Arizona
In Arizona, GOP candidates for recorder make distrust in elections a campaign theme
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Arizona’s election system has been thrown into turmoil over the past four years by false claims of widespread fraud and some real instances of mistakes in running elections. Now, Republican candidates for county recorder across the state are playing up those false claims and errors as they try to get elected.
Their opponents acknowledge that Arizona elections can be improved, but warn voters to be wary of turning over crucial decisions about voting to candidates who seek to leverage distrust in the system.
The most closely watched race is in Maricopa County, where Republican state Rep. Justin Heap is running for recorder against Democrat Tim Stringham on a pledge to “secure our elections.” Heap defeated the current recorder, Republican Stephen Richer, in the August primary after claiming that Richer ran “the worst election in history” in 2022.
The competitiveness of these contests, and the rhetoric accompanying them, show just how much the role of the county recorder has changed since the last time the position was on the ballot, four years ago.
The recorder controls some aspects of voting, and other administrative duties, such as recording real estate transactions. In the past, recorders often served for decades without attracting much attention or controversy. But that changed in 2020, when a deluge of false election-fraud claims by Donald Trump’s allies, as well as a few real mistakes in election administration, fueled distrust among some voters.
Republicans with similar platforms to Heap’s — and using similar language — are running for recorder spots in Coconino, Navajo, Pinal, and Yuma counties. In Cochise, current Recorder David Stevens, another election skeptic, is running to defend his seat.
The county recorder races are among the most important on the Nov. 5 ballot, Secretary of State Adrian Fontes said in an interview, because he sees them as a showdown between the truth and lies. Fontes, a Democrat, offered a rare endorsement on Friday for Stringham in Maricopa County, writing that his race against Heap was a choice between “an honorable military veteran or an election denier.”
“This isn’t political,” Fontes said in the interview, “and I think that’s what people miss. It’s about the truth and about believing in reality.”
Recorders make decisions that directly affect voters, including how to clean the county’s voter rolls, where to put early voting locations and ballot drop boxes, and how many of each there should be. But in most counties, it’s up to county supervisors to oversee election day procedures and vote counting.
One exception is Pinal County, where the supervisors recently gave Recorder Dana Lewis, a Republican, control over the election department. There, Supervisor Kevin Cavanaugh has repeatedly questioned the integrity of the county’s elections, including in his own failed run this year for sheriff. After an $150,000 independent audit found no support for his allegations, Cavanaugh says he’s challenging Lewis as a write-in candidate for recorder.
The recorder position is in a period of unusually high turnover. The harassment and stress in recent years has forced a few longtime recorders out of the position, and helped convince others to retire. Meanwhile, the high profile of the role is now attracting people who are more comfortable in the public spotlight. This year, at least three of the non-incumbent Republicans running are current or former elected officials who have established campaign spending accounts and public reputations.
In Yuma County, for example, the GOP candidate is Republican David Lara, who ousted sitting Recorder Richard Colwell in the primary. Lara is a local school board member who has long worried about ballot trafficking and helped gather video that led to the conviction of two Democrats in connection with a ballot harvesting scheme during the 2020 election.
In Maricopa County, Heap vows full review of longtime staff
In Maricopa County, Heap is blaming Richer for technical problems voters experienced on Election Day during the 2022 midterm election, and suggesting he could do better.
“The plague of Election Day problems that we have seen in recent years must end now,” Heap said at a recent rally, also calling for election results to be finalized on election night.
As recorder, though, he would not have direct control over Election Day or ballot counting.
Heap has also accused Richer of failing to clean the voter rolls of people who have moved, saying during a primary debate that hundreds of voters told him they are receiving mail ballots for people who don’t live at their address.
Heap has not said what he would do differently to clean voter rolls. He didn’t respond to a phone call or text messages requesting an interview or an answer to that specific question.
Richer, who has fiercely defended the county’s election processes against a barrage of attacks from within his own party, declined to be interviewed for this story, but has said in the past that he follows all laws and that his office has been diligent and proactive about voter roll cleanup.
