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History's Lesson for Saving California's Beaches

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History's Lesson for Saving California's Beaches


July has been defined by heat waves across America. Nowhere was the heat more intense than in Southern California, where Palm Springs set an all-time record high of 124°. Days of blistering temperatures are both unpleasant and potentially dangerous, even for healthy adults. That reality sends people scurrying for any relief they can find, and in California, for many, that includes heading for the coast, where temperatures are less stifling.

This has been the pattern for more than a century. In the 1910s, when temperatures soared, Los Angeles families would camp out at the beach to sleep “on the cool damp sand.” More than a century later, in 2020, when the first COVID-19 lockdown led to beach closures in the midst of a heat wave, journalist George Skelton vigorously protested in the pages of the Los Angeles Times, arguing that going to the beach was a Californian’s “birthright,” a “trade-off for all the quakes, wildfires, mudslides and smog.”

Yet there is no guarantee that Californians — particularly in the hottest parts of the state — will have a beach to go to in another 100 years. Climate change threatens to erode California’s beaches. In 2017, a group of engineers and marine scientists who modeled shoreline response to climate change estimated that sea level rise could cause the complete erosion of  “31% to 67% of Southern California beaches.”

The irony of this story is that most of California’s beaches are artificial — man-made — and many were much narrower in their original, natural state. The history of their construction suggests that the only solution to the erosion today is to stop working against nature and start working with it.

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In an 1872 memorandum to the U.S. Senate, a member of the U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey wrote that, when he had visited the bay from Santa Monica to Point Dume, “the high bluffs and cliffs came so sharply to the shore, and the arroyos there so deep that no road was practicable above high water.” In fact, according to A. G. Johnson, beach design engineer for the City of Los Angeles in the 1930s, the bay beaches, “in their natural state, before changes occurred due to activities of man,” had a uniform width of about 75 to 100 feet — a far cry from today’s 500-foot beaches.

A combination of engineering innovation, neglect, lack of scientific understanding of coastal ecology, and, most crucially, chance, spurred the dramatic transformation. In the 1930s, Southern California coastal elites all dreamed of attracting the world’s rich and famous by opening a yacht harbor. Santa Barbara, Santa Monica, and Redondo Beach all made the same mistake: they built a breakwater — essentially an offshore seawall built parallel to the coast — to create calm waters, which would be more hospitable for yachts. The problem was that the wall interrupted the sediment currents in that area. While sand quickly accumulated on the beach north of the breakwater, down south, the beach was starved of sand. Within a few years, all three towns had lost a beach. 

The loss reflected how beaches continuously shifted in shape and form — usually growing narrow in the winter and larger in the summer. But construction that disrupted that cycle led to erosion.

Read More: Threatened by Sea Level Rise, This New Jersey Town is Taking Matters Into Its Own Hands

As the beaches shrunk, engineers developed plans to counter the erosion they had created by pumping in sand from nearby dunes. In Los Angeles, the Hyperion dune field provided much needed material. In 1936, Works Progress Administration employees successfully deposited sand from Hyperion on some of Venice’s badly eroded beaches. The operation worked so well that, by the early 1940s, Johnson proposed excavating more sand to enlarge the beach from 75 to 275 feet and use the newly created space to build a coastal highway connecting Santa Monica to Venice. 

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This plan, however, was judged too risky and abandoned. The yacht harbor fiascos were still too fresh in people’s minds for them to blindly put their trust in engineers. Nowhere had a road of that magnitude been built successfully on artificial strands. In addition, many coastal residents balked at the idea of a highway marring their view of the ocean. 

But Southern California’s beaches continued to grow more popular as the region’s population exploded after World War II. That meant severe crowding, and engineers continued to insist that they could solve this problem by making the beaches bigger. They received support from local businessmen and officials who campaigned for beach development and preservation.

