Alaska
Lawmakers skeptical as developer of Alaska LNG megaproject sets rapid construction timeline
JUNEAU — The developer of the giant Alaska LNG project is telling federal regulators that it expects to begin construction in April, as part of a plan to build construction camps, access roads and close to 100 bridge crossings to support pipeline construction.
It’s part of Glenfarne’s ambitious schedule to start laying the steel pipe for the 800-mile gas line by the end of this year.
Some Alaska lawmakers are skeptical the work can happen by then, if at all.
Glenfarne has not announced a final investment decision to build the project, though it’s expected to cost at least $44 billion. That longtime cost estimate has recently been updated, but Glenfarne has said it won’t publicly release that information.
Glenfarne last month announced that it had signed several preliminary deals with gas producers and gas line builders, atop other preliminary deals with potential gas buyers. The agreements are nonbinding, but are viewed as key steps that could one day lead to binding agreements.
[Alaska LNG says it expects to start laying pipe as early as December]
Alaska lawmakers who are increasingly focused on the proposed project say they believe Glenfarne still needs to take important steps that could delay the project.
They say Glenfarne has not sought any support from the Legislature for Alaska LNG, though the company said in a statement Wednesday that it is pursuing “property tax reforms” with state and local leaders.
Gov. Mike Dunleavy, a project supporter, has said he plans to introduce a bill that would reduce the state’s oil and gas property taxes by 90% to assist the project.
A consultant for the Alaska Legislature, GaffneyCline, has said a property tax reduction could save the developer important money up front while additional state benefits that provide the project with “fiscal stability” may also be needed from the Legislature. GaffneyCline is a subsidiary of oil field service giant Baker Hughes, which has said it plans to provide equipment for the project and make a “strategic investment” in it.
Major questions for the project include: Who will pay for it? What steps must the Legislature take to support it? And when will binding contracts with gas buyers and suppliers be signed?
Senate Majority Leader Cathy Giessel, a Republican, said she doesn’t believe Glenfarne will keep to its schedule.
Glenfarne’s target of laying pipe by year’s end “is completely unrealistic,” she said told reporters Tuesday.
One hurdle the company has yet to pursue is certification from the Regulatory Commission of Alaska of its financial and managerial fitness, Giessel told reporters. That takes six months, she said.
The company also hasn’t provided the Legislature with any fiscal information that would help lawmakers understand more about the project, she said.
“There’s a lot more to know,” she said.
“I’m not even sure they can come to a final investment decision, in light of the fact that we haven’t even determined what our tax structure will be for this project,” she said.
Glenfarne’s filing, made with the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission last week, does not represent a final schedule, said Tim Fitzpatrick, a spokesperson for Glenfarne, in an email Wednesday.
Rather, it shows how “early works” — initial construction — will be sequenced, he said.
He said the project is moving toward a final investment decision. That had originally been expected late last year.
Fitzpatrick also said Glenfarne faces no financial-fitness certification requirement before the Regulatory Commission of Alaska.
“Alaska LNG is a FERC-regulated project so this RCA certification requirement is not applicable in this instance and as such has no bearing on Alaska LNG’s schedule,” Fitzpatrick said.
“Pending FERC authorization, we are moving forward with Early Works on a pace that will enable Alaska LNG to rapidly deliver reliable, affordable energy to Alaskans,” he said.
Tons of bridges and access roads
In its first phase, Alaska LNG would deliver North Slope natural gas to Railbelt Alaskans through an 800-mile pipeline, if it’s built. The cost has been estimated at $11 billion.
The final, more expensive phase would include construction of a plant and marine terminal in Nikiski, where gas can be super-chilled into liquefied natural gas, or LNG, for shipment to Asian markets.
The state of Alaska, through its Alaska Gasline Development Corp., is a 25% partner in the project. The state will also have the option to invest up to 25% in the project’s major facilities, each of which will cost several billion dollars.
Glenfarne, based in New York, disclosed its pipe-laying plans last month.
The filing with the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission provides new details about more immediate plans.
The company said construction for “early works” will start April 15, the filing shows.
Those activities include installation of 20 main construction camps and 46 sites to store pipes.
