In Ohio, Senate candidate J.D. Vance (R) mentioned america must “cease the cash spigot to Ukraine finally.” J.R. Majewski, a fellow Ohio Republican working for a Home seat, has criticized President Biden for “[cutting] billion-dollar checks to Ukraine” throughout a time of inflation at residence. In New Hampshire, Senate candidate Don Bolduc (R) mentioned U.S. support to Ukraine is “cash we don’t have.”
Washington
Inside the growing Republican fissure on Ukraine aid
Opposition to — or skepticism of — sending extra U.S. cash to Ukraine has accelerated inside the GOP in current weeks, with Home Minority Chief Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) signaling earlier this month that Republicans would finish or restrict spending on the struggle in the event that they take management of the Home in subsequent week’s midterms.
The menace to chop funding marks a pointy flip for a celebration whose members nearly universally embraced aiding Ukraine after Russia invaded in February. Over the previous eight months, supporters of former president Donald Trump have joined with skeptics of navy intervention and anti-Biden forces inside the GOP to problem historically hawkish Republicans.
The result’s a uncommon fissure within the GOP, one more likely to flare right into a extra open battle if Republicans retake Congress and are confronted with forceful requests from Biden and emotional appeals from Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky.
Simply final week, a gaggle of Republican lawmakers opposed a provision that Democrats had inserted in a must-pass protection authorization invoice that will permit the Justice Division to ship Ukraine hundreds of thousands of {dollars} in yachts and different property seized from Russia.
Most Republicans, like Vance and Bolduc, body their objections when it comes to fiscal duty, saying the cash could be higher spent on issues at residence. In a number of circumstances, far-right candidates have echoed Trump’s reward of Russian President Vladimir Putin and referred to as for support to be lower off fully.
However the GOP can be residence to numerous old-school hawks who promise to proceed offering assist for Kyiv, and in some circumstances, referred to as on the White Home to do much more.
In a pointy break with McCarthy’s feedback, Senate Minority Chief Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) referred to as for simply the alternative: He urged the Biden administration “to do extra to provide the instruments Ukraine must thwart Russian aggression,” together with further support. McConnell mentioned that if the GOP retakes the Senate, the Republican majority would “focus its oversight on making certain well timed supply of wanted weapons and better allied help to Ukraine.”
A number of Republicans privately specific skepticism that McCarthy and a Republican-led Home would lower off support all collectively, saying his feedback seemingly included some measure of posturing forward of the midterms. Republican Home members who’re in line to ascend to highly effective committee positions might discover themselves making an attempt to string the needle between the insurgents and traditionalists.
Even so, the Republican divisions current a problem for President Biden, who has labored to carry collectively a home and international coalition to assist Ukraine amid rising meals and fuel costs and a world starvation disaster. Biden and his high aides have mentioned they may assist Ukraine “so long as it takes” and that they won’t power Zelensky to the negotiating desk.
The sheer variety of Republicans questioning the present U.S. position within the Ukraine battle is a marked change for a celebration that has usually been led by hawks who’ve fought to spend extra money on navy efforts.
That sentiment was personified by Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), a former prisoner of struggle who advocated forcefully for U.S. navy interventions in Iraq, Libya, Syria and elsewhere. McCain, who steadily tussled with Trump, died in 2018, quieting an influential voice on Republican international coverage.
In the course of the Trump presidency, when the previous president sporadically referred to as for america to drag its troops out of Syria or Afghanistan, his sentiments had been rapidly rolled again by the Republicans serving underneath him. Underneath Biden, nonetheless, skepticism over U.S. support to Ukraine is discovering a broader constituency within the Republican Occasion.
That features a community of youthful conservatives, many centered round teams similar to Involved Veterans for America and Stand Collectively, that are searching for to redirect the celebration from its post-9/11 neoconservatism and emphasis on the projection of navy energy.
“We don’t suppose clean checks for Ukraine are what’s greatest for U.S. safety or Ukraine’s safety,” mentioned Dan Caldwell, vice chairman for international coverage of Stand Collectively, a gaggle backed by billionaire industrialist Charles Koch.