Federal and state law, and the state’s Elections Procedures Manual have detailed rules for how election officials must conduct all aspects of voting, including strict limitations on when someone may be removed from the voter rolls.
Under state law, for example, a county recorder can’t remove someone from the voter rolls who has moved from their address unless that voter notifies the county, registers to vote in another county, or goes two election cycles without participating in an election or responding to any election mail.
Still, Stringham said in an interview, the recorder controls the department’s budget and staff, and that can make a big difference in how the election goes.
Heap has said in a debate before the primary that if he is elected, he will conduct a full performance review of everyone working in the office, and the policies they follow. He signaled that he’ll push for personnel changes, saying many current employees were “hired under the radical Democrat Adrian Fontes,” and describing others as career bureaucrats.
In contrast, Stringham said he believes his biggest success will be retaining talent. He said that he doesn’t believe Heap has serious proposals on how to improve the county’s elections, but worries that Heap will damage good systems already in place.
“If I give a Lego Death Star to a 3-year-old, they probably can’t read the instructions and put the Death Star together,” he said. “But if I give a perfectly constructed Lego Death Star to a 3-year-old — yeah, any 3-year-old is capable of destroying that in a hurry.”
Yuma County candidate raises concerns about ballot harvesting
In Yuma County, Republican candidate Lara said he’s convinced that the illegal ballot harvesting he caught in 2020 is widespread, and not an isolated case. He said that he secretly monitored the county’s ballot drop boxes with cameras during the midterm to try to catch other instances, but that none were prosecuted.
To combat ballot harvesting, Lara said he would use the signature verification process for mail-in ballots, rejecting any signature he did not believe was the voter’s signature. “That is a lot of power,” he said.
He said that while some media reports have described him a “conspiracy theorist” or “election denier,” he believes the 2020 case shows support for his assertions.
Xanthe Bullard, chair of the Yuma County Democratic Party, called Lara’s dropbox monitoring activities a form of voter intimidation, and said she expects more of that if he is elected. She said she believes he could use the signature verification process and voter roll purges as a way to unfairly target certain groups, such as Hispanic voters.
Lara dismissed those assertions, saying his hidden monitoring would not intimidate voters.
His Democratic opponent, Emilia Cortez, said she didn’t want to talk about her competitor’s activities or views. But she did say that she trusts the county’s election workers, after working as a poll worker in the past. She said she entered the race to protect the county’s elections and election workers and because she believes that she has the organizational background to develop better voting procedures.
“I want to be that bridge, that gateway, to reassure everyone that these elections in Yuma County are going to be valid and secured,” Cortez said in an interview.
Voter roll cleaning on the Republican platform
In other counties, too, candidates are alleging that voter rolls haven’t been properly cleaned, and in some cases, they’re echoing claims about noncitizen voting that have been circulating around the country. As they do so, they aren’t offering proof.
In Coconino County, for example, Republican candidate Bob Thorpe, a former state representative, wrote on his website that “Coconino County’s voter database has over 6,000 entries that have not been removed, some that are over 40 years inactive.”
Thorpe is running to succeed longtime Recorder Patty Hansen. Hansen said in an interview that Thorpe’s allegation is inaccurate, and she has tried to tell him that. Thorpe was looking at the incorrect inactive date, she said, and those voters are not eligible for removal.
Hansen said she is endorsing Thorpe’s opponent, Democrat Aubrey Sonderegger, to take her spot. She pointed out that Thorpe signed the joint resolution from the Legislature urging Congress to accept a slate of false electors in 2020. And she said she believes Sonderegger shares her commitment to “working toward having everyone’s voice heard.”
Thorpe didn’t return a phone call for comment. He says on his website that he will “protect voter rights for all Independents, Democrats and Republicans.”
