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In seismically active Alaska, plans for statewide residential building codes are on shaky ground

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In seismically active Alaska, plans for statewide residential building codes are on shaky ground


Sixty years after North America’s most powerful earthquake on record ripped through Alaska and 5 ½ years after a different earthquake caused costly damage to structures and roads in the Southcentral region, there are no statewide codes to protect homes against future seismic disasters.

Two bills pending in the Alaska Legislature, Senate Bill 197 and House Bill 150, would create such statewide residential building codes. Both were introduced last year, but neither has made it to a floor vote. Both have run into headwinds at the committee level, to the frustration of supporters.

The magnitude 7.1 earthquake that hit the Anchorage area in 2018 “absolutely should have been” a wakeup call, said Barrett Salisbury, a state geologist who chairs the Alaska Seismic Hazards Safety Commission. The commission is charged by state law with making recommendations to the public and private sectors to mitigate the threats posed by earthquakes.

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Salisbury pointed to the pattern of damage wrought by the 2018 quake that showed much better structural performance in the Anchorage Bowl, where there are enforced codes, than in outlying communities to the north, which lack those enforced codes.

“There is concrete evidence now that there are improvements that could be made. And I think some of those are reflected here in these bills. But the urgency that gets them passed, I think, is missing,” Salisbury said. “I personally feel like we run into that issue a lot with these types of hazards that are kind of few and far between but really impactful when they do occur.”

Some of the most compelling evidence to which Salisbury referred is in a 2021 University of Alaska Anchorage-led study that detailed worse building performance in the outlying communities of Eagle River and Chugiak, which do not have residential building codes despite being part of the Municipality of Anchorage, and in the Matanuska-Susitna Borough, which also lacks such codes. In those northern communities, rates of damage to buildings were 18 to 20 times as high as rates within the area of Anchorage where codes are mandated, the study said.

And of the 40 buildings in the Municipality of Anchorage that suffered severe damage in 2018, 38 were in areas without code enforcement, the Alaska Seismic Hazards Safety Commission has pointed out.

Despite Alaska’s experience with earthquakes, building code coverage around the state is uneven and enforcement is spotty. The state adopted strict building codes after the magnitude 9.2 Great Alaska Earthquake of 1964, but they do not apply to residential structures that are three-plexes or smaller, according to the Alaska Seismic Hazards Safety Commission. Some local governments, like Anchorage, have codes that cover residences and enforce them; other regions do not.

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The 2018 earthquake should have been a convincing case in favor of statewide building codes, said Sen. Jesse Bjorkman, R-Nikiski, the sponsor of the Senate bill. But it apparently was not, he said.

“I think that’s the correct statement, that people don’t learn from history, and they are often doomed to repeat it,” said the senator, a former teacher.

Homebuilders, housing experts are supporters

Bjorkman said he introduced his bill in response to efforts by the Alaska Home Builders Association, which has pushed for statewide residential building codesfor several years, and the Kenai Peninsula Builders Association.

That organizations’ representatives, in committee testimony and written messages, described building codes as a matter of professionalism and consumer protection, applicable to Alaska’s extreme weather conditions and home-heating needs as well as to seismic safety.

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In addition to the homebuilders’ associations and the Alaska Seismic Hazards Safety Commission, the Cold Climate Housing Research Center at the University of Alaska Fairbanks supports the legislative effort.

Bjorkman characterizes his bill as modest. It simply “provides a legal backstop for folks that are making a cash purchase of a house that a contractor is building,” he said. “There are no building inspectors attached to this idea. There is no enforcement from the state. The only enforcement is in civil court.”

That falls short of what was recommended in the 2021 UAA-led study.

The study’s first recommendation is for enforcement of statewide standards through required inspections. “Immediate legislation is needed for a mandatory building permitting process, plan review, and construction inspection throughout Alaska,” applying to new conduction and building upgrades and including all the communities and unincorporated areas outside of Anchorage’s current code-enforcement zone, the study said.

Even when codes exist, they are not always enforced, the study said. Within Anchorage, code enforcement was lax until the 1990s, and that showed in the earthquake results: Structures built prior to the 1990s fared worse than did more modern structures built at a time of consistent enforcement, the study found.