Caldwell, like some progressive lawmakers on the opposite aspect of the aisle, has referred to as on the Biden administration to play a bigger position in fostering a negotiated finish to the battle sooner moderately than later. “It’s immoral to maintain urging individuals to battle in a struggle that we don’t suppose they will win,” he mentioned.
Democrats have remained largely united behind support to Ukraine, although a gaggle of 30 progressive lawmakers final week despatched a letter to the White Home urging Biden to pursue direct negotiations with Russia and start engaged on a diplomatic path to finish the struggle. They referred to as on Biden to pair the unprecedented financial and navy assist america is offering Ukraine with a “proactive diplomatic push, redoubling efforts to hunt a practical framework for a stop hearth.”
However the chief of the hassle, Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.), rescinded the letter lower than 24 hours later after fierce blowback from fellow Democrats, voicing unwavering assist for Biden’s strategy to the struggle.
Democrats, and even Republicans, mentioned a part of the GOP skepticism of support to Ukraine stems from opposition to Biden. A central pillar of his presidency has been the hassle to rally a coalition of Western leaders who’ve carried out extreme sanctions towards Russia and maintained assist for Ukraine whilst their international locations have incurred severe financial disruptions.
“There’s a component of the Republican hostility to Ukraine that’s derived from their hatred of Joe Biden,” mentioned Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.). “On the outset, Republicans had been keen to assist Ukraine, however as Joe Biden has had extra success in defending Ukraine and extra of his identification is connected to the protection of Ukraine, it attracts Republican hostility as a result of they merely can’t abdomen being on the identical aspect as Joe Biden on something.”
Nonetheless, Congress has to date offered almost all the help and weapons the White Home has requested for — amounting to greater than $60 billion — with overwhelming bipartisan assist. Even when Republicans take management of each chambers, the problem for Biden will probably be far better within the Home, which can have a big variety of insurgents aligned with Trump.
Some Republicans mentioned a need to scrutinize the billions in support all of a sudden going out the door is fully cheap.
“I feel what these statements are reflecting is that the help is just not a clean test and isn’t limitless, however that’s very totally different from saying, ‘We’re going to chop you off and switch you over to Putin’s canines,’ ” mentioned Whit Ayres, a GOP pollster. “It’s inconceivable that there could possibly be a big majority of the full Home, Democrats and Republicans, who need to abandon Ukraine to the clutches of Vladimir Putin.”
Sen. James E. Risch (R-Idaho), who would chair the Overseas Relations Committee if the GOP takes over, voiced full-throated assist for the struggle effort and didn’t sign any change in Republican assist for support and weapons packages.
“Ukrainians alone should determine the way forward for Ukraine. I assist their battle for freedom, which they’re successful on the battlefield,” Risch mentioned in an announcement to The Washington Submit. “Any efforts to appease Putin are harmful, irresponsible and can solely encourage Russia’s aggression.”
Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Tex.), who’s poised to grow to be the chairman of the Home Overseas Affairs Committee, has tried to include components of each the traditionalists and insurgents, telling Bloomberg TV he needs extra highly effective weapons despatched to Ukraine but additionally “extra oversight and accountability when it comes to the funding.”
Some Republicans favor a measure drafted by Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) earlier this yr that will designate an inspector common to supervise how Ukraine funds are spent. Paul failed to connect the laws to the $40 billion Ukraine package deal, however he shared his concepts on Ukraine oversight in a closed-door assembly with Home lawmakers in Could, an trade that might bear fruit subsequent yr ought to Republicans take management of the Home.
Democrats argued that the cash is desperately wanted as Ukrainians battle a ruthless Russian enemy, and that imposing conventional oversight guidelines would solely damage Ukraine.
“There’s no data that implies any of those {dollars} are being misused, and the precedence is pace,” Murphy mentioned. “You’ve obtained to get the cash out the door, so absent proof of misuse of the {dollars}, I don’t know why we might punish the Ukrainians by slowing the entire course of down.”