In Navajo County, in northeast Arizona, Republican candidate Timothy Jordan says on his website that one of his top priorities is updating the voter rolls, which he claims, without providing evidence, include deceased voters and ineligible noncitizens. He’s running against incumbent Recorder Michael Sample, a Democrat.
Fontes said that although some recorder candidates might be advocating extreme policies, he believes their actions will be different if they win.
“I remember a certain county recorder race, when someone was going to come in and overhaul the system,” Fontes said, talking about when Richer unseated him as Maricopa County recorder in the 2020 election.
“He ended up supporting everything his predecessor did.”
Jen Fifield is a reporter for Votebeat based in Arizona. Contact Jen at jfifield@votebeat.org.
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Arizona
Arizona restaurant named most romantic in US, and 5 others in top 100
Phoenix chef and cookbook author Reilly Meehan introduces Kiko’s
Reilly Meehan is a Phoenix-based personal chef, cookbook author and force behind Kiko’s dinner series.
Ahead of Valentine’s Day, the biggest date night of the year, Yelp revealed its list of the 100 most romantic restaurants in the U.S., and six Arizona restaurants made the cut.
The list was compiled using data from reviews posted by Yelp’s Elite members, ranking restaurants that offered features like “candlelit ambiance, breathtaking views, or indulgent culinary creations” based on the total volume and ratings of reviews.
How many dates have you been on at the cozy Arizona restaurants that made Yelp’s 2026 list? Here’s a closer look at the six date-night-approved restaurants that got a shout-out this year, including one named best in the U.S.
Cafe Monarch
Cafe Monarch has once again been named the No. 1 most romantic restaurant in the U.S. by Yelp. The Old Town Scottsdale restaurant offers prix fixe four-course dinners. It is known for its elegant architecture and the staff’s fine attention to detail. A strict dress code is enforced.
Details: 6939 E. First Ave., Scottsdale. 480-970-7682, cafemonarch.com.
Cibo
Cibo, an intimate Italian restaurant nestled inside a historic bungalow in downtown Phoenix, was No. 3 on Yelp’s list. Guests can choose to sit inside the cozy house or outside on the patio, draped with twinkling string lights and greenery. The menu includes wood-fired pizzas, house-made pastas, saltimbocca bread, salads and crepes.
Details: 603 N. Fifth Ave., Phoenix. 602-441-2697, cibophoenix.com.
Dahl & DiLuca Ristorante Italiano
Chef Lisa Dahl’s Sedona fine dining restaurant was No. 14 on Yelp’s list. Dahl & DiLuca Ristorante Italiano was praised by Yelp Elites for its “elegant ambiance, ornate decor, and welcoming, attentive service.”
Details: 2321 W. Highway 89A, Sedona. 928-282-5219, dahlanddiluca.com.
LON’s at the Hermosa Inn
LON’s restaurant at the Hermosa Inn was No. 83 on Yelp’s list. Yelp Elites shouted out the restaurant for its “Southwestern fine dining with adobe-chic elegance and stunning desert views… contemporary American dishes, from mesquite-grilled steaks to cactus-fed lamb, amid a lush patio garden.”
Details: 5532 N. Palo Cristi Road, Paradise Valley. 602-955-7878, azhideawaycollection.com/hermosa-inn.
Different Pointe of View
Different Pointe of View, located at the Hilton Phoenix Tapatio Cliffs Resort, was No. 85 on Yelp’s list. The hotel and restaurant reside atop North Mountain in Phoenix. Menu highlights include prime beef tenderloin tartare, 30-day aged ribeye, prickly pear miso-glazed salmon, or, if you’re feeling adventurous, a surprise daily feature from the chef.
Details: 11111 N. Seventh St., Phoenix. 602-866-6350, tapatiocliffshilton.com/dining.
The Mission Old Town
The Mission Old Town was No. 92 on Yelp’s list. Yelp Elites especially liked the restaurant’s “tableside guacamole, slow-roasted meats, and killer margaritas” as well as the “vibrant ambiance and top-notch service.”
