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‘No perfect tax regime’: Alaska lawmakers list concerns over Dunleavy’s sales tax proposal

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‘No perfect tax regime’: Alaska lawmakers list concerns over Dunleavy’s sales tax proposal


The Alaska State Capitol in Juneau on January 23, 2026. (Marc Lester / ADN)

Gov. Mike Dunleavy’s proposed sales tax could clash with existing revenue measures in cities and boroughs across the state, lawmakers said during a House Finance Committee hearing on Thursday.

It was just one of a series of concerns raised on both sides of the political aisle during the first hearing on Dunleavy’s fiscal plan for balancing the state’s budgets in the long run.

The sales tax, which is the primary means by which Dunleavy is proposing to increase state revenue, would levy a 4% tax on purchases between April and September and 2% for the remainder of the year.

Dunleavy’s fiscal plan comes in the final months of his eight years as governor, after several years in which he proposed balancing the state’s budget with hundreds of millions in annual draws from state savings.

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Several lawmakers pointed out that even though Dunleavy projected his sales tax would raise up to $800 million annually, his plan could still leave Alaska with annual budget deficits in the long run because of his proposal to insert the Permanent Fund dividend into the state constitution and guarantee an annual payout that could cost the state more than $2 billion annually.

Dunleavy’s plan was explained to lawmakers by Acting Revenue Commissioner Janelle Earls, Acting Tax Division Director Brandon Spanos, and revenue department Chief Economist Dan Stickel. Neither the revenue department nor the tax division have had permanent heads for months.

“There is no perfect tax,” Dunleavy’s revenue officials said repeatedly as they fielded questions from lawmakers. It was their answer when asked about the difference in impacts between a sales tax and an income tax; when asked about the impacts of the state tax on communities with existing local sales taxes; and the impacts on rural villages.

“There is no perfect tax regime. We wish we weren’t here talking about this either, but that’s the situation,” said Spanos.

Nils Andreassen, executive director of the Alaska Municipal League, spoke to lawmakers about the potential conflicts between Dunleavy’s proposal and existing local taxes.

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“We should probably unpack ‘perfect,’” Andreassen said. “I think what we mean when we say there’s no perfect tax is that at some point somebody pays the tax.”

“There’s no tax that doesn’t impact somebody,” he said. “Are there ways to mitigate some of those impacts? Yes.”

Impacts on communities with local sales taxes

More than 70% of Alaska residents live in parts of the state that lack a sales tax, including in Anchorage, which funds local services primarily through property taxes. But the number of jurisdictions in Alaska with some form of a sales tax exceeds 100.

In parts of the Kenai Peninsula Borough, for example, the combined borough and city tax is 6%. In Ketchikan, the combined borough and city tax reaches 8% in the summer. The City of Kodiak levies a 7% sales tax.

Many of those communities have implemented exemptions for their local taxes in an effort to curb their burden, including carve-outs for senior citizens and caps on the total tax that must be paid from single transactions.

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Dunleavy’s proposal would eliminate communities’ ability to implement unique exemptions by transitioning that authority to the state.

The elimination of local exemptions has the effect of going against voter decisions, said Andreassen. In Juneau, residents only recently approved a provision that eliminates sales tax applicability on food.

“Voters contribute to local decision-making when it comes to those exemptions, and the state is saying right now in this proposal, ‘All of what voters asked for in those communities will go away based on our new list of exemptions,’” Andreassen said.

The exemptions proposed by Dunleavy cover medical services, purchases made with food stamps and similar assistance programs, interstate commerce, internet access, sales to the state or the federal government, state licenses or permits, investments, jet fuel, insurance premiums, home sales and rent, among others.

But the tax would apply to most goods purchased by individual Alaskans, such as groceries, fuel and cars.

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Under the governor’s proposal, the effective tax rate in 36 Alaska communities would be at least 9%, rising to 13% in some places — which would be among the highest in the nation, said Andreassen.

Rep. Andy Josephson, an Anchorage Democrat who co-chairs the Finance Committee, said that “​​at some point, the tax rate gets so large that it acts as a deterrent for local economies.”

Rep. Andy Josephson, D-Anchorage, listens to discussion on the House floor during the first day of the legislative special session in Juneau on Aug. 2, 2025. (Marc Lester / ADN)

During the hearing, Department of Revenue officials did not provide data or modeling on the impacts of a statewide sales tax on communities that already levy local sales taxes.