Polls have proven home assist for Ukraine softening, notably amongst Republicans. In March, 9 p.c of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents mentioned america was offering an excessive amount of support to Ukraine, in line with a Pew Analysis Middle survey. In a follow-up survey this fall, that determine shot as much as 32 p.c.
In high Republican circles, the controversy over Ukraine support is more and more vigorous. In late October, former vice chairman Mike Pence tried to rally assist behind support to Ukraine in a speech on the Heritage Basis, a well known conservative suppose tank. “Conservatives should make it clear that Putin should cease and Putin can pay,” Pence mentioned.
However following the speech, a handful of outstanding Republicans publicly bucked the previous vice chairman. Heritage president Kevin Roberts issued a rejoinder saying Republicans must be “on guard for any try and recklessly spend extra money.”
“Biden owes the American individuals a concrete technique on our future position that doesn’t go away us mired in a state of perpetual battle administration funded by U.S. taxpayers,” mentioned Roberts.
And Pence’s former staffer Russ Vought, who additionally served as Trump’s finances chief, advised C-SPAN he disagreed with Pence’s remarks.
“I’ve nice respect for my previous boss, however once we’re spending $54 billion to assist Ukraine, that’s greater than main departments within the federal authorities,” Vought mentioned.
Washington
Washington Street closure extended in Quincy
QUINCY (WGEM) – The road closure for Washington Street between 7th and 8th streets has been extended for fire hydrant repair.
Officials stated that the closure has been extended to Jan. 15.
Officials also warn motorists to use alternative routes and drive with caution.
Copyright 2025 WGEM. All rights reserved.
Washington
A brief history of presidential inaugural speeches, from George Washington to today
The only constitutionally mandated event on Inauguration Day is for the president-elect to take the oath of office. But on the first Inauguration Day, in 1789, George Washington did something else.
He gave a speech.
Every president since has followed his example and delivered an inaugural address as part of the national celebration.
These addresses are more than just a series of individual speeches. Rhetoric scholars Karlyn Kohrs Campbell and Kathleen Hall Jamieson argue that each inaugural address is not simply marking one stage in the ritual of political transition. Each is also part of a genre that has characteristics which, at some level, are expected and understood by speakers and audiences. There have been 59 inaugural addresses, starting with Washington, and while they may have differed in style and even specific subjects, virtually all feature these characteristics, which range from calls to unify the country to setting forth political principles.
The political history collections at the National Museum of American History, where I am a curator specializing in the history of presidential campaigns and campaign rhetoric, include several objects that illustrate these characteristics.
Exploring the genre of inaugural addresses through quotations and objects from the past can help listeners better understand the opening speech of a new administration, the first act in a job that began with the taking of the oath.
(Re)Unification of the audience
Inaugurations serve as the transition point between the competition of a campaign and the needs of an administration beginning to govern. For the audience to properly fulfill their role as witnesses to this investiture of power, they must be unified and reconstituted as “we the people.”
In the words of political scientist Lee Sigelman, these speeches are “literally brimming with verbal tokens of unity.”
There are references to our founders, our nation and the future we face. In 1957, Dwight Eisenhower spoke of the purposes “to which we, as a people, are pledged,” and Benjamin Harrison called his 1889 inaugural moment a “mutual covenant” between himself and the people. George W. Bush in 2001 united his listeners, saying, “Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves.”
Thomas Jefferson’s first inaugural in 1801 may have been the most explicit: “We have called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists.”
Reaffirmation of national values
New presidents must also establish their qualifications for the office by demonstrating they understand and will preserve the shared values that are key to what Bill Clinton in 1993 called “the very idea of America.”
These traditional values are expressed in words such as freedom, liberty, democracy and courage. In 1981, Ronald Reagan reminded the audience, “Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth. Jimmy Carter in 1977 summarized these values into “our belief in an undiminished, ever-expanding American dream.”