Details: 3815 N. Brown Ave., Scottsdale. 480-636-5005, themissionaz.com.
Reach the reporter at eddie.fontanez@azcentral.com. Follow @ERFontanez on Instagram.
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Arizona
Jordan Burks’ clutch plays enable UCF to edge Arizona State
January 28 – Jordan Burks hit a go-ahead 3-pointer and forced a turnover in the final 34 seconds as UCF rallied from a 12-point second-half deficit to pull off a 79-76 Big 12 win over Arizona State on Tuesday night in Orlando, Fla.
Riley Kugel paced the Knights (16-4, 4-3 Big 12) with 17 points, nine rebounds and five assists. Burks added 15 points and three steals while Jamichael Stillwell posted 14 points.
Maurice Odum produced 18 points and six assists for the Sun Devils (11-10, 2-6), who never trailed in the second half until 1:11 to go. Anthony Johnson added 12 points and Bryce Ford had 11.
UCF took its first lead of the second half on Carmelo Pacheco’s 3-pointer with 1:11 to go. Odum answered with a pair of free throws to regain a 1-point edge.
Burks then took a diagonal feed from Kugel and canned the wide-open 3-pointer for a 78-76 lead. After Burks swiped an Odum pass, Themus Fulks tacked on a free throw. Ford’s deep ball at the buzzer was errant to give the Knights the comeback victory.
UCF shot 45% from the floor and held a 40-28 advantage in rebounding. The Sun Devils hit 47% from the field and made 10 of 23 (43%) from deep.
UCF sprinted to a 9-2 lead behind Bol’s layup and dunk, but the Sun Devils battled back and grabbed a 12-11 lead on Johnson’s 27-footer three minutes later.
Nearing the 10-minute mark, Kugel faked a defender, drove to his right and threw down a vicious dunk for a 16-14 lead to bring the UCF crowd to life as part of a 7-0 run.
Allen Mukeba’s tomahawk dunk on a 3-point play put the Sun Devils up 24-22 at the 6:13 mark. Odom’s deep ball at 5:34 gave the visitors their largest lead at 27-22 on the way to a 39-35 lead at the break.
The second half was played tightly over the first eight minutes, with the Sun Devils holding a slim lead that extended to five, 52-47, on Andrija Grbovic’s trey at 11:22.
Grbovic stroked another 3-pointer and Noah Meeusen converted three free throws. Odum’s 3-pointer with 8:26 capped a 9-0 run that pushed the lead to 61-51.
With 6:09 remaining, the lead grew to 70-58 on Massamba Diop’s two freebies — Arizona State’s largest advantage — but the Knights mounted a charge and tied it with 2:39 left on Fulks’ pair of free throws that wrapped an 11-0 run.
–Field Level Media
Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.
Arizona
Data centers are good for Arizona. Here’s why | Opinion
Data centers have gotten a bad rap lately, but here’s why we think they are actually good for Arizona. It starts with jobs.
Chandler City Council votes no on AI data center
Chandler becomes one of the first Phoenix-area cities to reject a data center, despite months of lobbying by former U.S. Sen. Kyrsten Sinema.
Arizona data centers have generated a lot of political heat in recent weeks.
At her State of the State address, Gov. Katie Hobbs questioned the social benefit of data centers and signaled an interest in reinstating a sales tax on data center equipment purchases. Neal Carter, a Republican state legislator, agrees with Hobbs. So too might Republican state legislator Leo Biasiucci.
A month ago, the Chandler City Council unanimously rejected a proposed data center despite the lobbying efforts of former U.S. Sen. Kyrsten Sinema. Hundreds of Chandler residents filled the auditorium for the vote, and 256 residents submitted online comments opposing the data center.
In Tucson, the city council unanimously rejected connecting a large data center (Project Blue) to the city’s water system. Attorney General Kris Mayes is now looking deeper into Project Blue, Tucson Electric Power and the Arizona Corporation Commission.
