documenting the quieter moments inside people’s homes and how they were adapting to life after the fighting. When I entered this apartment, the unusual atmosphere immediately caught my attention and felt like a powerful way to tell that story.
How I made this photo
The image was made in the southern Lebanese city of Tyre while I was covering the aftermath of the conflict. I had knocked on the door of an apartment to ask permission to photograph damaged buildings from the balcony. As soon as I entered, the intense red light filling the room caught my attention. The apartment’s balcony glass had been shattered by nearby strikes, and the residents had hung a red sheet over the opening to provide privacy and block the strong sunlight. With no electricity in the area, the room was almost completely dark, creating a dramatic contrast between the glowing red fabric and the deep shadows.
As the apartment owners were working to secure and cover the damaged balcony doors, I noticed the silhouette created by the afternoon sun shining through the red sheet. The dark curtains framing the opening added another layer to the scene, almost like a theater stage, helping draw the viewer’s eye toward the bright red light. I began looking for a composition that would emphasize the unusual light and mood. I was not specifically expecting a person to appear in the frame, but after a short moment someone moved behind the fabric and pressed a hand against it. That simple gesture immediately transformed the scene, giving the image a human presence and emotional weight.
The photograph was made with a Sony A1 and a 24-70mm lens. I exposed for the bright red fabric and the silhouette created by the sunlight while allowing the rest of the room to fall into deep shadow. The contrast between the glowing red light, the dark interior and the curtains framing the scene helped create the dramatic atmosphere I was trying to convey.
Why this photo works
For me, the photograph works because it conveys a sense of confinement, uncertainty and human vulnerability without showing a face. The hand becomes a symbol of the people living through the conflict, while the red light can evoke different emotions, including danger, fear and resilience. The image leaves room for interpretation while remaining rooted in a real situation. When I reviewed the photograph on the back of my camera, I felt it captured something deeper than a simple news image. It expressed the emotional and psychological atmosphere many civilians were experiencing after months of war.
—
For more extraordinary AP photography, click here.
World
Shark attack survivor wakes from 10-day coma and shares first words with family at her hospital bedside
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After spending 10 days in an induced coma following a shark attack on a Sydney, Australia beach, a woman uttered her first three words this week.
Leah Stewart awoke and told her family, “I love you” on Tuesday while recuperating at a hospital, according to her brother, who wrote the update on a fundraising page.
“After a week of life-support and repeat[ed] surgeries, doctors were able to extubate Leah and reduce her level of sedation to bring her out of the induced coma for a short period of time,” Stewart said. “This allowed Leah to share her first words ‘I love you’ with her Mum and partner Fernando who have been by her side in ICU since the incident.”
He added that his sister’s “first thoughts were with her daughter August,” asking if she was OK.
SHARK ATTACK TURNS HOLIDAY BOATING TRIP INTO BLOODY FIGHT FOR TEEN’S SURVIVAL
Leah Stewart was asking about her daughter after she briefly awoke from her induced coma Tuesday. (GoFundMe)
The mid-30s mother and teacher has already been through five surgeries, including having an arm amputated.
She had been airlifted to a hospital in critical condition on the morning of June 13 at Coogee Beach, a popular weekend destination, after a shark bit her legs and arms.
HEART-POUNDING VIDEO SHOWS FISHERMAN LEAPING INTO OCEAN TO SAVE GREAT WHITE SHARK
Stewart told her family that she loved them. (GoFundMe)
Stewart was swimming near shore while a friend watched her daughter on the beach when the attack happened, the Sydney Morning Herald reported.
“This is a lot faster than anyone expected, and for us this feels like a miracle and is everything so many of us have hoped and prayed for over the past week,” Stewart wrote on a fundraising page.
Police and emergency personnel at the scene after a shark attack at Coogee Beach in Sydney, Australia, June 13. (Reuters/Hollie Adams)
He added, “Leah has a long road ahead and still remains in critical care, but this is such a positive first step and gives us hope for Leah’s long-term recovery.”
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Stewart’s attack came after three men have been killed by sharks in Australia since May. A 12-year-old boy was also killed by a shark in Sydney Harbor in January.
World
Who will control Africa’s AI infrastructure and at what cost
Johannesburg, South Africa – In April, African Union ministers gathered in Tangier, Morocco, to discuss artificial intelligence at a moment when governments across the continent are racing to develop AI strategies, attract investment and expand digital infrastructure.
Beneath the enthusiasm, however, sits a more fundamental question. As foreign technology companies invest in data centres, cloud services and AI systems across Africa, how much control will African countries ultimately have over the infrastructure on which those technologies depend?
The debate reflects a broader shift in how policymakers are thinking about AI. For years, discussions focused largely on adoption: how governments, businesses and public services could use the technology. Increasingly, attention is turning to ownership, governance and the terms on which AI systems are developed and deployed.
Several governments have framed the issue in those terms. Nigeria, Kenya, Egypt and Ghana have all released national AI strategies in recent years that highlight the need to build local capacity and reduce dependence on foreign technology providers. Ghana’s national strategy, launched in April, describes AI as a “sovereign capability”. Forty-nine countries, along with the African Union, have endorsed the Africa Declaration on Artificial Intelligence, which calls for greater investment in African AI infrastructure, talent and innovation, alongside proposals for coordinated financing mechanisms.