They include 98 bridge crossings that are up to 90 feet long, along with six specialized bridges.
Temporary and permanent access roads must also be built from ice and “granular fill material,” which can include sand or gravel.
Early construction includes 619 segments of access road, the filing says.
The information required to support the early activities will be filed with the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission on March 15, in an effort to obtain authorization, the filing says.
Sen. Elvi Gray-Jackson, a Democrat and chair of the Legislative Budget and Audit Committee, said she hasn’t heard of any support the Legislature might be asked to provide, if any, to support those early activities.
“With respect to man camps or access roads, I’m not aware of any requests from Glenfarne for any state support,” she said in an interview Tuesday.
“A lot of what they’re doing has been so secret and confidential,” she said.
She’s cautiously optimistic the project can be built, but she said she doubts Glenfarne can meet its rapid timeline.
“I’m certainly not out of touch with reality,” she said.
Alaska lawmakers have said they’re uncertain what steps they may be asked to take to provide the full project with long-term fiscal stability, if any.
They say they’re awaiting the governor’s property tax proposal.
Giessel told reporters on Tuesday: “Glenfarne has told us, ‘Don’t worry, this is a private-sector project. We will bear all of the cost. We will get investors. We will take all of the overruns and delays. We’ll take all that responsibility.’”
Fitzpatrick, with Glenfarne, said the company “continues to make progress toward a final investment decision for Alaska LNG.”
That includes “engaging with state and local policymakers on property tax reforms that will enable Alaska LNG to proceed and successfully unlock billions of dollars in royalty, tax, and other economic benefits for Alaskans,” he said.
“State and borough officials have recognized that Alaska’s high property taxes are an impediment for a North Slope natural gas project for more than a decade, and this issue has repeatedly been raised before the legislature including in testimony from Glenfarne and the legislature’s oil and gas consultants,” he said.
Asked about the need for state permits for early construction such as the proposed roads or bridge crossings, Fitzpatrick said, “Permitting requirements are fully accounted for in our construction plan.”
Glenfarne is working on smaller LNG export projects in the Lower 48, including Magnolia LNG in Louisiana and Texas LNG.
Giessel told reporters that Glenfarne has not reached a final investment decision for those projects.
“In fact, they’ve not reached FID on any North American project yet, and that Texas project has been in the works now for a couple of years,” she said. “So I am skeptical about any of those timelines they had in that FERC document.”
Should Alaska invest?
House Majority Leader Chuck Kopp, a Republican, said he’s optimistic the Alaska LNG project will be built this time after decades of unsuccessful attempts by earlier, similar projects.
“I do appreciate that all the capital risk has been on them to this point,” Kopp said of Glenfarne.
“The spend rate, whatever it is, I really don’t know,” he said. “But I know (Glenfarne has) spent a lot and the state has not.”
Kopp said the state might want to consider investing 5% in the pipeline, at a potential cost of around $600 million, from the $3 billion Constitutional Budget Reserve savings account.
“If we had an investor interest, we would have access to everything another investor could rightfully see before they made that decision,” he said.
An investment could increase revenue to the state through tariff income that would come alongside production taxes, royalties and other income, he said.
The project is important because it has the potential to support future generations of Alaskans, he said.
The idea of a state investment in the project is something he’s discussing with colleagues, he said.
Kopp said he believes the lack of information from the company to lawmakers may relate to upcoming details that could push the project forward.
Perhaps President Donald Trump’s State of the Union speech, set for Feb. 24, includes more federal support for the project, perhaps even a direct investment, Kopp said.
“I don’t have any insider baseball on this,” he said. ”But it would be consistent with how this administration likes do things. And the president has said Alaska is a national energy and a national strategic priority.”
“So there could be a massive commitment that pushes this into FID,” or final investment decision, he said.
Rep. Ky Holland, an independent and co-chair of the House Energy Committee, said he — along with many other Alaskans — would love to see the project built.
He said it has received state attention and funding in the past that has prevented state investment in other opportunities, including in renewable energy that could support stable utility costs, such as the Susitna-Watana Dam project or wind projects.
In that way, it’s been a “drag on the economy,” he said.
It’s hard to say if Alaska LNG will be built, he said.
