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Majority lawmakers say Alaska schools need more money from state

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Majority lawmakers say Alaska schools need more money from state


Rep. Rebecca Himschoot, of Sitka, talks with Rep. Andi Story, D-Juneau, on the House floor on January 22, 2025. (Marc Lester / ADN)

Lawmakers succeeded last year in their effort to permanently boost the state’s per-student funding formula for K-12 public schools, twice overriding Gov. Mike Dunleavy’s vetoes to cement an increase that educators had long asked for.

But after years of flat funding from the state and declining enrollment, districts across Alaska this year say they are still in dire straits. The Anchorage School District, which last year spent down its budget reserve amid state funding uncertainty, is facing a $90 million deficit. The Matanuska-Susitna Borough School District has a $23 million deficit. The Kenai Peninsula Borough School District is estimating a deficit of $8.5 million. Juneau schools face a deficit of more than $5 million.

Senate Education Committee Chair Löki Tobin called the funding increase approved last year “woefully insufficient.”

The bipartisan majority coalition in the Alaska House is still prioritizing school funding, said House Education Committee Co-Chair Rep. Rebecca Himschoot, a Sitka independent, in an interview on Tuesday. But the mechanism by which that funding stability will be achieved remains unclear, she said.

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“Education remains one of our No. 1 priorities, so we’re not backing away from it in the House Majority coalition, in any way at all,” said Himschoot. “Now the political reality of what’s possible is a different story. So whatever is possible — we’re committed to doing — and the limitation is what is actually possible.”

That political reality is shaped by limited revenue and “advocacy fatigue” that has left Alaskans tired of again asking for a funding boost after making it a flagship issue during the preceding two legislative sessions.

Last year’s boost to the state’s education formula was hailed by districts as a success, though it amounted to less than half the funding amount that public educators requested in 2024. Last year’s legislation yielded no effective revenue increase to most schools, because it came on the heels of an outside-the-formula spending boost of equal size in the preceding fiscal year.

In effect, the state’s K-12 education budget dropped between last year and the current year, by roughly $20 million, following a student enrollment drop of nearly 1,000 students.

Alaska has 125,317 public school students this year, according to data collected in the fall by the state. That’s down from 126,284 in 2024; 127,931 in 2023; and 128,088 in 2022.

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Despite lawmakers’ hard-fought battles over education funding in recent years, the state’s effective spending on K-12 schools has remained virtually unchanged, going from $1.29 billion in the 2023 fiscal year to $1.33 billion in the current fiscal year, a roughly 3% increase, far below the inflation rate in the same period.

The governor’s budget draft introduced in December accounts for no new education funding this year, even as Dunleavy asked for spending increases for most other executive branch departments, to account for salary increases and other inflation-driven costs.

“Everything that our state government does requires increases every year, and yet we’re not providing those increases to education,” said Himschoot.

Funding woes have translated to different challenges across the state. In urban areas, including Anchorage, stagnant state funding has led districts to shutter enrichment programs and sports and grow class sizes. In rural areas, districts are struggling to keep buildings operational and qualified teachers in classrooms.

Ideas for shoring up education funding this year abound, said Himschoot and Tobin. They include pegging the state’s funding formula, known as the Base Student Allocation, to an inflation metric; providing dedicated funding streams for high-value budget items like reading coaches and vocational instructors; and upping state spending on the maintenance and repair of school buildings.

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But three weeks into the legislative session, it is not immediately clear which of those ideas — if any — could garner enough support from the House and Senate to become law and fit into a tight budget process.

“We’ve got to get 11 votes in the Senate, 21 votes in the House, and hopefully get it past the governor. If that’s not the case, then I’m going to be working to get 40 (votes),” said Tobin, alluding to the threshold needed to override the governor.

Senate leaders said Tuesday that they are focused on addressing a backlog that has left school buildings with deferred maintenance and repair projects worth more than $2 billion.