Setting forth political principles
Unlike many other presidential addresses, most notably the State of the Union, the inaugural does not advocate specific legislation but rather articulates more general philosophies that will guide a new administration. When policies are offered, they are less a call for action than a demonstration of a president’s commitment to the democratic system.
In 1845, James Polk promoted his “plain and frugal” economic plans because he said a national debt “is incompatible with the ends for which our republican Government was instituted.” Herbert Hoover said that the policies he listed in his 1929 address would be tested against the “ideals and aspirations of America.”
Even William Howard Taft, whose 1909 inaugural was among the most policy specific, framed his ideas with respect to the “proper” role of the federal government “in what it can and ought to accomplish for its people.”
Enacting the presidential role
Candidates give speeches that are, for obvious reasons, partisan and self-promoting. But when the campaign ends and governing begins, presidents must demonstrate an understanding of their role within the broader system.
In his first inaugural in 1933, Franklin Roosevelt moved out of campaign mode and acknowledged the constraints on his “leadership of frankness and vigor.” He pledged to rely on his “constitutional duty” to work with Congress.
Rhetoric scholars Campbell and Jamieson add that these speeches must also enact the “public, symbolic role of president of all the people” by revealing traits such as humility and reliance on a higher power. A typical example is found in the conclusion of Warren Harding’s 1921 address: “I accept my part with single-mindedness of purpose and humility of spirit, and implore the favor and guidance of God in His Heaven. With these I am unafraid, and confidently face the future.”
Fulfilling ceremonial expectations
Because of the celebration that surrounds them, inaugural addresses are expected to reflect stylized, ceremonial speaking. Such speeches strive to reach beyond the immediate situation to evoke timeless themes using memorable phrases.
In 1961, John Kennedy challenged Americans across the decades to “Ask not what your country can do for you – ask what you can do for your country.” The phrases “mystic chords of memory” and “better angels of our nature,” among the most memorable words in presidential rhetoric, have been applied to countless situations since Abraham Lincoln first uttered them in 1861.
Not all inaugural addresses achieve greatness. Some have been quite forgettable. But each of them has tried to fulfill these expectations, helping to sustain what Franklin Roosevelt in his second inaugural called “our covenant with ourselves.”
Washington
Rainier Beach vs. Eastside Catholic: Live score, updates of Washington high school boys basketball (1/13/2025)
Dre Morris scored a game-high 27 points, and No. 1 Rainier Beach won the rematch of last year’s WIAA Class 3A championship game with a 99-72 victory Monday over reigning state champion Eastside Catholic.
Jaylen Petty and Kaden Powers added 23 points apiece as the Vikings built a 24-5 lead just 4:43 into the game.
The two programs met at 7:30 p.m. Pacific time.. A live feed is available on NFHS Network (subscription only).
SBLive is tracking scores across the state of Washington through Week 9. Stay with us for the latest score and game updates from pregame to teardown. Refresh this post and scroll down for the latest.
FINAL: RAINIER BEACH 99,. EASTSIDE CATHOLIC 72
GAME HIGHLIGHTS
FOURTH QUARTER
Beach 99, Eastside Catholic 72: Morris led all scorers with 27 points. Petty and Power had 23 apiece to round out Viks’ scoring. Dawson and Aklog led Crusaders with 19 points apiece.
THIRD QUARTER
Beach 68, Eastside Catholic 54: Dawson has kept Crusaders within earshot with his perimeter shooting, nailing a pair of 3s. But Powers picked it back up with 9 in quarter.
SECOND QUARTER
Beach 51, Eastside Catholic 35: Petty got going with seven points, including first FG at 4:13 mark.
FIRST QUARTER
Beach 34, Eastside Catholic 17: Viks start on 24-5 run, making their first three 3-pointers. Morris had 17 points in quarter.
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About Rainier Beach
Key players— G Dre Morris, G Jayden Petty, G Kaden Powers,
About Eastside Catholic
Key players— F Yabi Aklog, G Dash Ingram, F Achilles Reyna.
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