“I’m still waiting to see clear ship-or-pay binding agreements for someone to buy gas,” he said. “Absent that, I appreciate the level of enthusiasm the current developers have.”
Holland said state agencies don’t appear to be staffed up with needed manpower and finances to support the project’s permitting requirements, while budgets for workforce training or contractor assistance appear inadequate. Thousands of workers will be needed to build the pipeline.
“The (state agency) budgets I’ve seen look like business as usual, which is barely keeping the wheels on the bus,” he said.
Alaska
Book review: A fictional exploration of an honorable man’s life, infused with Territorial Guard history
“Honor at Last”
By Aurora Hardy; Epicenter Press, 2026; 146 pages; $14.95 paperback; $7.99 Ebook.
How does one write about a family member she hardly knew? In Aurora Hardy’s case, the answer came as a “fictional biography.” Although her new book never says outright that her novel is anything other than “based on a true story,” a reader might infer that the main character — Sonny — is her own father. In interviews, she has said that is the case, and that she built her story from what she could research and learn from other family members about the man who left his wife and daughter when she was 4.
The portrayal, a sympathetic one, swings back and forth between the life of an ailing Yup’ik man sitting outside his sister’s fish camp in 1978 and his memories of everything that has come before.
The most detailed sections of the book come early, concerning Sonny’s birth, early years, and especially his time in the Alaska Territorial Guard, also known more commonly as the “Eskimo Scouts,” beginning when he was just 12. “Honor at Last” could be considered, at least in part, a history of the Guard. Hardy presents that history from the point of view of a young person living on the lower Yukon, frightened by news of the Japanese invasion of the Aleutians, and proud to be a protector of his homeland.
Early on, a plane arrives with Maj. Marvin “Muktuk” Marston and Territorial Gov. Ernest Gruening, who make patriotic appeals and enlist volunteers. Sonny, whose skill with a rifle is attested to, is allowed to join and then works with his father to drill, cache supplies, keep trails open, patrol the river and coastline, identify foreign planes, and radio authorities to give and receive reports. On two occasions — likely fiction, but representing the work of the Guard — Sonny and his father shoot down a Japanese bomb balloon and search for a missing plane.
[Book review: A scholarly new perspective on the roles of Alaska Natives in World War II]
Hardy emphasizes the many changes that came to Native villages during the war years, the intense patriotism of villagers, and the sacrifices they made by forgoing their normal routines, rituals and especially their subsistence practices. “The unity of purpose empowered the Yupik men. Old men dug deep into their remaining strength while young boys grew in purpose and care while serving in the Guard.”
By the end of the war years, Sonny had contracted tuberculosis. While he yearns to join his friends in signing up for additional military service, his health requires multiple hospitalizations in Bethel. There, removed from his village and its ways, he is exposed to white culture and meets and marries a blue-eyed nurse.
In Hardy’s telling, Nuliaq — Yup’ik for “wife,” the name used throughout — is loving but manipulative. She insists on moving to Kodiak, where she’d first worked as a nurse, and then, after the 1964 earthquake, to Fairbanks, where the couple experience overt racism, then to caretake a remote mining camp where they spend a very cold winter. Nuliaq learns of Native allotments and moves the family, now with a small daughter, Bun, to Chitina. There, they build a cozy home on land “abundant with life and natural resources.”
Sonny, always a hard worker and devoted family man, is twice cheated by men who hire him, once of an entire summer’s earnings. He had never learned to read and write and depended on trust. He is at last forced to go to Anchorage to find work, never to return to his embittered wife and confused daughter. He also never returns to his home village.
After he leaves, Nuliaq refuses to speak of Sonny or to allow any contact with him, and Bun grows up without knowing anything of her father except what she later learns from his relatives. She had felt loved by him and held onto one particular memory, a time when he “read” a familiar storybook to her; instead of reading the words she knew almost by heart, he made up his own story, one infused with Yup’ik knowledge and teachings.
