World
Kallas pitches plan to raise €40 billion in military aid for Ukraine
The new initiative by Kaja Kallas is facing unresolved questions and political resistance that threaten to slow down its approval and roll-out.
High Representative Kaja Kallas has pitched an ambitious plan to mobilise up to €40 billion in fresh military support for Ukraine, which, if achieved, would represent a twofold increase from the defence assistance the European Union provided last year.
The plan, already nicknamed “the Kallas initiative” in Brussels, seeks to fulfill Ukraine’s priority needs to fight Russia’s war of aggression, with special emphasis on artillery ammunition, air defence systems, missiles, drones and fighter jets.
Non-lethal provisions, such as training and equipment for Ukrainian brigades, will also be taken into account to ensure the participation of neutral member states.
The donations can be made through direct deliveries of hardware or financial contributions, ideally designed to foster purchases from Ukraine’s defence industry, which has expanded at a rapid pace in the last three years.
Kallas says the initiative should be worth “at least €20 billion” and “potentially” reach €40 billion, according to the latest version of the document dated 13 March and seen by Euronews. A previous draft did not feature a clear-cut economic figure.
The wording of the plan is noteworthy.
It speaks of “participating” countries, which implies a shift towards a coalition of the willing that might – or might not – correspond with the 27 member states.
Hungary has become a vocal critic of military assistance for Ukraine, going as far as blocking the joint conclusions of a special summit last week. Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has described this assistance as a “pro-war” agenda that goes against Donald Trump’s goal to achieve a settlement between the warring parties. (Orbán has refused to say whether Vladimir Putin has a pro-war or a pro-peace agenda.)
For almost two years, Hungary has maintained a veto on €6.6 billion in funds under the European Peace Facility (EPF), which is meant to partially reimburse member states for the weapons and ammunition they send to Ukraine. Diplomats have tried several avenues to circumvent Budapest and release the EPF, but nothing has worked yet.
Kallas seems keen to avoid the same mistake and is framing her new initiative as a voluntary scheme that could evade Hungary’s negative vote. Slovakia, another staunch critic of military assistance for Kyiv, might also stand in the way.
The latest draft says “participating states are encouraged” to come up with fresh contributions, a language that falls short of mandatory. The pledges should be communicated to Brussels by 30 April.
Additionally, Kallas is opening the coalition to countries outside the bloc, such as the United Kingdom and Norway, who have become closely involved in the ongoing discussions around security guarantees for Ukraine. Earlier this month, Norway boosted its 2025 pledge to NOK 50 billion, equivalent to a whopping €8.19 billion.
“The Kallas initiative is open to third states,” a high-ranking EU official confirmed on Friday. “The more countries participate, the better it is to also fulfill Ukraine’s needs to be in a strong position in the trajectory ahead.”
Unresolved questions
The Kallas plan has been the subject of debate for several weeks in Brussels.
It is set to be re-discussed on Monday during a meeting of foreign affairs ministers and again on Thursday during a summit of EU leaders. The need to ramp up support for Ukraine has become pressing in response to the Trump administration’s pivot towards Moscow and increasingly critical rhetoric against European allies.
The High Representative wants to receive the political go-ahead from member states before turning her three-page document into a more detailed project.
“First a political will, and then the rest will follow,” said the high-ranking official.
However, no agreement is expected to materalise in either of those two meetings due to a series of unresolved technical and political questions.
Kallas has proposed that a “portion” of the military contribution be done “in line” with each country’s “economic weight,” using gross national income (GNI) as the chief indicator to ensure the largest countries provide the largest donations.
France, for example, is believed to resist this formula because it would make the country commit to a hefty figure for the entire year, second only to Germany. According to the Kiel Institute for the World Economy, France ranks below Denmark, Sweden and the Netherlands, much smaller countries, when it comes to military support.
Paris is said to prefer basing its provisions on its financial cycles and Ukraine’s shifting needs on the ground. But for other governments, GNI is the most appropriate indicator as it would ensure a fair and proportionate distribution of the burden.