The result was colossal beach replenishment operations throughout the 1950s and 1960s, using sand both from the Hyperion Dunes and the ocean floor. In 1948, for instance, the City of Los Angeles spread 14 million cubic yards of sand over six miles of beachfront between Santa Monica and El Segundo. Then, between 1960 and 1963, 10.1 million cubic yards of sand that was dredged up to allow the construction of the gigantic Marina Del Rey harbor was distributed on Dockweiler Beach. Yet, major construction on the coastline became less frequent thereafter, and other sources of sediment had to be found (the dunes had been completely excavated by then). In 1969-1970, a stretch of the Redondo Beach coastline was widened with 1.1 million cubic yards of sand dredged from an offshore source. 

In total, between 1945 and the late 1960s, nearly 30 million cubic yards of sand were deposited on the beaches of Santa Monica Bay. And studies in the 1960s showed that, while similar efforts failed elsewhere in the U.S. due to extreme weather and erosion, they worked in Southern California thanks to an array of unique factors. Among them: remarkable stability in terms of weather and temperature patterns, and being spared from sea-level rises experienced on other coastlines due to cold surface waters.

Read More: Rising Seas Are Going to Create a Huge Property Tax Headache for Coastal Communities

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While this seemed like a success story — the ultimate in human manipulation of nature — things are now changing rapidly for several reasons. First, the climate cycle that left the waters cold and spared the beaches from sea-level rises has now ended. Additionally, the vast majority of the sand on Southern California beaches came from riverine sediments deposited on the coast during periods of heavy flooding. Yet, as flood-control efforts — including water-supply dams and channelized rivers — took place to protect people and buildings from flooding, they cut off the beaches from their main sediment supply. Environmental regulations also limited the coastal construction that, until the 1970s, had allowed for the dredging of sediments from the seafloor which could be added to the beaches.

The result of these changes has been severe erosion. Municipalities have responded by “armoring” the beaches — building seawalls, jetties, and groins to protect them. This provides some relief in the short term but risks exacerbating beach erosion in the long run or simply displacing it to another part of the coastline. As demonstrated by the breakwater fiascoes of the 1930s, building seawalls always disrupts coastal ecologies.

How can Southern Californians protect their beaches with many earlier options for replenishing or adding sand exhausted? The answer is to learn from the lesson of a century of history: working against nature does more harm to the beaches than good over time. That means ending armoring the beaches and instead implementing a plan for selective managed retreat. That would allow them to wax and wane seasonally, as they used to do before coastal engineering became ubiquitous. Once we stop interfering with hard structures, the natural flow of sediments can return. This, in combination with ongoing pilot projects involving, for instance, growing native plants that trap the sand and allow for dunes to form, will give beaches a fighting chance against sea-level rise. 

Safeguarding California’s beaches will also, however, require grappling with the cause of climate change fueling sea rises, especially our dependence on fossil fuels. No beach protection plan will prove successful in the long term without addressing this problem. These are no small tasks, but continuing business as usual will only deliver a future with narrower beaches, if not a beachless future altogether. In Los Angeles, history tells us that we have built those beautiful, vast beaches. But we are now slowly, but surely, destroying them.

Elsa Devienne is assistant professor in history at Northumbria University (UK) and the author of Sand Rush: The Revival of the Beach in Twentieth-Century Los Angeles (2024).

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Made by History takes readers beyond the headlines with articles written and edited by professional historians. Learn more about Made by History at TIME here. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of TIME editors.



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Billionaire Steyer’s spending binge dwarfs rival campaigns in California governor’s race

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Billionaire Steyer’s spending binge dwarfs rival campaigns in California governor’s race


LOS ANGELES (AP) — In the wide-open race for California governor, billionaire Tom Steyer is on a spending binge.

The hedge fund manager-turned-liberal activist is using his personal fortune to saturate TV screens and mobile phones with advertising, while his competitors accuse him of trying to use his vast wealth to buy the state’s most powerful job.