Spanos said the sales tax is “the regime that the governor believes is the best for the state.”

“Certainly we have concerns and the governor would like to not have a tax as well, but that’s not the situation we’re in. We have a fiscal crisis that needs to be resolved, and the governor feels this is the best solution for this time,” said Spanos.

Department of Revenue officials said lawmakers could propose new exemptions to the tax if they saw fit, but Josephson said Dunleavy had not given him indications that he was open to changes to his bill.

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“You made it sound like we were welcome to engage in those sorts of adjustments. But I just haven’t experienced that,” he told Earls. “What I’ve experienced is, ‘I’ve got to vote for this bill the way it is,’ and I just don’t know how much allowance the Legislature has to go at it alone and make changes.”

Earls said the plan was “open to some conversation.”

“I can’t speak to exactly what the governor would accept, but I think it’s a conversation to be had,” she said.

Impacts on rural Alaska

Rep. Nellie Jimmie, a Democrat from Toksook Bay, said the proposal would place an undue burden on communities in her district, which includes many Western Alaska villages.

If the tax were in place, Jimmie said, residents who lost their homes and most of their worldly belongings in villages ravaged by storms last year would face the burden of many purchases that would not be exempted from the sales tax, like snowmachines. Costs associated with rebuilding the houses would be exempted, but not the costs of filling a new home with belongings.

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That comes on top of highest-in-the-nation prices for food and fuel.

“How is a statewide sales tax meant to be equal when rural Alaskans face much higher costs for the same basic necessities, especially after a disaster?” Jimmie asked.

Earls said she’s “heard that concern from others.”

Rep. Nellie Unangiq Jimmie, D-Toksook Bay, speaks with Rep. Mike Prax, R-North Pole, on the House floor on Jan. 20, 2026. (Marc Lester / ADN)

“I’m not exactly sure how to answer every single individual Alaskan,” Earls said.

The Department of Revenue did not provide any specific modeling on the impacts of the tax on rural Alaska communities, where commodity prices are higher.

“It sounds like a sales tax is equal,” said Rep. Neal Foster, a Democrat from Nome who co-chairs the Finance Committee, “but when you have the cost of milk and cost of fuel and cost of groceries and everything higher up in rural Alaska, that same gallon of milk is really being taxed more.”

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“It is not OK,” Jimmie concluded.

Sales tax vs. income tax

Alaska is the only state in the country without a broad-based tax, having eliminated its income tax four decades ago amid a flood of new oil revenue. Andreassen said that the Municipal League supports adoption of a broad-based tax, but favors an income tax over a sales tax.

Rep. Alyse Galvin, an Anchorage independent, said Dunleavy’s proposed sales tax, when compared with an income tax, would have a disproportionate impact on households with limited means. That assertion was supported by data collected by researchers at the University of Alaska Anchorage, who were paid by Dunleavy’s office to review various fiscal plan alternatives.

Asked whether the governor had considered an income tax, Earls said that the sales tax was preferred because it would collect revenue from non-residents and tourists spending money in Alaska.

Galvin argued that an income tax would better capture funds from non-resident workers, who according to recent data make up more than a fifth of the state’s workforce.

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“A lot of Alaskans think that it’s not right that people come up here to work and take the very best, highest-paying jobs, and yet they don’t put in to Alaska,” said Galvin.

Rep. Jamie Allard, an Eagle River Republican, countered that imposing an income tax would drive away military retirees like her who chose to reside in Alaska precisely because their military retirement benefits are not taxed by the state.

Department of Revenue officials did not immediately provide any data to the committee detailing the difference in revenue that could be raised from non-residents through a sales tax versus an income tax.

“As was stated earlier, there is no perfect tax. Any tax is going to have negative downsides,” said Stickel, the department’s chief economist. “That’s true of a sales tax. It’s true of an income tax.”

Enshrining the dividend in the constitution

Dunleavy’s tax plan, which also includes raising new revenue from the oil industry, eventually calls for phasing out the new sales tax, along with the state’s existing corporate income tax. At the same time, his plan calls for enshrining the Permanent Fund dividend in the state constitution in perpetuity and paying out dividends through a new formula that allocates roughly $2 billion annually to the payouts in the foreseeable future.