“We’re very much in favour of the plan, including GNI,” said a senior diplomat, speaking on the condition of anonymity. “Let’s see if it’s accepted by other member states.”
“The plan is trying to chart a new way forward, but a lot of discussion needs to take place” before a final deal, the diplomat added.
Another issue that the capitals want to clarify is the accounting: how pledges made in recent months will be considered in the collective figure. (The latest draft speaks of support “provided in kind since 24 February 2025,” the war’s third anniversary.)
The accounting process might incorporate the value of security guarantees provided to Ukraine. This could benefit France as President Emmanuel Macron has said he would be willing to put boots on the ground to safeguard a potential deal with Russia.
Countries are also pushing for answers on how the Kallas initiative will integrate the €18 billion that the EU will supply Kyiv as part of an extraordinary loan backed by the windfall profits of Russia’s frozen assets. The European Commission, which designed the loan, has promised “maximum flexibility” to let Ukraine use the much-needed injection of liquidity to procure advanced weapons and ammunition.
There is an additional question on how effective the plan will be in practice if, from the beginning, it is built as a voluntary scheme without a strong legal foundation.
“It’s done on a voluntary basis to bypass Hungary,” said a senior diplomat from another country. “We do expect the rest to join forces and put our money where our mouth is.”
“It’s a politically binding agreement, so we expect everybody to fulfill that.”
Alice Tidey contributed reporting.
World
Europe Day: 40 years of ties between Spain and the European Union
The Spain that knocked on Europe’s door 40 years ago was a country that had only just emerged from 40 years of dictatorship.
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Spain’s democratic transition, still fragile in some respects, found in European integration an institutional anchor, a guarantee that the freedoms it had won would not be reversed.
Felipe González, who had applied for membership in 1977 as leader of the Socialist opposition and was now governing as prime minister, saw it clearly: joining Europe was not just about economics. It was a statement of political identity. Spain was rejoining the community of democratic nations from which Francoism had excluded it.
The figures for that Spain of 1986 show how far back the starting point was: per capita income was around 7,300 euros, life expectancy was 76 and the population had yet to reach 38 million.
Exports accounted for barely 4.9% of GDP and infrastructure lagged decades behind European standards. Forty years on, per capita income is above 31,000 euros, life expectancy has reached 84 and exports have climbed to 34% of GDP.
None of these transformations can be separated from EU membership.
The early years: opening up and the shock
The initial stages of integration were not easy. Spain had to face the abrupt opening of its market to European competition, which triggered tensions across whole sectors of the economy, especially in industry and agriculture.
The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) profoundly reshaped the Spanish countryside, forcing through painful reconversions but also opening up new markets for Mediterranean products. Olive oil, fruit, wine: Spanish agriculture found in Europe a stage for expansion that had been unthinkable until then.
At the same time, European structural funds began to flow into a country that was in desperate need of them. The motorways that now link the Peninsula, the trains that criss-cross the country, the modernised ports, the telecommunications systems: all of this was built to a large extent with financial backing from Brussels.
In four decades, Spain has received more than 185 billion euros in European funds for infrastructure, employment, innovation and regional development. Without that injection, modernisation would have taken generations longer.
An unexpected symbol of those early years was the Erasmus programme, launched by the European Community in 1987. What began as a modest university exchange initiative gradually became the defining experience of a generation.
Spain became the country that receives the most Erasmus students in all of Europe, and more than 1.6 million Spaniards have taken part in the programme over these four decades. For many young people, Erasmus was not just a semester abroad: it was the first time they truly felt European.
Maastricht and the dream of the single currency
The year 1992 marked a turning point for all of Europe, and Spain was fully aware of its significance. The signing of the Treaty on European Union in Maastricht transformed the European Economic Community into the European Union proper and opened the way to the single currency.
For Spain, Maastricht also meant taking on economic convergence commitments that required deep reforms: deficit control, keeping inflation in check, budgetary discipline. It was the price of having a seat at the top table.
In parallel, 1995 brought another of the great achievements of the European project: the entry into force of the Schengen Agreement in Spain, alongside Germany, France, Belgium, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and Portugal.