Bun, seemingly a stand-in for Hardy herself, many years later comes across a news item about the U.S. Army discharging members of the Alaska Territorial Guard from service. Bun fills out the required paperwork and, in 2007, nearly 30 years after her father’s death, receives the document granting him an honorable discharge. Hardy concludes, imagining Bun’s reaction: “He had served as a Guard member when his country asked him to help fight the war. He had used his Guard training to overcome challenges for the rest of his life.”
Fiction serves history well when it brings to life people who lived it. Through her personal connection and research, Hardy has shown what the World War II experience in Western Alaska could have meant for a young man, and how his service may have influenced the rest of his life.
Between 1942 and 1947, 6,389 volunteers from 107 Alaska communities served in the Guard as a military reserve force of the U.S. Army. They were as young as 12 and as old as 80, mostly too young or old to be eligible for conscription. It wasn’t until 2000 that Sen. Ted Stevens introduced a bill to direct the Secretary of Defense to award Guard members honorary discharges; this was signed into law by President Clinton. Only then did Guard members receive veteran status and eligibility for federal benefits. The youngest of those who served, if still alive, were then in their 70s.
[Book review: ‘The North Face of Summer’ offers a compassionate look at an Alaska conflict]
[Book review: Steeped in Inuit culture, ‘Leave Our Bones Where They Lay’ offers a universal message]
Alaska
Inside the Indigenous Fight to Save Alaska’s Bristol Bay – Inside Climate News
From our collaborating partner “Living on Earth,” public radio’s environmental news magazine, an interview by host Steve Curwood with Alannah Hurley, executive director of the United Tribes of Bristol Bay.
In 2001, a Canadian mining company proposed a massive gold and copper mine at the headwaters of Bristol Bay, a pristine water system on the coast of the Alaska Peninsula that’s home to the largest sockeye salmon run in the world. The salmon support a thriving ecosystem and are a cultural and economic lifeblood for native Alaskans, who have stewarded the land and water for thousands of years.
As the company moved ahead with plans to build the largest open-pit mine in North America, those Indigenous communities joined together to bring it to a halt. In 2023, they secured a rare “EPA veto” of the proposed Pebble Mine, and the 2026 Goldman Environmental Prize for North America recognizes an Indigenous leader in this fight.
Alannah Hurley is the executive director of the United Tribes of Bristol Bay. Her Yup’ik name is Acaq, her great-grandmother’s name. She is the winner of the 2026 Goldman Environmental Prize for North America. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
STEVE CURWOOD: Before we start talking about your work protecting Bristol Bay, paint us a picture of the bay. What makes this such a special place?
ALANNAH HURLEY: Bristol Bay is an extremely special place. It has all the different types of terrain in Alaska, in one place. Where I live, at the mouth of the Nushagak and Wood River, we have everything from tundra and wetlands to mountains, freshwater lakes, freshwater rivers, the muddy waters of Nushagak Bay, [and] the beautiful, crystal-clear ocean waters as you go west towards Togiak and Twin Hills. It’s really untouched, pristine beauty—all of Alaska’s majesty in one place. It’s so pristine you can still hunt and fish and pick berries and eat them straight from the land. You can drink right out of the lake and rivers. It’s paradise.
CURWOOD: Bristol Bay has huge environmental significance, but it’s also important to many human communities. I had been told that it produces more than $2 billion of annual revenue from sockeye salmon fishing alone, it’s also an important food source and cultural site for Indigenous communities, First Alaskans. Talk to me about what the bay means to the people in the area.
HURLEY: There are three different Indigenous groups in Bristol Bay—the Yup’ik people, the Dena’ina people, and the Alutiiq people. Our homeland has been stewarded by our people for thousands and thousands of years. They’ve taken care of this place and entrusted it to us. Our lands, our water, and everything that that entails—the salmon, the moose, the caribou, the bears, us, our freshwater fish, our berries, our plants, our medicines—we very much view it as all very connected. Anything that happens to our lands and waters happens to us. It is everything to us. It is the health of our people, physically, culturally, spiritually. It sustains us. It nourishes us. We’re so blessed to be able to live in the ways that our ancestors have lived. That kind of foundation is really critical in understanding our perspective and wanting to protect our home.
CURWOOD: In 2001, the Northern Dynasty Minerals mining company proposed the development of what’s called the Pebble Mine. It would have been the largest open-pit mine on the continent, one of the biggest, I guess, in the whole world. What would have been the environmental impact of such a project?