The Legislature has in recent years funded only a fraction of maintenance projects identified as priorities by schools. The identified priorities are themselves an undercount of needed projects, lawmakers say, because some districts have stopped applying to the state for funding.

Dunleavy has during his tenure repeatedly slashed education funding to the tune of tens of millions of dollars annually for both school operations and maintenance. He has not commented publicly this year on whether he would allow an education funding increase to become law or again use his veto pen.

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“The Senate majority is continuing to look for pathways to help support our struggling public school infrastructure, and also our public school services, and we are going to use every opportunity and everything available to us to invest in the best and most important resource our state has, which is our children,” said Tobin, an Anchorage Democrat.

Himschoot said she doesn’t think it’s realistic “at all” to again increase the Base Student Allocation by $700, which is what lawmakers did last year — bringing it from $5,960 to $6,660. But a smaller increase may be possible, she said.

“Will there be some kind of BSA inflationary adjustment? I think that’s on the table. Will there be funding to other programs that bring relief to districts? I think that’s on the table. In the absence of a solid fiscal plan, it’s really hard to talk about what’s possible,” Himschoot said.

Dunleavy last year vetoed a bill approved by lawmakers that would have raised between $25 million and $65 million by applying the state’s corporate income tax to Outside companies providing online services to Alaskans. That bill would have directed the new revenue to reading assistance and vocational programs in Alaska schools. After lawmakers failed to override Dunleavy’s veto last month, House majority members reintroduced the revenue bill. It is scheduled for a hearing later this week.

The House Education Committee is currently considering a bill from Rep. Andi Story, a Juneau Democrat who co-chairs the committee, which would change the way the state allocates money to districts. The bill would allow the districts to average out their attendance numbers over a three-year period, rather than using a single-year figure, among other changes. That would provide districts with more funding stability even as their enrollment numbers fluctuate.

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The change is based on recommendations that appeared in a 2015 report commissioned by lawmakers.

According to Dunleavy administration education officials, the change could increase state spending on schools more than $70 million in the coming fiscal year. Of that, roughly $23 million would go to the Anchorage School District; nearly $10 million would go to the Matanuska-Susitna Borough School District; and more than $8 million would go to the Kenai Peninsula borough School District.

But it’s not immediately clear whether that bill will get the support needed to advance.

“I don’t see $70 million low-hanging fruit anywhere in the state right now,” said Himschoot.

“To me, it’s reasonable,” she said on the prospect of spending that amount from state savings. “To some of my colleagues, it’s not reasonable at all.”

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Daily News reporter Mari Kanagy contributed from Juneau.





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VIDEO: World’s first wingsuit skydive through Alaska’s northern lights

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VIDEO: World’s first wingsuit skydive through Alaska’s northern lights


ANCHORAGE, Alaska (KTUU) – Three men completed a world’s first above Palmer’s night sky, wingsuiting through Alaska’s aurora borealis while catching it all on video.

Jeff Provenzano and Jon Devore jumped together in darkness, along with photographer Mike Brewer.

According to Red Bull, with the help of Red Bull Airforce, a one-shot moment was captured amidst -40°F temperature, pitch-black landscape and a disappearing Northern Lights — all while the photographer was moving as 100MPH.

“It was pretty much the coldest temperature that I ever jumped in,” Provenzano said.

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Alaska skydiver returns to sky after crash

Devore’s first jump was in Juneau as a teenager.

“My very first jump was in Juneau and that’s when the addiction set in and I realized I wanted to do that with my life,” Devore said.

He spent three decades skydiving until 2021, when a crash changed everything.

“I had a really bad crash, completely severed my spine in half, open book pelvic fracture, the list goes on,” Devore said. “Was told I’d never walk again, definitely never skydive again.”

Devore said he chose to prove doctors wrong.

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“It was a better state of mind for me to be in a, I’m going to prove them wrong instead of accept what I’m being told,” he said.

Teammate completes 50-state mission

Provenzano had his own mission: skydive in all 50 states. Alaska was the last one, and he said he wasn’t going without Devore.

