Montana
Montana deserves better than attack ads and political junk food • Daily Montanan
Let’s talk about attack ads. You know the ones—ominous music, grainy photos, and a narrator who sounds like they gargle gravel for a living. We’ve all seen them. We’ve all heard them. And at this point, we’re anesthetized. Political Novocaine.
Enough.
Montana deserves better than campaigns that treat voters like raccoons rummaging through ideological trash cans. We deserve ideas, not insults. Debates, not drive-by smear jobs. Sunlight, not sludge.
And that brings us—unavoidably—to incumbent Sen. Steve Daines.
Rather than showing up in Montana for public town halls, rather than standing in front of voters and answering unscripted questions, Daines has perfected a different approach – absence. He won’t hold a public town hall. He won’t face constituents. Instead, Montanans get something else entirely—well-financed, vicious attack ads, launched long before an election and even before a candidate has formally declared.
That’s offensive.
If you won’t show up, don’t send a hit piece in your place. Montana is not a focus group. Democracy is not a mailer campaign. And an attack ad is not a substitute for showing your face and answering hard questions.
Daines should show up. Sending a slick, cynical attack ad instead doesn’t cut it.
Now let’s be honest about what just happened—because it tells us everything we need to know.
University of Montana President Seth Bodnar resigns his position, and before he even announces a campaign, before he files for office, before he says a word about running, Republicans launch a vicious attack ad.
Day. One.
That’s not confidence. That’s fear.
You don’t unload the attack ads that early unless you’re scared stiff.
No welcome. No thanks for service. No “let’s debate the issues.” Just straight into the gutter, guns blazing, facts optional. Misleading claims. Flat-out untruths. The political equivalent of throwing a punch before the bell rings.
Shame on them.
This is exactly why Bodnar is such a compelling candidate. The very speed and savagery of the attacks are the tell. When the ideas are weak, the attacks get loud. When the record can’t compete, the mud comes out early.
Here’s a radical thought: What if candidates held 56 debates across Montana? Fifty-six. One for every county. Let voters ask questions. Let candidates explain who they are, what they’ve done, and what they actually plan to do—rather than explaining why their opponent is apparently the third cousin of Satan.
Crazy, right?
Attack ads don’t persuade; they poison. No one watches one and says, “Wow, that really enriched my understanding of public policy.” They say, “I hate all of you now.” These ads ruin television, make public service unattractive, and convince good people that running for office isn’t worth the personal abuse.
Attack ads are why decent people stay home and cable news stays rich.
This isn’t the Montana way. Or at least, it didn’t used to be.
Which brings me back to Bodnar.
Under his leadership, UM stretched to new heights: roughly $300 million in infrastructure improvements—much donor-funded; R-1 research status (a very big deal); rising enrollment; better retention. He took on a tough job and exceeded expectations.
Now, according to reports, Bodnar may run for the U.S. Senate—as an independent. And suddenly the political establishment loses its mind.
Let’s pause on something important: Bodnar is a real public servant. Full stop.
First in his class at West Point. Rhodes Scholar. Truman Scholar. Green Beret. Multiple combat deployments. Lieutenant Colonel in the Montana National Guard—still serving. Leadership under fire isn’t theoretical for him; it’s lived.
This guy didn’t read about leadership—he graded it.
He taught economics at West Point. He served as a senior executive at General Electric. He knows how large, complicated systems work—and how to fix them.
So what do the attack ads do? They lie.
They claim Bodnar raised tuition by 30%. False. Tuition is set by the Board of Regents, appointed by Gov. Gianforte. If you’re angry, aim accordingly.
What Bodnar actually did was create the Grizzly Promise: Students from families earning $50,000 or less attend UM tuition-free—about a quarter of undergraduates. The average Montana student paid around $3,000 a year in tuition. That’s not an increase. That’s a lifeline.
They claim he’s anti-woman. Also false. His record includes hiring and promoting accomplished women across campus leadership—law, business, conservation and beyond.
Montana deserves truth—not attack-ad garbage. Not politics as a blood sport. Not tribal stupidity served with gusto.
Public service should not require body armor.