For the first time in modern history, citizens could cross Europe’s internal borders without showing their passport. The Schengen area was not just a convenience for tourists; it was the physical embodiment of an idea: that in Europe, people’s freedom of movement was a right, not a privilege.
And then the euro arrived. On 1 January 1999, Spain became one of the eleven founding countries of the eurozone, adopting the single currency for financial and commercial transactions.
On 1 January 2002, notes and coins reached citizens’ pockets and the peseta disappeared for good. It was a moment full of emotion and also tinged with a certain melancholy: the peseta was being abandoned, a currency with centuries of history, but something bigger was being gained, the feeling of sharing an economic destiny with hundreds of millions of Europeans.
Fittingly, it was at a summit held in Madrid in December 1995 that European leaders finally agreed on the name of the new currency: the euro.
Institutional leadership on five occasions
Over these 40 years, Spain has not limited itself to benefiting from the European project: it has also helped to build it. Since 1986, the country has held the Presidency of the Council of the European Union on five occasions, the most recent in the second half of 2023, under the motto “Europe, closer”, making it one of the member states most committed to driving the Union forward institutionally.
Three presidents of the European Parliament and nine European commissioners have been Spaniards over these four decades, a presence that reflects Spain’s growing weight in Europe’s political architecture.
Spain has also helped design some of the EU’s most important policies. It played a leading role in developing cohesion policy and in boosting the EU’s social dimension.
It was instrumental in including in the Amsterdam Treaty a sanctions mechanism for states that breached the Union’s fundamental values. And for decades it has played a distinctive role as a bridge between Europe and Ibero-America, drawing on its historical, cultural and linguistic ties with Latin America to enhance the EU’s external projection.
The great crisis and test of the euro
The years of the Great Recession brutally tested the strength of the European project and Spain’s resilience. The 2008 financial crisis triggered a devastating recession in the country: unemployment climbed above 26% in 2013, the construction sector collapsed and the financial system had to be partially bailed out with European funds.
The austerity policies imposed from Brussels fuelled deep social discontent and fed European scepticism among parts of the population that had borne the brunt of the cuts.
Even so, Spain did not abandon the euro or the European project. It opted for reform and recovery within the EU framework, and from 2014 it entered a growth cycle that was among the strongest in the eurozone. Painful as it was, the crisis also ended up showing that EU membership offered a safety net that would have been unimaginable alone.
The banking rescue coordinated by the European institutions, the financial solidarity mechanisms, access to capital markets underpinned by the European Central Bank: without Europe, the fallout could have been much more severe.
The pandemic and the NextGenerationEU funds
If the 2008 crisis was a test of endurance, the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 was something different: a demonstration that European solidarity could evolve into new, more ambitious forms.
For the first time in the history of European integration, the Union took on joint debt to finance the recovery of its member states. The NextGenerationEU funds made more than 140 billion euros in grants and loans available to Spain, the largest injection of European resources in the country’s history.
The pandemic was also a reminder that, when it works, European solidarity is an extraordinary asset. The coordination in vaccine purchasing, the European COVID certificate that made it possible to restore mobility, the joint response to an unprecedented threat: all this showed European citizens, Spaniards included, that the EU project was not just a market but also a community of shared destiny.
Forty years of transformation
The numbers tell a powerful story. Spanish exports of goods rose from 12.6 billion euros in 1986 to 141.5 billion in 2024. Real GDP has grown by more than 100% since accession. Life expectancy has increased by eight years over the past four decades.
The population has grown by more than 10 million people, largely thanks to immigration made possible by European prosperity. And more than 1.4 million young Spaniards have benefited from the European Youth Guarantee scheme to get into work.
The Spanish prime minister, Pedro Sánchez, has marked the day on his x.com account, stressing that the European Union is Spaniards’ home and future, as well as their privilege and their responsibility.
The challenges of the next 40 years
The anniversary is not only a time for celebration. It is also a moment for honest reflection on what still remains to be built. Territorial inequalities between the autonomous communities remain significant.
