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Montana-Class vs. Iowa-Class: Which Would Have Been the Better Battleship?

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Montana-Class vs. Iowa-Class: Which Would Have Been the Better Battleship?


Summary: The Montana-class battleships, authorized but never constructed, represented what could have been the pinnacle of U.S. naval power during World War II, eclipsed by the strategic shift towards aircraft carriers. Designed to outclass the preceding Iowa-class in firepower and size, the Montana-class aimed to enhance U.S. naval capabilities significantly. With plans for twelve 16-inch guns per ship, these vessels would have boasted a 25% increase in firepower over the Iowas. However, the evolving naval warfare landscape, underscored by the effectiveness of aircraft carriers demonstrated at Pearl Harbor and against the Royal Navy’s Force Z, shifted priorities away from battleship construction. The Montana-class was ultimately canceled in 1943, a decision that marked the end of new battleship designs in the U.S. Navy. While the Iowas proceeded to serve due to their near-completion and compatibility with the new Essex-class carriers, the Montana-class remained a testament to the transitional period in naval warfare, where the supremacy of battleships was superseded by the advent of carrier-based power projection.

Montana vs. Iowa-Class Battleship: Which Would Have Been Better? 

The Montana class could have been the U.S. Navy’s most powerful battleship if it had made it past the design phase. But like all battleships in the World War II era, the purpose of the Montana ships was overridden by the rise of the aircraft carrier.  

Five Montana battleships were authorized for construction, and they were designed to bring a whole new set of capabilities to the open waters. In fact, these leviathans would have dwarfed the preceding Iowa-class vessels. The Montana class never made it to sea, though, leaving the Iowa class as the last group of battleships commissioned by the Navy.  

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Introducing the Iowa-Class

As tensions were mounting in the inter-war period in the 1930s, U.S. engineers prioritized the construction of lethal battleships. As part of the service’s War Plan Orange strategy against Imperial Japan, it was assumed that future combat would take place in the Central Pacific. Since Japan had an arsenal of high-speed cruisers and capital ships, the U.S. worried that its own fleet of standard-type battleships would not be able to pursue enemy ships in battle. Around this time, the Second London Naval Treaty’s escalator clause kicked in, allowing the U.S. and other signatories to build bigger guns and larger vessels. 

Iowa-class ships were therefore constructed as 45,000-ton vessels equipped with 16-inch guns, as opposed to earlier battleships limited by the treaty at 35,000 tons with 14-inch guns. Overall, nine 16-inch Mark 7 naval guns were fitted on each ship. They could fire explosive and armor-piercing shells. The three-gun turrets positioned on each battleship could fire any combination of its guns, including a broadside of all nine. In addition to these armaments and large-caliber guns, the Mark 38 Gun Fire Control System was incorporated on the battleships.

Introducing the Montana-Class

While the Montana-class ships never made it past the conception phase, big plans were proposed to make these vessels even more capable than their Iowa predecessors. Notably, twelve 16-inch main guns were intended to be fitted on each vessel. The extra guns would have made the proposed USS Montana, USS Ohio, USS Maine, USS New Hampshire, and USS Louisiana 25% more lethal. These proposed 16-inch guns were so large, weighing roughly 2,700 pounds each, that it would have taken dozens of sailors to fire each one. 

The Montana-class ships were also designed to dwarf the already giant Iowa battleships. Initial proposals for the new class indicated that each vessel would have measured 890 feet long and would have displaced 64,599 tons. On the other hand, the Iowa battleships measured 860 feet. Due to the Montana class’ heavier proposed armaments, the ships in this series would have been slower than their predecessors. The Iowa battleships could travel at speeds in excess of 33 knots, while the Montana battleships would have been limited to 28 knots.

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Despite the Navy’s ambitious plans for its Montana battleships, the ships never came to fruition. The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, coupled with the destruction of the Royal Navy’s Force Z a few days later, indicated that aircraft carriers were surpassing battleships as the most significant naval warship. In the early 1940s, the Montana ships were initially delayed in order to allocate more funds and resources to aircraft carrier construction. In 1943 the Montana proposal was nixed altogether. It would then take the Navy more than a decade to introduce a warship as large as the proposed Montanas, with the deployment of the USS Forrestal supercarrier in the mid-1950s. 

When the Montana-class was canceled, prospects also looked grim for the Navy’s Iowa-class battleships. But the Iowas were nearly complete on the construction line and were needed to operate alongside the service’s new Essex-class aircraft carriers, so the battleships stayed on the trajectory toward commissioning. Although the Montana ships would have provided more advanced capabilities and more impressive specs than their Iowa-class predecessors, these battleships were simply not meant to be.