HURLEY: The environmental impact of the Pebble project would have been devastation. If you look at a map of Bristol Bay, there are two major river systems, the Nushagak and the Kvichak. The Pebble Mine would be located at the connected headwaters of both. You literally could not have picked a poorer location, and in my opinion, it’s [the] creator’s test to the people: What are you going to choose? But you could not have picked a worse location to put a low-grade acid-generating project that would have to store tens of billions of tons of toxic waste in perpetuity.
That picture is not a question of if something will happen, but when, especially in an earthquake-prone zone, and in a very hydrologically interconnected place. They’re like the veins of the bay—all of that water is connected. Our people, very early on, came out opposed to the project, because we knew that it would mean the utter devastation of our watershed, our fishery and our people.
CURWOOD: Some say that there are literally hundreds of billions of dollars worth of copper and gold and other minerals in the area for the Pebble Mine. Sounds like a lot of money, but you didn’t see this as good news for your community if this got developed.
HURLEY: No, we did not. Early on, before we learned about what type of ore it was, where it was located, what it would mean, what the tilings would mean, people were actually excited for some type of diversification of the economy. Fisheries can be pretty volatile, and that’s how a lot of people would survive in the cash economy as commercial fishermen.
But it did not take long to learn about those things, the dangers and the threat and the risk that that would cause to our people, and very early on, the vast majority of Bristol Bay’s people said, “No way, this is not worth the risk.” You cannot put a price tag on our water and what salmon mean to us as a people. This would be an existential threat to our ability to continue to be Indigenous people in this region, and we will not stop fighting until it is stopped.
CURWOOD: My understanding of Alaskan politics is that at the state level, there wasn’t a huge amount of pushback against this Pebble Mine proposal.
HURLEY: Our people’s concerns were really falling on deaf ears at the state level. We saw the state rewrite our area management plan illegally, without proper input or public process or consultation with our tribes. We saw the governor at the time try to pave the way for a mining district, and we’re still working to rectify some of those issues in that rewritten management plan to this day. And we’re still having issues with the state government pushing a project on Bristol Bay and Alaskans that they’ve proven for the last 20 years that they just do not support.
Because our concerns were falling on deaf ears at the state level, our tribal governments saw the federal government as the place to put some energy, and that was where the petition to the EPA came from, because the state was not listening. They were doing the exact opposite, to really grease the skids for the company to move forward.
CURWOOD: How did the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency respond?


HURLEY: The tribes petitioned in 2010 to prohibit all mines like Pebble within the Bristol Bay watershed. The EPA came back and said, “We’re not going to act on a prohibition immediately under our authority under the Clean Water Act, but we are going to study Bristol Bay. We want to do an assessment. And we want to ask, is this place really unique, and what does this fishery mean to the state and people? If this type of development, large-scale hard rock mining, were to move forward, what kind of impact could that have on the waters and people?”
They took three years to do a bunch of studies. They were in a lot of different communities. There was a lot of peer review to answer those questions, and after that very long, drawn-out assessment, they determined what our people had been saying all along: that this type of development would devastate the water and everyone who was sustained by that water, and so that was really the basis for their action that came later.
CURWOOD: At the end of the day, how did things turn out with the EPA?
HURLEY: It was a bit of a roller coaster between the different administrations, but it’s really a testament to the dedication of our people and our region that regardless of the administration, regardless of winning and losing court cases, they did not give up. And so the EPA, in January 2023, finalized protections to stop the project.
CURWOOD: What’s the risk that the Trump administration number two could reverse all of that?
HURLEY: There is very much still a risk that that could happen. The company,Northern Dynasty, the state of Alaska and a few others have challenged the EPA protections in court, which we anticipated they would.
So far, the Trump administration has continued to defend [the] EPA’s action in court, but that is ongoing litigation, and we’re not putting all of our eggs in that basket with how unpredictable this administration has been in other arenas. We’re definitely remaining extremely vigilant. And we’re continuing to defend the protections in court, and we also are working on legislation that would address the other 20 active mining claims throughout the watershed.