“He couldn’t go to Alaska without Alaska John,” Devore said.

Devore said he didn’t know if he would jump or provide ground support.

“Whether I went there as just ground support and encouraged him jumping or if a miracle happened and I was able to jump with him, who knew back then?” Devore said. “But as miracles go, it happened.”

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The two men jumped together above Palmer with photographer Mike Brewer.

“That jump, I actually had a moment where I could truly take a second to look at what was going on and appreciate it,” Provenzano said. “And it was definitely a wow moment.”

For Provenzano, Alaska completed his 50-state goal.

“Alaska was truly the last frontier for me,” Provenzano said. “I just, I was actually really sad. I felt very depressed when I was flying out of there.”

Devore said the experience reinforced the importance of support.

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“Surrounding yourself with the right group of people is very important,” Devore said. “People that believe in you and encouraging you to push through barriers that you’re being told aren’t breakable. Even if you don’t achieve the summit, sometimes just getting halfway to it is more than you’re being told you could do.”

See a spelling or grammar error? Report it to web@ktuu.com



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How selling Alaska in 1867 was a costly mistake for Russia | World News – The Times of India

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How selling Alaska in 1867 was a costly mistake for Russia | World News – The Times of India


In 1867, Russia’s decision to sell Alaska to America turned out to be a historic mistake that was to go unnoticed for years to come. The sum paid by the US was only $7,200,000. Although, in the light of the circumstances at the time, it appeared logical, retrospectively, the act looks extremely shortsighted. Russia found itself economically constrained, geographically far away from the region and fearful of its falling into the hands of the British without any compensation. In reality, however, the region had proved immensely valuable both strategically and naturally.

Why Russia agreed to the Alaska purchase

The choice of selling Alaska was based on economic and political reasons. By the middle of the 19th century, the Russian Empire experienced financial difficulties as a result of the expensive Crimean War. It had become increasingly hard for the country to manage such remote and thinly populated areas as Alaska.According to EBSCO, “the Russian-American Company was in decline, and the colony failed to yield any profit”. In addition to this, the lucrative fur trade had declined, making the territory much less economically valuable for the empire.At the same time, Russia was afraid that Britain might capture Alaska in case another war broke out between the two countries. Selling the colony to the friendly United States appeared as a logical step. As the Office of the Historian states, William H. Seward, U.S. Secretary of State, “it was a chance to expand its influence in North America and hinder further growth of Britain”.For Russia, the transaction was a chance to minimise the losses. However, it greatly undervalued the potential of Alaska.

The hidden wealth Russia gave away

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Another thing that Russia did not expect was the amount of riches that Alaska possessed. Within several decades after the acquisition, the state saw discoveries of enormous deposits of gold, oil, and other minerals.“Alaska has produced more than 40 million ounces of gold,” according to the US Geological Survey. Furthermore, Alaska is home to some of the world’s most significant undeveloped mineral deposits, according to the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS). But even more importantly, the state’s oil deposits turned out to be extremely valuable. The Prudhoe Bay oil field was discovered in 1968 and became one of North America’s biggest.In retrospect, the amount paid by the Americans, $7.2 million, or two cents per acre, was rather laughable. According to Howard I. Kushner, the deal “robbed Russia of an enormously rich territory, the true value of which would only be recognised in the twentieth century.”

Strategic and geopolitical consequences

In addition to resources, there is the question of strategy and how important Alaska is to the United States from a strategic standpoint. This is a very good place when it comes to defence strategy. It borders on the Arctic Ocean and also happens to be close to Russia.During the period of the Cold War, the Alaskan region became a frontier area for the United States, becoming home to military facilities and warning systems.According to Col. Michael J. Forsyth, U.S. Army, the closeness of Russia and Alaska, only about ninety kilometres apart across the Bering Strait, meant that this region became highly significant to the United States’ defence plans.From today’s point of view, the strategic location of Alaska makes the state very important to the policies of the U.S. related to the Arctic, energy security, and even environmental policies.Thinking back, what seems clear to us now is that the Russians sold Alaska due to immediate needs rather than future considerations. In order to solve the problem, they lost a valuable resource for Russia.Conclusively, the Alaska Purchase should not have been done as it has had a significant impact that will remain throughout history.