This is a call for higher integrity and higher discourse—from every party and every candidate. Tell us your vision. Tell us your ideas. Tell us how you’ll make Montana stronger.
And if you’re already in office, show up. Face the people you represent.
Just spare us the lies, the fear-mongering, and the political junk food.
Montana deserves better. And we should demand it—loudly.
Montana
Planning For Life After Coal Cost a Montana County Commissioner His Seat – Inside Climate News
Robert Pancratz couldn’t believe it.
The Musselshell County commissioner had been defeated in the Republican primary for his seat by a two-to-one margin earlier this month. Mark Olson, who lives in Musselshell and serves as the undersheriff in Golden Valley County, won by 26 percentage points.
“That just blew me away,” Pancratz said. “All of my campaign, I had not a hint that there was that much opposition.”
At stake, from Pancratz’s perspective, is the fiscal future of his community, which includes Roundup, Montana, home to Montana’s only longwall coal mine. The mine, owned and operated by Signal Peak Energy, sits on the eastern side of the continental divide in a staunchly conservative part of the state, where its presence provides jobs and its profits generate taxable revenue for local governments. (The vast majority of its coal, the dirtiest fossil fuel, goes to markets in Asia.)
But that revenue could potentially be diminished by tens of millions, according to calculations by Pancratz, if a bill introduced by U.S. Sen. Steve Daines, R-Mont., passes Congress. The Crow Revenue Act would convey federally held coal to Signal Peak through a land transfer to a private intermediary, depriving Musselshell County of its share of the taxes Signal Peak Energy pays to mine coal on federal land.
If the Crow Revenue Act does not pass Congress, Signal Peak says it could be forced to shut down if it loses a lawsuit in the U.S. District Court for the District of Montana challenging the “energy emergency” the Trump administration used to grant the mine access to federal coal. That outcome would wipe out all the mine’s tax revenue and hundreds of jobs, the company claims. This month’s election hinged on Pancratz’s position on the bill and, by extension, the mine.
Musselshell County’s three commissioners, Mike Goffena, Mike Turley and Pancratz support keeping the mine open. But they also fear Musselshell County would need to raise taxes and cut services to balance its books if the Crow Revenue Act passes as written. After studying the county’s finances, Pancratz, who works as a risk analyst consultant, concluded that the county could lose as much as $11.6 million if the Crow Revenue Act passes and the price of coal is high. The commissioners have lobbied for changes to the bill that would guarantee the county some revenue from the land transfer.

Pancratz says he was just doing his job.
“As a risk manager, I have to develop a contingency plan for the possibility that the long-term stream of coal revenue could be disrupted or ended,” he said. “We needed to have a plan to effectively transition to other revenue sources. When I used the word transition, they took that as I was an environmentalist that was against coal.”
“Why anybody would have a problem with that is baffling to me. But that’s what happened.”
According to Pancratz, Signal Peak Energy branded the men as environmentalists who want to see the company shut down forever and this willful mischaracterization played a large role in his defeat.
“The picture they painted of me was totally false,” he said.
In a recording of a commissioner meeting posted to a local Facebook group by a Signal Peak Energy employee less than a month before the election, Pancratz, Goffena and Turley can be heard strategizing how to express their concerns about the Crow Revenue Act to Daines, whom they describe as unresponsive to their concerns.
Pancratz suggests asking for a $100 million endowment to transition from coal to “scare” Daines and Signal Peak Energy. Turley states that with funding at that level, they wouldn’t care if the mine was open or not.
“Exactly,” Pancratz responded.
Comments on the video show viewers expressing outrage that the commissioners would “play chicken” with the future of the mine, which provides hundreds of jobs in the surrounding area.
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Pancratz said the conversation was recorded without the commissioners’ knowledge. Montana is a two-party consent state, meaning all parties must be aware of and consent to a recording, but he allowed that it was possible one of the commissioners forgot to close a virtual public meeting after it concluded.
Pancratz said the conversation occurred when the commissioners found out there would be no money in the Crow Revenue Act for the county. The bill’s supporters, including Signal Peak Energy, had told them that the county would not lose any revenue under the bill, he said.
“We were upset because we felt we’d been lied to,” Pancratz said.