While we’ve made great progress, unfortunately, Pebble isn’t the only mining claim in the region, and so we’re working really hard to put this type of development to bed for good, so that our kids aren’t destined to fight project by project, now into eternity.
CURWOOD: As executive director of the United Tribes of Bristol Bay, how important would you say tribal cooperation has been during this fight?
HURLEY: Tribal unity and cooperation has been absolutely critical. I think in any instance where a coalition is working to protect a place, having Indigenous people leading and center of the effort is absolutely critical. Local people need to be at the forefront of these fights, and without that unity in the bay, there’s no way we would be where we’re at today.
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CURWOOD: You were involved in building that coalition, including Native Alaskans, but also other political constituencies, the commercial fisherpeople and such. What was it like to build a coalition like that?
HURLEY: In the case of United Tribes of Bristol Bay, it was really about centering and amplifying the tribal voice and holding the government accountable for government-to-government consultation. There was real unity in that.
I think anytime you’re building a coalition, it can be challenging. I mean, it’s hard to get five people to agree to where you’re going to go to dinner, let alone 15 tribal governments from different cultural backgrounds who historically didn’t always get along, coming together to fight a common enemy for our continued existence as Indigenous people. That threat really brought us all together in ways that we had never seen before, and that also translated out to non-native groups, commercial fishermen, the conservation community. These aren’t people who usually get along. We’re used to fighting over fish, not working together to protect them, and so anytime you bring different groups together, there’s going to be bumps in the road.
At the end of the day, the connections between people, the relationships and the commitment to work [got us] through hard moments—and there were a lot of hard moments. A commitment, especially by non-native folks, to be in a respectful relationship with native people and us having that requirement that if we are going to be partners, this is how we expect to engage, helped lay the groundwork for a successful coalition. That’s never easy, it’s never pretty, but it was really the people-to-people relationships, those connections, that held us together even in the hard times.


CURWOOD: You’ve spoken about your grandmother’s influence and the values that propelled you through this journey. What lessons have you learned that have motivated you to keep going?
HURLEY: My grandmother was Mancuaq; I was raised with her in Clark’s Point in Bristol Bay. And it’s hard for me not to get emotional talking about her, because even now, even in all the different experiences in my life, everything important, the most important things that have helped me navigate life in a way that has been good and, you know, really grounded in love and respect and kindness came from her. Also the ability to persevere when things are tough. She passed away in 2019.
I obviously still miss her a lot. She provided me with the foundation of values, of how to move forward and live in this world in a good way. Our people have had those teachings for centuries—timeless, timeless teachings of what it means to be a good, real human being on the planet. And that foundation has helped me in life in invaluable and countless ways, and it continues to do so every day.
CURWOOD: What do you see for the future of Bristol Bay?
HURLEY: The future of Bristol Bay is beautiful. We are still struggling with the impacts of colonization, but we have only begun our healing, our reclamation, our revitalization of who we are as Indigenous people.
We have been so lucky that even through all of those challenges, our people have been able to remember and retain and still pass on our values and way of life. I feel like the potential to be a model of sustainability for the world led by Indigenous communities in modern society is boundless, and I’m really excited and hopeful that our region can shift from having to put our energy in defense of our homelands, to now help build something beautiful and tackle some of the tough issues that we’re facing.
About This Story
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Alaska
Curious Alaska: What do you want to know about the place where we live?
We are reviving Curious Alaska, a popular feature launched by the Anchorage Daily News in 2021.
The idea is simple: You have questions. Our reporters find answers. We share them with readers.
Maybe you’re curious about a landmark (like the Parks Highway Igloo, pictured below), or a tradition, a news event or a public figure from the past. Maybe you have a practical question about everyday life in Alaska.
On our initial run, we tackled more than 30 topics that readers inquired about.
Some examples of reader questions we’ve looked into so far include why we don’t have a Trader Joe’s here, whether there are snakes in Alaska, why sand dunes exist in Kincaid Park and the story behind cattle herds on remote islands in the state.
No topic is too offbeat for you to pitch. We’ll choose a question at a time and try our best to answer it. Send in yours using the form below. (Having trouble seeing the form? Try here.)
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