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Denver, CO

Anti-Wage-Theft Laws Are Kryptonite to Dishonest Bosses

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Anti-Wage-Theft Laws Are Kryptonite to Dishonest Bosses


In January 2023, Denver passed a sweeping anti-wage-theft law to help workers reclaim stolen wages. In the fight to pass Resolution 22-1614, commonly known as the Civil Wage Theft Ordinance, local unions and labor advocacy groups squared off against the Denver Chamber of Commerce and business interests, who cynically claimed the bill’s “unintended consequences” would hurt workers as well as “minority- and women-owned businesses.” However, a recent report from the Labor Division of the Denver Auditor’s Office examining the impact of the Civil Wage Theft Ordinance disproves these claims and highlights the benefit of anti-wage-theft legislation to the working class.

According to Denver’s 2023 Annual Wage Theft Report, last year was the “most impactful in the Denver Labor Office’s history.” Between November 1, 2022, and October 21, 2023, the office helped over thirty-five hundred workers recoup $2 million in unpaid wages, an 85 percent increase from the year prior. What’s more, as this reporting period started before the Civil Wage Theft Ordinance was passed, it does not reflect the full potential of a full year’s worth of wage restitution.

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The report attributes this success to four ways in which the Civil Wage Theft Ordinance empowered the Denver Labor Office:

  1. An expanded scope to investigate all forms of wage theft, such as violations of overtime, paid sick/safety leave, and rest breaks.
  2. The ability to proactively investigate high-risk employers, saving workers from having to file a complaint that could be met with retaliation.
  3. Increased penalties, enabling the office to pursue up to 300 percent of stolen wages from offending businesses.
  4. Additional funding for the Labor Office to hire experienced employees to handle these cases.

Armed with the authority and staffing necessary to help Denver-area workers recover their stolen wages, the Denver Labor Office sees its recent results as only the beginning. “The numbers speak for themselves,” Matthew Fritz-Mauer, executive director of the Denver Labor Office, told Jacobin. “In 2023, we helped about 1,500 more workers and collected almost $1 million more in restitution than in 2022. We understand that this is just a fraction of all the wage theft out there, so we’ll continue to hire, refine our practices, and make it clear that in Denver, workers’ rights matter.”

Not only does this report show the benefit the Civil Wage Ordinance has brought to workers in the Mile High City, but it also offers strong evidence labor groups can use to bolster similar efforts in other states and cities, with the ultimate goal of achieving federal anti-wage-theft legislation.

The Economic Policy Institute estimates that employers steal up to $50 billion in wages from American workers every year, exceeding violent theft and auto robberies combined. When the Department of Labor (DOL) studied wage theft in New York and California, it discovered that stolen wages reduced affected families’ incomes by 37 to 49 percent. This theft pushed fifteen thousand families below the poverty line and another hundred thousand families deeper beneath it.

Unfortunately, the DOL only recouped $3.24 billion in workers’ wages between 2017 and 2022, a pitiful 1.62 percent of the estimated $200 billion stolen over those four years. While many factors contribute to this low restitution rate, the predominant one is that the DOL is restricted from pursuing wage theft under the inadequate avenues offered under the 1938 Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA). The FLSA limits workers to recovering only the federal minimum wage ($7.25 an hour) as opposed to their contracted wage, does not require employers to provide accurate paystubs, and has low penalties for violating employers that do not discourage repeat offenses.

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According to the DOL, federal wage theft penalties are so weak that over one-third of offending companies return to wage theft practices. Alternatively, companies hit with civil suites are much more likely to stop stealing wages, as are nearby employers, regardless of their industry. Denver’s Civil Wage Theft Ordinance allows workers to pursue civil suits against thieving employers, a provision other municipalities would be wise to replicate.

National lawmakers have recognized the wage theft problem and tried to remedy it, though their efforts have stalled. In 2019, Sen. Patty Murray (D-WA) introduced the Wage Theft Prevention and Wage Recovery Act, which identifies and addresses issues with federal enforcement. Murray’s act emphasizes the need for stricter penalties, calling the current remedies “hollow threats” that fail to deter businesses from stealing wages. Unfortunately, the bill has been dormant for half a decade.

While instituting a powerful anti-wage-theft bill at the federal level is the ultimate goal, the current state of national politics poses serious obstacles to its passage. In the meantime, leftist groups and labor unions can focus their efforts on state and local efforts like Denver’s. Approximately 88 percent of all jobs are located in metropolitan statistical areas, i.e., cities.

Not only would city-level laws help workers reclaim lost wages for large numbers of workers at a time, but they could also create a positive ripple effect. Unpaid wages are untaxed, meaning money that should go to local programs and Social Security remains tucked away in employers’ bank accounts. According to a study on wage theft in Washington between 2009 and 2013, wage theft cost the state upward of $64 million in untaxed revenue.