At the same time, translating ambition into policy has not always been straightforward. In South Africa, a draft national AI policy was withdrawn earlier this year after officials identified references that could not be verified and appeared to have been generated by AI tools, highlighting the practical challenges governments face in regulating rapidly evolving technologies.
Global competition, local leverage
The discussion is unfolding as global competition over AI intensifies. Major technology companies, cloud providers and governments are competing for access to data, computing power and new markets. For African countries, that competition may also create space to negotiate.
Priyal Singh, a geopolitical analyst at Signal Risk, told Al Jazeera that the fragmented nature of the global AI industry could strengthen that position.
“African states will indeed be provided with greater room for manoeuvre on AI and data infrastructure, precisely due to how contested and fragmented this industry is amongst global leaders,” he said.
He pointed to regulatory tensions surrounding Starlink’s expansion in parts of Africa as an example of governments becoming more assertive in their dealings with global technology firms.
“Major tech companies will need to bend to local concerns much more often than they would otherwise expect,” Singh said.
The infrastructure gap
Yet leverage in the AI era is not only political. It is also infrastructural.
Africa remains significantly underrepresented in the global digital economy’s physical backbone. Industry estimates suggest the continent accounts for less than one per cent of global data centre capacity, despite being home to roughly 18 per cent of the world’s population. Research by McKinsey has found that Africa’s five largest data centre markets combined have less capacity than France. Across much of the continent, unreliable electricity supply remains a major constraint on expansion.
Those limits help explain why negotiations over data centres and cloud infrastructure have become increasingly sensitive.
Kenya’s contested data centre deal
One of the most closely watched projects has been a proposed $1bn data centre development involving Microsoft and Emirati technology company G42 in Kenya.
The project drew attention after Kenyan President William Ruto highlighted the scale of its energy demands, warning that infrastructure of that size would require substantial additional power generation.
Reports have also pointed to discussions over commercial arrangements and long-term commitments linked to computing capacity. Kenyan officials have maintained that talks around the project remain ongoing.
Whatever the outcome, the episode illustrates the trade-offs governments face: attracting investment in AI infrastructure while weighing energy needs, financing costs and long-term strategic dependence.
What countries gain and what they give up
The question of who builds Africa’s digital future extends beyond Western technology companies.
Sanusha Naidu, a senior research fellow at the Institute for Global Dialogue, told Al Jazeera that debates about diversification are often more complicated than they appear.
“Whether it’s seen as diversifying from Western tech companies or shifting towards Chinese-based companies, I think it’s generally part of the cost-benefit factor,” she said.
For governments, she argued, the key issue is what is returned through these partnerships.
“Whether it’s a US company, a company from Europe, or a Chinese company,” she said, policymakers must weigh the broader developmental impact of such investments.
She compared current AI infrastructure debates with earlier waves of foreign investment.
“What we saw in the 1990s around the textile industry is investment comes in, but there’s a lot of subsidisation by the recipient country. With data centres, it’s much more intense. It’s also how big consumers of water these data centres are, and how that impacts socioeconomic issues within African countries.”
Data, surveillance and sovereignty
Concerns about dependence extend beyond data centres.
Over the past decade, African governments have adopted a growing range of foreign-built digital systems, from cloud computing platforms and digital public services to surveillance and smart city technologies. At the same time, debates over data governance, digital sovereignty and where sensitive information should be stored and processed have become increasingly prominent across the continent.
Similar arguments have been made by supporters of plans to establish an Africa Credit Rating Agency, designed to offer African-led assessments of sovereign creditworthiness rather than relying exclusively on established international ratings agencies.
The missing public
Yet much of the discussion about AI governance remains concentrated among policymakers, regulators and technology companies.
Joseph Asunka, chief executive of Afrobarometer, told Al Jazeera that the debate is still far removed from everyday citizens.
“These negotiations should not just be conducted at the elite level and dumped on citizens,” he said. “If citizens do not trust their government’s actions in this space, it creates a trust gap, which could have negative implications for the adoption of fintech, e-commerce and e-government tools.”
He added that concerns about data protection and digital security are already widespread across African populations, even if AI itself is not yet widely understood.
Beyond dependency
The debate echoes older questions about economic sovereignty that have shaped African politics for decades. Independence-era leaders argued that political freedom meant little without control over economic resources. Today, similar questions are emerging around data, computing power and digital infrastructure.
Alongside large-scale investment, governments and development agencies are also exploring ways to build local capacity. Projects such as the United Nations Development Programme’s timbuktoo initiative aim to strengthen African technology ecosystems through support for innovation, entrepreneurship and digital infrastructure.
Such efforts remain modest compared with the scale of global AI investment. But they reflect a broader attempt to ensure African countries participate not only as consumers of AI systems, but also as contributors to their development.
Africa is unlikely to become self-sufficient in artificial intelligence, nor is that the objective for most governments. The continent remains deeply integrated into global technology supply chains and will continue to rely on international investment, expertise and partnerships.
The question that remains
The question facing policymakers is therefore less about whether Africa will use AI than about the terms on which it should do so. As governments negotiate new investments, draft regulations and build digital infrastructure, decisions made now could shape who controls the technologies that increasingly influence economies, public services and everyday life.
“These negotiations should not just be conducted at the elite level and dumped on citizens,” Afrobarometer’s Asunka said.
“If citizens do not trust their government’s actions in this space, it creates a trust gap, which could have negative implications for the adoption of fintech, e-commerce and e-government tools.”
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