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Some lawmakers said that even at the peak of Dunleavy’s proposed new revenue streams, the state budget will be strained, leaving no room to address the maintenance backlog of state-owned facilities, such as university and school buildings.

“I fail to see how enshrining a liability that outstrips the amount of revenue I’m raising in taxation creates anything but more instability and a need for more taxes,” said Rep. Will Stapp, a Fairbanks Republican.

“So why do we need this proposal, and what is the purpose of this proposal, when the proposal spends more money than it raises?” asked Stapp.

Rep. Will Stapp, R-Fairbanks, speaks with a colleague on Jan. 19, 2023 at the Alaska State Capitol in Juneau. (Loren Holmes / ADN)

Stickel said that several things would have to happen for the governor’s plan to produce balanced budgets in the long run: New oil fields would have to yield significant revenue, the Permanent Fund would have to keep growing, and a yet-to-be-constructed natural gas pipeline would have to begin sending income to the state within five years.

Even if all those things were to happen, the budget would be balanced only if government spending growth were strictly limited in future years, giving lawmakers almost no leeway to increase spending on the maintenance of state-owned buildings.

“There is actually nothing in this plan that will create stability in capital investment in the state, building things, having people working through that building of things, and making life easier for those people by us building things and doing things and maintaining things,” said Rep. Jeremy Bynum, a Ketchikan Republican. “This plan does absolutely nothing for that, that I can see. What it does is it taxes my community to ensure that we’re enshrining a PFD.”

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The governor’s fiscal plan has caused many lawmakers in Juneau to wonder: It is worth imposing new taxes to continue paying out Permanent Fund dividends?

By several estimations, Alaska could avoid implementing new broad-based taxes in the coming years if it halted the dividend payments altogether or reduced their size substantially.

It boils down to a question, Andreassen said: “At what point do you pay more in tax than you get in an increased dividend?”

The Department of Revenue did not provide data showing how Dunleavy’s proposed dividends, which would amount to more than $3,000 annually per eligible Alaskan, would compare with the new tax burden at different levels of income.

Bynum also said that Dunleavy’s plan negates one of the main reasons he has given for proposing it. Dunleavy has said that Alaska has the highest revenue volatility in the country, and that making the state’s revenue less dependent on oil, a global commodity, will improve the state’s business climate. But in the long run, Dunleavy is calling for the elimination of the new revenue measures he is proposing, and a return to dependence on oil and gas revenue to fund government services.

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“We’re saying we want to have stability by imposing a sales tax because oil revenues are volatile. Then on the other hand we’re saying, ‘Just wait seven years and we’re going to go back to that volatility,’” said Bynum.

Implementation

The Dunleavy administration expects that overseeing the new statewide sales tax would require hiring over 60 new state employees in the revenue department at an annual cost of $10 million.

Andreassen listed a series of technical deficiencies in Dunleavy’s bill that he said made it “unenforceable” without significant changes.

Even if those changes were made, he warned lawmakers that implementing the statewide sales tax as proposed would bring with it significant costs for Alaska’s cities and boroughs.

“This isn’t going to be cheap for local governments to respond and implement,” said Andreassen. Changes would include altering city and borough codes, laying off existing tax collection staff, and transforming local budget processes.

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“We just want you to be mindful as you move forward about the complexity of unwinding what is currently a fairly efficient and effective system at the local level,” said Andreassen.





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Outmigration, inflation, choice schools: Alaska school closures likely to continue without changes

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Outmigration, inflation, choice schools: Alaska school closures likely to continue without changes


Fire Lake Elementary School in Eagle River, seen on May 14, is one of 12 schools around Alaska that closed after the 2025-26 school year. (Bill Roth / ADN)

A dozen Alaska schools closed their doors in May, the most closures in a single year in the last two decades, according to the state education department.

Clusters of school closures in urban areas of the state had been uncommon until recently, but are part of a larger trend as public school enrollment declines nationwide. School district officials have framed closures as a means to bridge multimillion-dollar deficits, but some research suggests districts don’t realize meaningful savings. Closures can also have negative impacts on students and families.

According to data from the Alaska Department of Education and Early Development, 60 schools closed between 1999 and fall 2025. Another 12 schools closed this year, part of the 28 total that have closed in the last three years alone.