Delivering material gains to the working class is also crucial to building a base of support for pro-labor politics, which is necessary to achieve federal anti-wage-theft legislation. At a time when the American Left is called to urgently offer alternatives to the neoliberal politics of centrist Democrats while stopping workers from drifting towards reactionary Republicans, a national push to bring anti-wage-theft legislation to every city in America is a valiant, actionable, and constructive goal.

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Denver, CO

Police searching for information after fatal assault in Denver

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Police searching for information after fatal assault in Denver


Denver police are looking for information that could help them identify the suspect in a fatal assault overnight.

Officers were called to the scene in the 9700 block of E. Hampden Avenue around 2:08 a.m. They said an injured man at the scene was taken to a hospital for treatment, but he has been pronounced deceased.

DPD says they’re investigating the case as a homicide. They did not provide the identity of the man who was killed or further details on the case.

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Police encouraged anyone with information about the attack or the possible suspect(s) involved to contact Metro Denver Crime Stoppers.



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Richard Jackson Obituary | The Denver Post

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Richard Jackson Obituary |  The Denver Post



Richard Jackson


OBITUARY

Richard E. Jackson, affectionately called “Jackson”, was beloved by his family, friends and colleagues. He passed peacefully surrounded by his wife and children. He was receiving exceptional medical care at City Park Healthcare and Rehabilitation Center at the time of his death. A devout Catholic, he received his Last Rights from Fr. John Ludanha of Blessed Sacrament Church and School.

He earned a Bachelor’s degree in Economics from Gannon University and a Master’s degree in Education from the George Washington University. For over 30 years, he was employed by the federal government, mostly as an analyst for the Social Security Administration (SSA). Other positions he held were: Beneficiary Services Specialist, Division of Medicare, Health Care Financing Administration; Public Affairs Specialist for SSA; and Management Analyst SSA Office of Management and Budget. After he retired, he was a consultant to the State of Colorado Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services.

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Jackson was a devoted father, step-father and foster father. He would take over the kitchen and cook spaghetti and meatballs, a family favorite, and then transport children to gymnastics practice and friends’ houses. He had a remarkable sense of humor, bringing joy and laughter to his home. He adored his wife and would leave her weekly love notes in drawers around the house. Exercising at the Denver Athletic Club, taking walks with his wife, and reading the New York Times were three of his favorite activities. He was born in Westfield, New York. His parents were Canadian immigrants. He was the youngest of eight children.

He is survived by his wife, Joycee Kennedy; his children – Kimberly Jackson (Mike Estes), Dawn Jennings (Ed Jennings) and Kevin Jackson; his stepchildren – Cary Kennedy (Saurabh Mangalik) and Jody Kennedy (Christopher Thompson); his grandchildren – Elizabeth, Chase and Drew; his step grandchildren – Kadin, Kyra, Bryce and Sena; and his first wife Madonna Smyth.

Services will be held at Blessed Sacrament Church – the time and day to be announced.



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Students push for statewide

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Students push for statewide


Students from across the Denver metro are heading to the state Capitol to push for free after-school opportunities statewide.

The proposal would create a “My Colorado Card” program, giving students in sixth through 12th grades access to cultural, arts, recreational and extracurricular activities throughout the state.

For students like Itzael Garcia, Denver’s existing “My Denver Card” made a life-changing difference. He said having access to his local recreation center helped keep him safe.

Itzael Garcia explains how the My Denver Card program has helped him.

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“We had a couple stray bullets go through our living room window, we had people get shot in front of our house, different things like that,” Garcia said. “Over the summer, being able to go to the public pool, it provided a space for us to all come together. In a way, it acted as a protective factor.”

The My Denver Card provides youth ages 5 to 18 with free access to the zoo, museums and recreation centers. For some, like Garcia, it has served as a safe haven.

That impact is why students involved with the nonprofit FaithBridge helped craft legislation to expand a similar pilot program to communities outside Denver.

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“We really just thought that inequity and really distinct opportunity deserts for students was really important for us to correct,” said Mai Travi a junior at Thomas Jefferson High School. Another student echoed that sentiment.

“We have a lot of students in the program that come from Aurora Public Schools, and they don’t have access to the same cultural facilities that we have living here; opportunities that really define our childhood experiences,” said Jack Baker, also a junior at Thomas Jefferson High School.

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Vernon Jones (right) speaks with students in My Denver Card program.

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Vernon Jones, director of the nonprofit FaithBridge, said organizers are still working out logistics but hope to partner with counties across Colorado.

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“This is a strategy to work for all of Colorado,” he said.

Denver school board member Marlene De La Rosa said the My Denver Card program has been impactful since its launch in 2013.

“For students that are on free and reduced lunch, the ‘My Denver Card’ can help scholarship some of their fees to participate in the youth sports at the recreation centers,” De La Rosa said.

Last year, 45,000 Denver youth had a card, accounting for 450,000 visits to recreation centers, outdoor pools and cultural facilities, she said.

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“I think it is very beneficial,” De La Rosa said.

The Denver program is funded by city tax dollars approved by voters in 2012. The proposed statewide pilot would instead rely on donations and grants.

The bill has cleared its first committee but still needs approval from the full House and Senate.

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