The green transition, population ageing, digital transformation and migration flows pose challenges that no country can face alone. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has reshaped Europe’s security map and forces Spain to rethink its contribution to common defence, as we have also seen with the US–Iran conflict and threats against European bases.
The new generations, who have grown up knowing no reality other than the European one, expect the Union to respond more effectively to these challenges. For them, Europe is not a historic achievement to be defended, but a starting point to be improved. That demand, far from being a threat to the project, is perhaps its best guarantee for the future.
Forty years on from that January night in 1986, European membership is now so taken for granted that it is hard to imagine Spain outside it.
World
Peter Magyar Prepares to Take Over as Hungary’s Leader From Viktor Orban
Peter Magyar, the former opposition leader, prepared to be sworn in as prime minister of Hungary on Saturday, after winning an uphill election campaign to unseat Viktor Orban, whose 16 years in power made him a global icon of nationalist right-wing politics.
Mr. Magyar, a 45-year-old lawyer, has vowed to reverse the democratic backsliding and embedded corruption that ultimately turned huge numbers of voters away from Mr. Orban’s Fidesz party and handed the opposition Tisza movement a landslide victory less than a month ago.
In April, Tisza, which Mr. Magyar took over in 2024 after souring on Fidesz and breaking from it, secured an overwhelming 141 seats in the national assembly. Fidesz managed to keep control of only 52 seats, despite extensive gerrymandering, near-total control of the news media and a full-throated endorsement from President Trump and his top officials.
The scale of Mr. Magyar’s victory has left Fidesz in pell-mell retreat, and has the potential to give him a powerful hand as he faces the monumental task of dismantling what Mr. Orban called “illiberal democracy” and reviving Hungary’s anemic economy.
But Mr. Magyar will have to prove his ability to lead the country. Many in his parliamentary faction are political novices; so is most of his cabinet.
His job could be harder if Fidesz-appointed dignitaries, including the president, the chief prosecutor, and heads of various judicial, regulatory, and oversight authorities remain at their post. Mr. Magyar instructed them to resign by the end of May
Many former Fidesz loyalists are already distancing themselves from the losing party.
Mr. Magyar has also pledged to hold corrupt businessmen and politicians accountable and to recover stolen funds for the state. That could, at least temporarily, help stabilize the economy.
A key test will be if he can reclaim E.U. funding withheld from the previous government, more than $12 billion of which is set to expire in August.
Voters have faith in him, according to a new poll by Median, an independent pollster that predicted the election result accurately. Seventy-two percent of Hungarians now think Mr. Magyar is suitable to lead the country.
Endre Hann, Median’s founder and managing director, said belief in Mr. Magyar helped overturn the rule of Mr. Orban, as “society gradually came to realize that Fidesz could be defeated.”
This belief persisted after the election. According to the same poll, nearly two-thirds of Hungarians think the country is headed in the right direction, twice the level recorded in November. But the Tisza government will have to “take many concrete steps to meet the high expectations,” Mr. Hann added.
Mr. Magyar will have to tread carefully. He won by pitching himself as a conservative to win over disaffected Fidesz voters. Liberal and left-wing voters disliked many of his views on immigration and L.G.B.T.Q. issues but supported him because he offered the first viable alternative to Mr. Orban in years.
Some expectations for a real change of direction for Hungary, both within the country and abroad, may prove overblown.
Mr. Magyar pledged to maintain border security, even in the face of E.U. asylum policies, while preserving good relations with the bloc. He said he would not veto the $106 billion loan package for Ukraine, though he plans to opt out of the financing.
Progressives hope he will abide by a recent ruling by the European Court of Justice and repeal a 2021 “child protection law” that connected homosexuality with pedophilia and restricted gay rights.
But doing so would risk alienating his right-wing voters, playing into Fidesz narratives that he is a closet liberal and a puppet of the European Union.
Civil organizations, for now, simply hope that Mr. Magyar will see them as partners, said Emese Pasztor, a lawyer and project manager at Budapest-based human rights organization Tasz. She said Tisza’s election victory felt like a “breath of fresh air.”
Ms. Pasztor hoped the new administration would be more receptive to criticism and willing to engage in discussion. “If governance would be transparent, and the public had better access to information,” that alone would be a success, she added.