About the Author: Maya Carlin 

Maya Carlin, National Security Writer with The National Interest, is an analyst with the Center for Security Policy and a former Anna Sobol Levy Fellow at IDC Herzliya in Israel. She has by-lines in many publications, including The National Interest, Jerusalem Post, and Times of Israel. You can follow her on Twitter: @MayaCarlin

Hero Image by Ethan Saunders. All others are Creative Commons. 





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Montana

SLIDESHOW: Severe storms moved through western Montana on Thursday

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SLIDESHOW: Severe storms moved through western Montana on Thursday


Severe storms moved through parts of Montana on Thursday, prompting a total of 5 Severe Thunderstorm Warnings. Reports included strong wind gusts and hail in several communities, including Augusta, Choteau, Sunburst, Bigfork, Kalispell and Evergreen.

The strongest reported wind gust was 60 mph near Augusta, while hail up to 1 inch was reported near Evergreen and Kalispell.

STORM REPORTS:

12 SE Grant — 56 mph thunderstorm wind gust
7 NNE Augusta — 60 mph thunderstorm wind gust
5 ENE Choteau — 59 mph thunderstorm wind gust
Sunburst — 54 mph thunderstorm wind gust
Ennis — 59 mph thunderstorm wind gust
3 SSW Ennis — 52 mph thunderstorm wind gust
2 E Helena — 54 mph thunderstorm wind gust
19 E Swan Lake — 56 mph thunderstorm wind gust
2 NNW Yaak — thunderstorm wind damage – Multiple downed trees reported along Highway 2 between MM 3 and 8
3 WSW Blacktail — 53 mph thunderstorm wind gust
1 NNW Troy — 49 mph thunderstorm wind gust
5 ENE Choteau — 56 mph thunderstorm wind gust

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Turah — 0.88″ hail
1 NNW Bigfork — 0.75″ hail
3 SW La Salle — 0.50″ hail
2 N Evergreen — 1.00″ hail
1 W Kalispell — 1.00″ hail
3 WNW Kalispell — 0.75″ hail

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Las Vegas man sentenced after Helena coin shop burglary in Montana

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Las Vegas man sentenced after Helena coin shop burglary in Montana


A man from Las Vegas has been sentenced after stealing coins and precious metals from a Helena shop in Montana.

This comes after Bishop Lott, 47, pleaded guilty in January to one count of interstate transportation of stolen property.

A judge sentenced Lott on Thursday to 27 months in prison, followed by three years of supervised release. He was also ordered to pay $276,153.08 in restitution to the Helena business as well as five other theft victims.

MORE | Southern California man pleads guilty to importing, trafficking 70 pounds of ketamine

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The government alleged in court documents that Lott, along with Ricky Rynell Rose, broke into Wayne Miller Coins in Helena and stole nearly $59,000 in coins and precious metals from a Helena business.

Rose pleaded guilty last year and was sentenced to 39 months in prison.

The Helena Police Department received a call on March 3, 2024, reporting that Wayne Miller Coins had been burglarized earlier that day.

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As part of their investigation, Helena police officers reviewed surveillance footage from multiple businesses. They analyzed email account data, which led them to Lott and Rose, who had taken the stolen material to Nevada.



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A battle over dark money is brewing in Hawaii and Montana

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A battle over dark money is brewing in Hawaii and Montana


Political spending that is funneled into elections from a variety of nonprofits is known as dark money — and unlike campaign spending or the money deployed by PACs and super PACs, these sources are not required to disclose their donors. Following the Supreme Court’s 2010 Citizens United decision, which created the country’s current election spending landscape, this has ramped up dramatically, with the 2024 election seeing a record $1.9 billion in dark money spending, nearly double the $1 billion spent in 2020. Now, some campaign finance reformers think they’ve found a state-level reform that can rein in this spending.

Now, campaign finance reformers think they’ve found a solution, and it’s already in place in Hawaii.

A newly enacted corporate law, SB 2471, changes the powers that corporations, or other artificial persons like nonprofits, are granted by the state of Hawaii. In the United States, states grant artificial persons powers as part of an agreement that allows those artificial persons to operate in the state. SB 2471 works by changing the powers that Hawaii grants these entities to disallow them from spending on politics at all.

Tom Moore, a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress and former chief of staff to  Federal Election Commission commissioner Ellen Weintraub, told Salon that the law operates upstream of Citizens United by dealing with the powers granted to corporations and other artificial persons, rather than trying to regulate what they can and cannot do with those powers.

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“Citizens United said, ‘Hey, if you’re a corporation that is empowered to spend in politics, your right to spend independently in politics can’t be infringed,’” Moore said. “Fine. What this [Hawaiian law] does is say, ‘You know, we’re not going to create that kind of corporation anymore. We’re going to create the kind of corporation that doesn’t have any political spending powers.’ Citizens United and all the other campaign finance cases that the courts have ever decided do not speak to that.”