Four districts closed schools this year, and each of the state’s largest five districts have closed schools in the last three years. In interviews, school district superintendents said closures are caused by insufficient and unpredictable state funding, demographic changes and, to varying degrees, the proliferation of school choice.

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chart visualization

Superintendents, lawmakers and Alaska Education Commissioner Deena Bishop agreed that closures are likely to continue unless something changes.

State legislators last year passed the first permanent increase to state formula funding for schools since 2017, but school officials said state funding remains inadequate. This year, lawmakers approved one-time energy relief payments for districts totaling at least $29 million — with up to $115 million in additional funding contingent on unexpected oil revenue — and an education package that directs spending for specific programs as opposed to the per-student formula.

Matanuska-Susitna Borough School District Superintendent Randy Trani said Alaska districts no longer have enough funding to provide all the choices families want while maintaining the expected access to neighborhood public schools.

“There is a general funding problem for K-12 education where we just have not kept up with inflation, and simultaneously districts are being asked to provide more choices, and choices cost money,” Trani said. “We’re all dealing with this more and more choice thing, and we’re all dealing with less and less funding.”

Mat-Su Borough School District superintendent Randy Trani on Aug. 24, 2022. (Marc Lester / ADN archive)

Alaska school districts offer 34 correspondence programs. In the last 25 years, 10,000 Alaska students have moved from neighborhood public schools to correspondence programs, typically taking their per-student funding with them.

Bishop, the state education commissioner, said that’s evidence that families want additional choices beyond neighborhood public schools.

“There will be continued school closures, and I believe there will be continued choice programs to pull people back or to give people what they want,” Bishop said.

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Contributing to the enrollment decline, Alaska has had more than a decade of sustained outmigration as the birth rate continues to decline nationwide.

School finance officials have identified class size increases and school closures as the most direct ways to cut expenses for districts facing budget shortfalls, but families have pushed back against large class sizes that can be harmful for student learning.

Closures combine schools under one building to provide more opportunities for students. State law allows a three-year grace period where districts still receive some funding for the closed school under the “hold harmless” provision, incentivizing closures for some districts.

Neighborhood schools, and choice

The Mat-Su school board voted to close Glacier View School after enrollment dipped near the 10-student limit. Trani said several dozen other school-aged children live in the area who don’t attend Glacier View. He said the factors driving closures in the Mat-Su are the same ones that districts in Anchorage and on the Kenai Peninsula are facing.

“Funding, birth rate, and then movement, offering more choices, which we can’t afford to do anymore,” Trani said. “If those three trends don’t change, or if some combination of them doesn’t change, then school closures are going to be on the docket every year going forward.”

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Students who attended Glacier View School can choose from a variety of homeschool or correspondence programs next year, or drive more than 50 miles to and from Sutton or Palmer for class each day.

A view of Glacier View School on April 30, 2024 in Chickaloon. (Loren Holmes / ADN archive)

Trani said his district didn’t have many other options to reduce the budget after they cut one-eighth of staff members last year. In a survey asking residents to rank district budget priorities, community members indicated they would not support a four-day school week or cuts to sports programs, but would want to preserve class sizes, Trani said.

Along with Glacier View, Larson and Meadow Lakes elementary schools also closed in the district.

In Anchorage, families have also pushed back against proposed cuts to sports, teachers and school nurses. The Anchorage School Board responded with a fast-tracked plan to close three schools, which spawned a lawsuit from Campbell STEM Elementary School parents.

After the April municipal election, several Anchorage voters said they didn’t approve the district’s school bond and special education tax levy because of their distrust in the district stemming from the closure decisions.

Signs outside the neighborhood school urge people to fight to save the Campbell STEM Elementary School from closure on May 15, 2026. (Anne Raup)

According to the most recent data available from Alaska’s education department, about 12% of neighborhood public school students statewide switched to correspondence schools in the 2020-21 school year, a time marked by upheaval from the COVID-19 pandemic. Of those nearly 9,600 students who left brick-and-mortar school buildings, only about 5,800 had returned in 2021-22.

While a smaller percentage of neighborhood public school students in the 2021-22 school year switched to correspondence schools — 3% — the number of students who returned the following year, 850, continued to lag far behind the number of students who had left, nearly 2,100.

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The Anchorage School District is the state’s largest and has lost about 7,500 students since 2015, closing six schools in the last four years. The district saw an 84% increase in correspondence students between 2011 and 2025.