Here at The Arizona Republic, the opinion section published an editorial on Jan. 20 (Arizona data centers bring hidden water risks), and the news section printed an article on Jan. 18 (Gas power plant for data center project stirs concerns in Surprise), both of which cast data centers in a less-than-flattering light.
And earlier this week, handfuls of speakers at the Corporation Commission blamed data centers for proposed APS rate hikes.
Each situation has its own complexities and justifications (and I’ll get into some of them in future weeks). Some opposition is more factually substantiated than others. But they’re all rooted in a suspicion that these large warehouses of computer servers that power the modern world are no longer great things for Arizona.
Arizona data center benefits starts with jobs
If we may be so bold, and to set the stage for future articles here at the Republic, here are a few reasons why Arizona should celebrate our position as a top 10 state for data centers:
- Jobs. It’s not just the people employed by data centers (many of which are high-paying jobs), but the ancillary jobs needed by data centers: contracted electricians, carpenters, pipefitters, HVAC technicians, etc. PricewaterhouseCoopers (“PwC”) found that data centers accounted for 81,000 jobs in Arizona as of 2023.
- Taxes. It’s the start of the state legislative season and, sadly, this is going to be one of those years in which we hear lots about the things we can’t afford. But data centers help that equation. According to the same PwC report, data centers generated $2.3 billion in state and local tax revenue from 2017 to 2021. That means money for schools and roads. Or lower state income taxes (as happened).
- Tech center. It’s a truism that tech begets other tech. We’ve said this as we’ve celebrated the massive expansions of TSMC and Intel. It’s also true of data centers. And if proprietors of data centers – companies like Amazon and Microsoft – are happy with Arizona as a data center home, they’ll likely consider Arizona a home for other tech investments.
- Buying unwanted power. Normal businesses use power during the day (8 am-5 pm). Homes use power during the evening (5-11 pm). But few users demand power overnight (11 pm-8 am). This means we often have to dump unsold power. But data centers need power around the clock, and they can buy that overnight power, generating revenue for Arizona utility companies that then doesn’t have to be generated from Arizona households.
Those are the benefits.
Detractors focus on power, water and land. They’re all important, but solvable.
On power, public utilities can, and should, ensure data centers pay for all the power they use–not the public. The Salt River Project (SRP) website states this explicitly on its website. APS announced a proposed 45% increase on data center electricity costs to “make sure that (data centers) will continue to pay their fair share.” The recent agreement between Tucson Electric Power and Project Blue intends to do the same. And some data centers are even looking at generating their own power.
Data centers aren’t our biggest water worry
Regarding water, data centers have gotten so efficient at water use that, in some cases, they would use less water than vacant warehouses (of which there are, sadly, many). The Project Blue data center before Tucson City Council promised to be water-positive for the city, and other cities, such as Chandler have proposed caps on water usage by data centers. These caps are the same that apply to other businesses; data centers don’t get a special water deal. And, really, if you’re looking to pin water woes on any industry, it’s not chip-manufacturing, and it’s not data centers. It’s farming (over 70% of Arizona’s water supply goes to agriculture).
Lastly, regarding land, of course people don’t want to have neighborhoods disrupted by massive warehouses. And nobody should feel like they got into a bidding war with a data center for a home in a cute, quiet neighborhood. That’s why we have noise ordinances and zoning laws. Arizona still has plenty of space. The smart people in city planning can figure it out. And unlike big box stores, data centers don’t have 18-wheelers constantly delivering supplies.
Arizona is a state known for growth. We’ve grown massively in residents. We’ve grown massively in housing (and need to do more). We’ve grown massively in tourism. We’ve grown massively in healthcare. We’ve grown massively in education. And we’ve recently grown massively in semiconductors.
There’s no reason we can’t keep growing in data centers.
Stephen Richer is the CEO of Republic Affairs, a fellow at the Cato Institute, and a former Maricopa County Recorder. Josh Heywood is operations manager at Republic Affairs.
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