In his analysis, Moore said this strategy also has a better chance of standing up to scrutiny from the Supreme Court because courts have long upheld a state’s ability to assign powers to corporations operating within their borders, going back hundreds of years.

“They’re gimmicks, and the Supreme Court is not usually impressed by gimmicks.”

“The Supreme Court has said for 200 years that the states can do whatever they want in terms of assigning powers to corporations. They made a fatal assumption in Citizens United that 100 years ago, when states gave away all the powers and said, ‘You can do anything that a human could do,’ they assumed that states would never change their mind on that,” Moore said. “But they never said the states couldn’t change their mind on that, and now they are.”

For example, a recent court ruling in Delaware allowed a change to a town charter that would allow corporations to vote there under some circumstances.

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Moore believes that this Hawaiian law, and others like it in the works in other states, have a good chance of surviving at the Supreme Court. However, some critics disagree, saying this legal maneuver is likely to be struck down.

Brad Smith, the chairman and founder of the Institute for Free Speech, a nonprofit that advocates against limits on political speech, including political spending, called the move an “end run” around Citizens United.

“They’re gimmicks, and the Supreme Court is not usually impressed by gimmicks. If you want to do it, you probably have to change the makeup of the Supreme Court or be willing to pack the court and have the political muscle to do it,” Smith said.

In his opinion, the court is likely to see Hawaii’s law as a violation of the First Amendment and is unlikely to look favorably on the argument that these laws deal with powers rather than with rights and that this has to do with how corporations have changed in the past 200 years.


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Smith explained that in the past, states used to create bespoke statutes for corporations to do something like operate a ferry or a toll bridge. These days, however, the laws governing corporations are more uniform.

“That’s just not how corporations operate in the modern world,” Smith said.

Smith added that he suspects the court will see this law as conditioning the creation of a corporation, or similar artificial person, on forfeiting the right of the people forming a corporation to political speech in the form of spending.

“You could not have the state say we’re going to allow you to register your home, but only if you agree that you won’t spend any money from your home equity line of credit on any kind of political activity,” Smith said. “You can’t deny people the benefits of the law based on a determination that they give up some type of constitutional rights.”

Notably, under Hawaii’s law, the people who form corporations are still allowed to engage in political spending; it’s just that the artificial person in question is disallowed. Still, Smith said, he believes the court will still see the law as unconstitutional.

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What’s clear is that this new law, or one like it, will likely be headed to the Supreme Court and that’s because there are already other states where people are mobilizing to create similar laws.

Jeff Mangan, the founder and president of the Transparent Election Initiative, is already spearheading an effort to get a similar statute on the ballot in Montana in 2026, telling Salon that the group is only about 1,000 signatures away from meeting the petition requirements, with four weeks left.

“It’s an all-volunteer effort in Montana, we don’t have any paid signature gatherers, and it’s something that hasn’t been seen in a couple of decades here,” Mangan said.

While election finance reform is typically seen as a progressive issue, Mangan said that the initiative has been well-received by Montanans of all political leanings and that he’s optimistic that the measure will pass, though he’s expecting a significant political battle once the ballot measure is approved.

“We start with a very simple question: Do you believe there’s too much money in politics?” Mangan said. “Citizens will say ‘Yes,’ and they may not agree exactly what the solution is, but we can all agree that there’s too much money in politics.”

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Mangan acknowledged that the law, if passed in Montana, would be limited in that it only addresses dark money, which is a relatively small portion of political spending. While 2024 saw nearly $2 billion in dark money spent, it saw some $15 billion in outside political spending, according to the election spending watchdog OpenSecrets. Still, Mangan said, he’s already had organizers in all 50 states reach out expressing interest in the project and in starting similar efforts in their home states.

The Montana measure has also already survived a legal challenge at the Montana Supreme Court, which makes organizers optimistic that the law will survive a federal challenge. The court ruled that the law was not an infringement of rights because the law “speaks only to powers, not rights, and it does not expressly revoke any constitutional rights.”

Still, Mangan expects that his group and the supporters of the measure will have to fight tooth and nail to get the bill passed via referendum if and when it appears on the ballot in November.

“It’ll certainly be a David versus Goliath battle. They’ve already started. The Chamber of Commerce and industry groups attempted to stop the initiative right at the beginning of the signature-gathering phase. They sued the state to stop us from gathering signatures. They were unsuccessful,” Mangan said. “We expect litigation at every step of the way through this, not to mention whatever political campaign they choose to throw at us, and I would imagine it’ll be expensive and immense. It almost makes our point. Exactly the reason we need the Montana plan is because of exactly what we’re seeing being thrown against us.”






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