Despite that enrollment drop, Anchorage School Board President Carl Jacobs said the recent cluster of closures are a symptom of state fiscal issues plaguing several core government services.

“It’s a process that, with the right leadership at the state level, may have been completely avoidable,” Jacobs said. “The issue is so much bigger than just school choice.”

ASD Superintendent Jharrett Bryantt said the district will not close more schools next year, and instead will work to rebuild trust with the community. He said closures should be used as a way to improve academic offerings for students, not to close budget deficits as they were this year.

Bryantt said results from Anchorage residents on a budget-balancing simulation showed the community supports school closures. Bryantt said choice schools are not causing school closures, and called for an increase to state funding.

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“Thousands of families in Anchorage and all over the state are choosing their neighborhood schools, and they are urging us to figure out ways to strengthen those neighborhood schools,” Bryantt said. “There is certainly a conversation to be had about consolidations, but I think it’s a red herring to pit neighborhood against choice.”

Benefits for students

While many districts sought out low-capacity schools to close, district leaders on the Kenai Peninsula felt they couldn’t combine students at its smallest schools in more remote communities — such as Cooper Landing, Hope, Moose Pass or Razdolna — with others without disproportionately increasing travel time for those students.

The KPBSD Board of Education has voted to close five schools in the last two years, but reversed planned class size increases with additional funding from the Kenai Peninsula Borough.

Superintendent Clayton Holland expects more school closures next year, but said he’s dreading those discussions. Districts budgets are due to local municipalities or boroughs before the Legislature has determined what level of funding to appropriate for schools.

“We’re so intent on a short-term financial stability or financial gain that, because we don’t know what we have, that we have to go through this early. It’s not as planned out as it could be,” Holland said.

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Closed in 2025, the Nikolaevsk School has been approved to reopen as a charter school by the district and state Board of Education and Early Development. Housing charter schools has become a popular use for the vacated buildings.

Farther north, the Fairbanks North Star Borough School District has shuttered seven schools in the last four years, more than any other district in the state.

Unlike Anchorage, Fairbanks Superintendent Luke Meinert said his district had a much smaller savings account to draw from as state funding fell flat year after year, and hasn’t received the maximum allowable local contribution from the borough.

That led district officials to invest early in the idea of closing schools, and giving residents an idea of what to expect long term. Meinert said the emotional toll that closures have on the community is real.

“We were kind of on the tip of the spear in terms of having to make some of these painful decisions earlier than some other school districts,” Meinert said. “We went through three rounds of school closures, and I will say, while we felt like the process from administration got better each time we did it, it’s still incredibly difficult and painful.”

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Bobby Burgess, the Fairbanks school board president, said military families were concerned about the plan to close Ben Eielson Jr./Sr. High School. But the small class sizes limited what educators could offer, and students had more options once they moved to North Pole High School.

“Because those kids were not getting that number of electives, there were a lot of folks who were, in the end, OK with the move because they had more choice and more opportunity,” Burgess said.

Burgess said the closures were approved as a way to avoid class size increases. Instead of more school closures this year, Fairbanks officials used the savings from prior closures to reintroduce elementary music offerings and programs for gifted students during their budget process.

Outmigration

In Southeast Alaska, former Juneau School District Superintendent Frank Hauser said consolidations and closures have had a positive impact on student performance.

“By combining the schools in Juneau, we’ve been able to maintain and expand opportunities for students,” Hauser said. “The board here has also not had to make the heartbreaking decisions other school boards in the state have made to cut art or music or other opportunities or supports for students.”

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The Juneau School Board voted to close three schools in 2024 and reopen one as a middle school the following year. Hauser’s time as superintendent ended last month, but he said the consolidations saved the district money.

The Juneau School District office in January 2024. (Sean Maguire / ADN)

Juneau and other Southeast communities have experienced more rapid population decline than other parts of the state, and suffer less from school choice options.

“While we’ve seen a lot of improvements and positive impact from the consolidation and the closure, the district is still projecting a multimillion-dollar deficit for FY28,” Hauser said.

Ketchikan Gateway Borough School Board President Katherine Tatsuda said their district represents the other side of that equation. Board members in Ketchikan voted to close two elementary schools and increase class sizes after cutting about about one-quarter of their staff to reduce expenses.