Steyer’s ads — in which he promises to bring down household costs or rails against federal immigration raids — appear inescapable at times in heavily Democratic Los Angeles, the state’s largest media market. Data compiled by advertising tracker AdImpact show Steyer has spent or booked over $115 million in ads for broadcast TV, cable and radio — nearly 30 times the amount of his nearest Democratic rival.

If he makes it through the June 2 primary election, Steyer could easily eclipse the 2010 record set by Republican Meg Whitman, who spent $178.5 million in a losing bid for governor, much of it her own money. At the time, it was the costliest campaign for statewide office in the nation’s history.

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Even when ad buys from all his major competitors are combined, along with ad purchases by independent committees supporting candidates, Steyer is outspending the field by tens of millions of dollars.

“Billionaire money is flooding our state in an attempt to buy this election,” former U.S. Rep. Katie Porter, one of Steyer’s chief rivals, warned her supporters this month.

Mail-in ballots are set to go out to voters next month. Steyer is among a crowd of candidates hoping to seize a spotlight after former Democratic U.S. Rep. Eric Swalwell’s dramatic departure from the race following sexual assault allegations that he denies.

But while Steyer has ticked up in polling amid his spending splurge, he has not broken away from the field, leaving some wondering if he’s getting value for his dollars.

“If your first round of ads doesn’t move you dramatically (in the polls), the third, fourth, fifth, six, seventh and eighth rounds won’t either,” said veteran Democratic strategist Bill Carrick, who for years advised the late Democratic U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein. “There is something inherently holding Steyer back.”

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In recent prior campaigns for governor, at this stage a leading candidate was taking control of the race. This year, voters appear to be shrugging at a contest that lacks a star candidate among seven leading Democrats and two Republicans.

“Somehow the campaign is frozen,” Carrick added.

History shows that money doesn’t always translate into votes.

Billionaire developer Rick Caruso spent over $100 million in 2022 in his bid to become Los Angeles mayor, much of it his own money, but he was handily defeated by Mayor Karen Bass, who spent a fraction of Caruso’s total. Billionaire former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg spent more than $1 billion of his own money on his 2020 presidential bid before dropping out. And Steyer’s money was unable to lift him into contention in the 2020 presidential contest, when he dropped out early in the year after a poor finish in the South Carolina primary.

Steyer has never held elected office.

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In a 2019 interview with The Associated Press, Steyer was asked what he would say to people who think he’s trying to buy the presidency.

“I don’t think that’s possible,” Steyer said at the time, before adding, “I’m never going to apologize for succeeding in business. That’s America, right?”

His campaign did not respond directly when asked about similar criticism facing his run for governor.

“Tom now stands as the only Democrat with the grassroots energy, institutional backing and resources to advance to the general election,” spokesperson Kevin Liao said in a statement.

The governor’s race was recently reordered by two developments: Swalwell, a leading Democrat, abruptly withdrew from the race then resigned from Congress, following sexual assault allegations. Meanwhile, President Donald Trump endorsed conservative commentator Steve Hilton.

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Still, there is no clear leader.

Polling in late March and early April by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California found a cluster of candidates in close competition: Democrats Steyer and Porter, Republicans Hilton and Chad Bianco, and Swalwell. Other candidates were trailing. The polling was conducted before Swalwell withdrew.

Democrats have feared the party’s large number of candidates could lead to them getting shut out of the general election in November. That’s because California has a primary system in which only the top two vote-getters advance to the general election, regardless of party.

Leading Democrats are all claiming to have picked up support since Swalwell’s exit. Steyer nabbed one plum endorsement, when the influential California Teachers Association, which previously backed Swalwell, recommended him.

In his ads, Steyer promises to “abolish” U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, which has been staging raids across California. In another, he laments the state’s punishing cost of housing, “Everybody needs an affordable place to live,” he says.