Budapest’s mayor, Gergely Karacsony, who was vilified by the Fidesz government, is hoping that the relationship between the capital and the state will improve.
For years, the mayor accused Mr. Orban’s government, which drew most of its support from outside the relatively liberal capital, of withholding funding and weaponizing the tax system against the city.
“We’ve lost the last six years locked in a constant financial and political battle with the government,” Mr. Karacsony said in an interview. A lot of the city’s development and investment in infrastructure, which said were in very poor condition, had been put on hold.
“We want to honor 16 years of struggle and usher in a new era in Hungary,” Mr. Karacsony said. “We want to remember the sins of the Orban government to make sure that this kind of exclusionary, hate-driven political culture never takes root again.”
World
Three hikers killed after climbing restricted Indonesian volcano to create online content, police say
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Three people are dead and five others were injured Friday when Mount Dukono erupted on a remote Indonesian island, where the hikers were in a restricted area, authorities said.
About 20 climbers set out Thursday to climb the nearly 1,355-meter (4,445-foot) volcano in Halmahera, Indonesia, despite safety restrictions, North Halmahera police chief Erlichson Pasaribu said.
“They were aware that climbing was prohibited as the mountain is a restricted zone due to its high alert status, but insisted on going ahead,” Pasaribu said.
Despite warnings on social media and signs at the site, “many people remain determined to climb, driven by the desire to create online content,” Pasaribu said.
‘RECKLESS’ TOURISTS ON ISLAND HOT SPOT COULD BE SLAPPED WITH FINES FOR EMERGENCY SERVICES USE
In this photo released by the Badan Geologi, the geological agency of Indonesia’s Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources, Mount Dukono releases volcanic materials during an eruption in North Halmahera, Indonesia, Friday, May 8, 2026. (Badan Geologi via AP)
Pasaribu said that three people, including one local resident and two Singaporeans, were killed in the eruption. The Indonesian victim was from Ternate, which is in the same province as Mount Dukono.
The three victims’ bodies remain on the volcano, with ongoing eruptions and difficult terrain preventing them from being evacuated by rescue teams, Pasaribu said.
The group became stranded when the volcano erupted at 7:41 a.m. local time, sending a column of ash over six miles into the sky.
STUNNING PHOTOS CAPTURE MOMENT ONE OF INDONESIA’S MOST ACTIVE VOLCANOES ERUPTS
Rescue teams were deployed after receiving an emergency signal from the mountain area.
Joint search and rescue (SAR) teams prepare to evacuate victims affected by the eruption of Mount Dukono in North Halmahera, Maluku Province, Indonesia, on May 08, 2026. At least three Singaporeans have been killed, while 17 others are still being searched for. (Basarnas/Anadolu via Getty Images)
As of Friday afternoon, 17 climbers had been safely evacuated, including seven Singaporean nationals and two Indonesians who joined the rescue operation and provided information on climbing routes of the victims before the eruption, National Disaster Management Agency spokesperson Abdul Muhari said.
Five of those evacuated were reported injured.
MORE THAN 20 ‘ILL-PREPARED’ HYPOTHERMIC HIKERS RESCUED FROM SNOWY CONDITIONS ON NEW ENGLAND’S HIGHEST PEAK
Joint search and rescue (SAR) teams prepare to evacuate victims affected by the eruption of Mount Dukono in North Halmahera, Maluku Province, Indonesia, on May 08, 2026. At least three Singaporeans have been killed, while 17 others are still being searched for. (Photo by Basarnas/Anadolu via Getty Images) (Basarnas/Anadolu via Getty Images)
Pasaribu said that police will question those who joined the hikers up the mountain. Fox News Digital has reached out to the Indonesian National Police for additional information.
According to the Smithsonian Institution’s Global Volcanism Program, Mount Dukono has been continuously erupting since 1933.
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“Friday’s eruption was among the strongest during this period,” said Lana Saria, who heads Indonesia’s Geology Agency at the Energy and Mineral Resources Ministry.
The Associated Press contributed to this report.
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