“None of us knew how significant of a really negative financial position we were in until we got into it at the end of February,” Tatsuda said.

Research from Stanford’s Center for Education Policy Analysis released in May suggests closures don’t save districts as much as expected, and districts often come closer to breaking even after closing schools.

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“With closures comes a whole host of other kinds of expenses that can show up,” Stanford assistant professor of education Francis Pearman has said. “It’s not free to close up a building and to move students and material elsewhere.”

Further research indicates that poorly handled school closures can exacerbate racial inequities and hamper student achievement.

Last year, the school board in Ketchikan avoided closures by restructuring elementary schools, which Tatsuda said drove many families to leave the district for choice schools.

“Basically, every single department across the board and every school was impacted by that reduction in force, and so the impact to students is (that) there will be larger class sizes for sure,” Tatsuda said.

Tatsuda said residents have been emotional and frustrated with the decision, and called on lawmakers to forward-fund education.

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State Sen. Löki Tobin, an Anchorage Democrat who co-chairs the legislative Task Force on Education Funding, said Alaska’s shift to the per-pupil model that ties school funding to the location of students is part of the problem.

Sen. Löki Tobin, D-Anchorage, right, listens during a Senate majority news conference at the Alaska State Capitol in Juneau on Jan. 20, 2026. (Marc Lester / ADN archive)

“We don’t have good statewide policies to support families,” Tobin said. “What we also should be thinking about is new school finance models, and I think that’s really where the work of the task force and education funding is critical.”

Tobin suggested paid family leave, a statewide option to access healthcare, improvements to the foster care system and raising wages. She said Alaskans uncertain if their school might close next should support state leaders who support schools.

“The hope is November,” Tobin said. “There have been multiple opportunities for us to stop this rash of school closures, and that has been at the ballot box.”



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Climate Change Is Helping an Invasive Predator Wreak Havoc on Iconic Alaskan Fish

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Climate Change Is Helping an Invasive Predator Wreak Havoc on Iconic Alaskan Fish


WILLOW, Alaska—Corey Ercolani pulled a northern pike from a gillnet and slit its belly with a knife. Inside its guts lay fresh evidence of a growing biological crime: a dead juvenile salmon. A coho, or silver salmon, to be exact. A technician with the Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Ercolani had set the net […]



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Opinion: Alaska’s whale-strike risk is growing while regulators keep studying the obvious

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Opinion: Alaska’s whale-strike risk is growing while regulators keep studying the obvious


Dr. Pam Tuomi examines the eye of a deceased fin whale during a necropsy performed in Seward, Alaska, on June 20, 2026. (NOAA Fisheries Permit #24359, Kaiti Grant / Alaska SeaLife Center)

The recent strike and killing of a pregnant fin whale by a cruise ship in the Gulf of Alaska tragically highlights decades of inaction by the federal government and shipping industry to enact reasonable measures to reduce this risk. Such whale protection measures include vessel speed reductions, or VSRs, to 10 knots or less and bow watches posted in designated whale habitat. A voluntary vessel speed reduction off California has reportedly reduced ship-whale strikes by half, while also reducing underwater noise, fuel use and harmful stack emissions.

While technological options to detect and avoid whales, such as thermal imaging infrared cameras, forward-looking sonar, sonic pingers and passive acoustic monitoring, are useful, the best way to reduce the risk of ship-whale strikes is slower speed and a posted bow watch.

Similar to speed limits for cars in school zones when children are present, ship speed reductions give both a ship crew and whales more time to detect each other and avoid a collision. They also reduce the risk of more serious or fatal injuries if a collision occurs.

We know that the number of whales actually observed killed by ships is just the tip of the iceberg in terms of total mortalities. To be detected, usually a struck whale must remain pinned across the bow of a ship and carried into port. Studies have estimated that whale mortalities unobserved offshore compared with those observed are anywhere from 7-to-1 to 25-to-1. Given the thousands of whales and ships overlapping in Alaska waters each year, it is more than likely that hundreds of whales have been struck and killed here.

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It is important for the public to know the record of failure by government and industry to reduce this risk.

Beginning in 2009, I proposed to the incoming Obama administration that it enact greater protections for Unimak Pass in the eastern Aleutians and Bering Strait, including ship-whale strike reduction measures. I reiterated this specific ship-whale strike reduction request in 2013, 2018, 2021 and 2022. Each time, the federal administration declined to act.