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Tory Lanez Sues California Prison System for $100 Million Over Stabbing

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Tory Lanez Sues California Prison System for 0 Million Over Stabbing


Rapper was stabbed 16 times by fellow inmate in May 2025 while 10-year sentence in Megan Thee Stallion shooting case

Tory Lanez has filed a $100 million lawsuit against the California Department of Corrections stemming from a May 2025 incident where the rapper was stabbed in prison.

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Lanez — born Daystar Peterson and currently serving a 10-year sentence after being found guilty in the Megan Thee Stallion shooting case — also sued the warden and guards at the California Correctional Institute in Tehachapi, where the rapper was stabbed 16 times in an “unprovoked life-threatening attack” by another inmate, the lawsuit states. 

Peterson was hospitalized following the May 2025 incident, suffering a collapsed lung among stab wounds to his back, torso, and head.

According to the Associated Press, the lawsuit criticized the Department of Corrections for housing Peterson with fellow inmate and alleged attacker Santino Casio, who was serving a life sentence for second-degree murder. “The choice to house Casio with Peterson was known or should have been a known danger,” the lawsuit said, adding that Tory Lanez’ “high-profile celebrity status” made him a target.

The lawsuit also said that prison guards were slow to respond to the shanking, and didn’t employ flash grenades or other measures to halt Casio’s attack.; Casio was not charged for stabbing Peterson, the Associated Press notes.

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Lanez, who following his hospitalization was transferred to San Luis Obispo County’s California Men’s Colony, also alleges in the lawsuit that he never received his possessions from the California Correctional Institute in Tehachapi, including songbooks filled with lyrics to his unreleased music.

Lanez is serving a 10-year prison sentence for shooting Megan Thee Stallion in the foot during a confrontation in the summer of 2020. He was eventually convicted on several firearms charges, including assault with a firearm, in December 2022. In November 2025, his appeal was denied by a three-judge panel, and the 10-year sentence was upheld.



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California DOJ cracks down on hospice fraud. Takes shot at Trump Administration

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California DOJ cracks down on hospice fraud. Takes shot at Trump Administration


From one crackdown on hospice fraud to another.

A few weeks ago, the FBI arrested multiple people in Southern California that were accused of defrauding the government for millions of dollars.

In a more recent announcement last Thursday, California’s State Attorney General Rob Bonta held a press conference to announce a fraud bust of their own.

“Operation Skip Trace uncovered and ended a hospice fraud scheme that defrauded Medi-Cal of $267 million,” Bonta said. “So just to be clear, a quarter billion dollars over funds that are paid for by California taxpayers, funds that are meant to provide care to Californians in need. It is unacceptable. It is illegal and we will not stand for it.”

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The operation saw a total of 21 suspects charged as a result and dismantled a major hospice fraud scheme, with two handguns and over $750 thousand in cash seized as well.

According to the state’s attorney general, this is just one of the many cases over the years the state has cracked down on.

“This is just the latest example of the California DOJ’s longstanding ongoing and successful efforts to combat hospice and medical fraud,” Bonta said. “We have been doing this work for years. We’ve been doing it successfully before certain people in this country decided to think about it for the first time. We will continue to do this work. Heads down, sleeves rolled up, important investigative work, prosecutorial work.”

He added to that by taking a shot at the Trump Administration’s latest fraud operations.

“While healthcare fraud might be President Trump’s shiny new political talking point, the California DOJ has been going after healthcare fraud since 1979,” Bonta said. “For decades, Trump is late to the party. Protecting taxpayer dollars and protecting programs sick and vulnerable Californians rely on have been our priority for nearly five decades.”

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Governor Gavin Newsom also spoke out about this latest crackdown while taking a shot of his own at President Trump.

In a post to “X” the Governor’s Press Office wrote in part quote…

“California has been cracking down on hospice fraud long before Trump gutted oversight and pardoned the architect of the biggest health care fraud scheme in U.S. history.”

State Republicans have responded to this latest announcement from Attorney General Bonta, calling for a special session to demand accountability from the Governor on widespread fraud.



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