Signal Peak Energy did not respond to a written message and phone call seeking comment. For a time after Signal Peak took over the mine in the late 2000s, it was plagued by malfeasance, including embezzlement, a faked kidnapping and safety and environmental violations, according to reporting by The New York Times.
Olson said he entered the race due to a “lack of transparency” from the commissioners over how the county was spending its money.


But the mine played a role in his decision to run, too. As he was weighing his options, Olson said his cousin, Alan Olson, a former state legislator and former executive director of the Montana Petroleum Association, visited him and urged him to run to support the mine. After that conversation, he was convinced the mine’s survival depended on the Crow Revenue Act passing, and that trying to amend it would jeopardize the legislation.
“The more money we can get for the county, the better, but I don’t think it’s worth risking the mine closing,” Olson said. Losing federal revenue was better than losing all the jobs and the tax base if the mine closes, he concluded.
Olson added that Parker Phipps, Signal Peak Energy’s CEO, has briefed him on the mine’s fiscal relationship with Musselshell County.
Olson’s background in law enforcement could add a new perspective to the county commissioner meetings, given Goffena and Turley’s background in ranching, he said, but the minutiae of the county’s budget will be new to him.
“I am by no means an expert in any of this stuff,” he said.
Some worry that, with the mine facing a lawsuit, an unpredictable global coal market and the uncertain future of the Crow Revenue Act, the commissioners cannot afford to lose momentum in their efforts to attract new industries to the area.
Olson’s win in the primary will “set [economic diversification planning] back long term,” Nicole Borner, a former Musselshell County commissioner, who thinks Olson was hand-picked by the Signal Peak Energy to run and is not informed about what the job entails.
“We will always just have a few crumbs to duct tape a few issues,” she said. “We’ll never be able to fix the prior forty years of being in a coal bust and our infrastructure just literally falling apart.”
Olson will likely run unopposed in the general election.
In his remaining time in office, Pancratz said he will continue to push for economic diversification in Musselshell County. He holds no animosity towards Olson, who calls Pancratz “a wonderful guy.” Instead, he laments not addressing concerns over his position on the mine sooner in the campaign. But he believes Signal Peak Energy’s political and social influence—the company operates a charity in the region—is what swayed the election.
“You can’t say anything that even remotely implies that you’re trying to prepare the county for the possibility that coal revenue may not be steady or high … There’s this attitude that the county is in debt to that coal mine. And the message I tried to get out is, it’s more the reverse,” Pancratz said.
“I personally don’t believe the mine really cares about the county.”
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Montana
Montana Lottery Mega Millions, Big Sky Bonus results for June 19, 2026
The Montana Lottery offers multiple draw games for those aiming to win big.
Here’s a look at June 19, 2026, results for each game:
Winning Mega Millions numbers from June 19 drawing
13-16-21-26-50, Mega Ball: 12
Check Mega Millions payouts and previous drawings here.
Winning Big Sky Bonus numbers from June 19 drawing
05-12-14-30, Bonus: 03
Check Big Sky Bonus payouts and previous drawings here.
Winning Millionaire for Life numbers from June 19 drawing
02-20-28-51-54, Bonus: 02
Check Millionaire for Life payouts and previous drawings here.
Feeling lucky? Explore the latest lottery news & results
When are the Montana Lottery drawings held?
- Powerball: 8:59 p.m. MT on Monday, Wednesday, and Saturday.
- Mega Millions: 9 p.m. MT on Tuesday and Friday.
- Lucky For Life: 8:38 p.m. MT daily.
- Lotto America: 9 p.m. MT on Monday, Wednesday and Saturday.
- Big Sky Bonus: 7:30 p.m. MT daily.
- Powerball Double Play: 8:59 p.m. MT on Monday, Wednesday, and Saturday.
- Montana Cash: 8 p.m. MT on Wednesday and Saturday.
- Millionaire for Life: 9:15 p.m. MT daily.
Missed a draw? Peek at the past week’s winning numbers.
This results page was generated automatically using information from TinBu and a template written and reviewed by a Great Falls Tribune editor. You can send feedback using this form.
Montana
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