Additionally, in 2022, I proposed directly to the Prince William Sound tanker owners that they enact voluntary speed reductions to reduce the risk of whale strikes. These huge oil tankers steam year-round directly across the paths of hundreds of whales. In June 2009, the Exxon tanker Kodiak entered Valdez with a dead humpback whale stuck on its bow.

I then proposed to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration and the PWS Regional Citizens Advisory Council that they press the tanker owners to adopt voluntary whale protection measures.

NOAA convened an informative technical workshop on the issue but declined to take any action, presenting a flawed assessment of the risk. In response to a formal scientific integrity complaint I filed with the agency, the NOAA National Appeals Office directed its Alaska staff to provide a supplemental assessment of the ship-whale strike risk in PWS that corrected some, but not all, of its previous flawed assessment. The agency continued to decline to take any action.

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In July 2024, the PWSRCAC sent a letter to tanker owners asking them to consider adopting a speed reduction in PWS, which the tanker owners declined the following month, saying they would only “follow the guidance, direction, and regulations provided by NOAA/NMFS on this matter.”

In March 2023, two organizations I am associated with, Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility and The Ocean Foundation, submitted a proposed rulemaking to NOAA asking the agency to adopt a nationwide protocol to reduce whale strikes by ships

The petition proposes that the agency designate critical whale safety zones in all U.S. waters in which ships would be required to slow to 10 knots during the day, 8 knots in low visibility, such as nighttime, fog or heavy weather, and post bow watches to detect whales ahead. Neither the Biden nor the Trump administration responded to the petition, the latter saying earlier this year only that “NMFS is still considering the 2023 petition.”

After two suspected ship strikes on whales in Icy Strait in August 2024, I urged the Cruise Lines International Association with its 59 member companies, to adopt voluntary speed reductions and other whale-strike reduction measures in critical Alaska whale habitats. The cruise ship association ignored the request.

Again in February of this year, I urged the Cruise Lines International Association and NOAA to enter into a memorandum of agreement specifically to reduce the risk of whale strikes this summer in Alaska. In a Feb. 20 email, the cruise association responded: “In addition to specialized training for crew, cruise lines have agreed to the voluntary slowdown of vessels in sensitive areas or when marine life is observed/present. Cruise lines also use methods and technologies such as bow-positioned observers and online monitoring and reporting apps to carefully navigate in ways that are respectful and protective of marine mammals.”

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When I pressed them for details on these vague, questionable assertions and reiterated our proposed memorandum of agreement between the Cruise Lines International Association and NOAA, the cruise association went silent. Later that month, NOAA’s Alaska regional director responded to the proposal: “Here in Alaska, we continue to engage with the cruise industry to reduce the risk of vessel strikes (e.g., encouraging the use of Whale Alert). Due to reduced capacity we’re quite limited in our ability to do more proactive work with the cruise industry at this time.”

After the fin whale was struck and killed by the Ovation of the Seas in the Gulf of Alaska last month, I again pressed NOAA and the Cruise Lines International Association to enter into a memorandum of agreement to reduce such risk, suggesting that important whale safety zones in Alaska waters that need strategic vessel speed reductions include at least Icy Strait, Prince William Sound, Resurrection Bay/Kenai Fjords, Unimak Pass and Bering Strait.

The cruise association has yet to respond, and NOAA’s regional director said simply that they are reviewing the situation and potential next steps.

Tragically, there is still no commitment by the shipping industry or government to address this issue in Alaska. While these same ship owners participate in voluntary whale-strike reduction measures elsewhere, they refuse to do so here in Alaska.

As these ship owners remain unwilling to remedy this voluntarily in Alaska, it is time that NOAA adopt our 2023 proposed rulemaking requiring them to reduce this risk to whales here in Alaska and across the nation.

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Alaska whales, who share their ocean home with us terrestrial primates on ships, deserve nothing less.

Rick Steiner is a marine conservation biologist in Anchorage, former marine professor at the University of Alaska and board chair of Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility.

• • •

The Anchorage Daily News welcomes a broad range of viewpoints. To submit a piece for consideration, email commentary(at)adn.com. Send submissions shorter than 200 words to letters@adn.com or click here to submit via any web browser. Read our full guidelines for letters and commentaries here.





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