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Opinion: Why Alaska may point to the future of independent politics

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Opinion: Why Alaska may point to the future of independent politics


The U.S. Capitol in Washington. (AP Photo/Tom Brenner)

The center of American politics is not in Alaska. Yet while the Last Frontier is far from pundits’ minds, it may now represent our political future as Bristol Bay fisherman and retired educator Bill Hill emerged as the independent challenger to Rep. Nick Begich III.

Bill Hill has described himself as both “pro-choice” and “pro-gun,” a unique blend that perfectly fits Alaska’s unique politics. Alaskans now have a chance to consider what independent representation can look like when it’s grounded in local experience rather than party loyalty. And for the rest of the country, Hill’s candidacy is worth watching. It suggests that the next phase of American politics may not come from the party leadership, but from candidates who defy easy labels and appeal to voters exhausted by ideological rigidity.

A commercial fisherman and educator, named Alaska’s 2023 Superintendent of the Year, Hill is the kind of candidate with deep roots, allowing him to understand the complexities and nuances of the state’s voters. While independents usually face an uphill battle getting elected, Alaska employs ranked choice voting — a system that can help independent candidates who aren’t relying on party affiliation to carry them in a general election.

The blossoming independent movement that Hill represents is driven by widespread dissatisfaction with both Republicans and Democrats. In February, for instance, Gallup noted that a new high of 45% of respondents self-identified as independents.

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Until recently, “independent” was a nebulous term. This explains why political scientists and party operatives have long treated them as “leaners.” But this is no longer the case. Gallup’s poll highlights the fact that independents are beginning to see themselves as independents, not just swing voters.

Recent polling conducted by Independent Center Voice reports that 76% of voters would vote for a “strong, well-funded independent candidate.” For decades, Americans have yearned for more independent voices, but haven’t had strong candidates to stand behind.

In Alaska, that’s no longer the case.

Hill’s official campaign website notes three primary concerns: lowering costs, fighting corruption in Washington, D.C., and protecting Alaska’s way of life. These are exactly in line with what the majority of independent voters are concerned with. Polling conducted by the Independent Center in October found that jobs, the economy and affordability ranked as the top concerns that respondents wanted their local government representatives to focus on.

Hill’s candidacy for Alaska’s House seat represents the new heights a viable and targeted independent effort can achieve. While an independent, nonpartisan message won’t work everywhere, in certain districts and states, it’s the pitch-perfect message that can rejuvenate an electorate exhausted by gridlock and partisan politics.

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This year marks a new era for independents. Rather than labeling themselves as independents just for the sake of protesting the dysfunction of both Republicans and Democrats, the title now stands for pragmatism and common-sense. What’s more, 2026 is the election cycle when independents can throw their support behind viable and legitimate candidates with a path to victory.

Hill’s candidacy is the first in a new wave of independent candidates seeking office, drawn to service but turned off by partisanship. This is good for our country. Congressional leaders are elected to serve their districts, not party bosses that expect voters to fall in line.

Polling notes that while Americans are optimistic about their personal lives, they’re pessimistic about the state of politics. But this can change if more people like Hill answer the call to service. Imagine the change in our political psyche if the majority of Americans could point to their member of Congress in Washington, D.C., and boldly proclaim, “That person represents me and my family.”

In the end, the question is simple. For Alaskans, it’s whether they want representation shaped by local experience rather than party loyalty. For the rest of the country, it’s whether this model — pragmatic, independent and rooted in place — can be replicated elsewhere.

Either way, what’s happening in Alaska deserves close attention.

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Adam Brandon is the senior adviser to the Independent Center, a nonprofit organization of political independents.

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