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The idea of enforceable building codes is a fraught subject in some areas of the state.

An argument, articulated by Sen. Donny Olson, D-Golovin, is that statewide building codes would be unworkable in rural Alaska.

While the bill exempts owner-builders, it is unclear how it would treat people who, though not contractors, build homes for others, as happens in rural areas, he told Bjorkman at a March 6 Senate Finance Committee hearing.

“I’m thinking about my place in rural Alaska where you don’t have any contractors and you don’t have anybody to build. And you don’t necessarily want to build it yourself because it’s above your mental capabilities sometimes to go in and think of what the wind loads are going to be, what the snow loads are going to be and all those other issues that are out there,” Olson said.

Even if a licensed contractor is found and hired, compliance with codes could be costly, he said later in the hearing. “Let’s say a contractor’s building a house out on St. Lawrence Island, Savoonga, even out on Diomede. You’ve got to pay for the inspector to get out there. And then there’s a delay until he gets out there and inspects it,” he said.

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Concerns about added costs, delays and other complications

Other skeptics have cited more philosophical opposition, such as that expressed by Rep. Mike Prax, R-Fairbanks, in a committee hearing held a year ago.

Prax, during that 2023 House Labor and Commerce Committee hearing, said his own experience and that of his neighbors in the Fairbanks North Star Borough indicates that a statewide building code is unnecessary and could be counterproductive. For his family’s home, “We read the national building codes and decided that wasn’t appropriate for Alaska, and we built beyond the code to meet our needs. So, one concern is the code provides or could provide a false sense of assurance that you’re getting a quality home, as compared to just knowing your contractor,” he said.

Additionally, banks in the Fairbanks North Star Borough already require homes to be built to a code, with inspection confirming that, before they grant any loans, and that system is working, he said.

One opponent of the effort, in written comments sent to the Senate Labor and Commerce Committee, characterized the idea as a costly Anchorage-centric imposition on the rest of the state.

“Please keep the state out of building codes and allow the borough and other regions to be flexible in building practices in their region. State interference will drive up the price of new construction, add construction delays while waiting for state inspectors, and lead to cost overruns,” said a message sent to the Senate Labor and Commerce Committee from Jennifer Sampson of Fairbanks.

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Salisbury said there are some valid rural concerns. It is time-consuming to get multiple inspections done at different points in the construction process, he said. There may be a possibility for remote inspections through videos, or even rural exemptions, he said. “I think until that is a little more clearly defined, he’s probably right and that it’ll be onerous for those folks in the Bush to get these types of inspections complete,” he said.

But building codes can save money in the long run, Salisbury said. They help prevent costly damages, and they also make it more likely that the Federal Emergency Management Agency will fund retrofits to improve safety prior to disasters, he said.

The House bill remained in that body’s labor and commerce committee as of early April.

As for the Senate version, Bjorkman gives it little chance of moving beyond that body’s finance committee. He is unlikely to reintroduce it next year, he said.

“I’ll let somebody else carry the torch if they want to, but it’s not something that I’m interested in doing again because of the irrationality and impractical nature of the system,” he said.

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Legislation to establish and enforce statewide residential building codes was not the only expert recommendation to come from the 2018 quake.

Other recommendations, as listed in the 2021 study, include identification and upgrades at vulnerable structures accessible to the public, even if privately owned, and for older homes and structures that may be out of compliance with modern codes. The Alaska Seismic Hazards Safety Commission has recommended creation of an information clearinghouse that lists vulnerable critical infrastructure and potential ways to make it more resilient, including sources of funding.

There has been little action on any of the recommendations, Salisbury said.

Along with its recommendations, the UAA-led study contains a warning: Even if their homes emerged unscathed in 2018, Anchorage residents should not be complacent about safety if a more powerful quake hits.

The shaking intensity that occurred was only about half as powerful as the level that is meant to be absorbed, according to a standard known as the design-based earthquake spectrum, or DBE, it said.

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“The Nov. 2018 earthquake was not a sufficient test to assess the actual seismic vulnerability of Southcentral Alaska’s built environment. The level of structural damage observed does not necessarily imply high quality of construction or adherence to building codes since most buildings were not tested to the DBE,” the study said.

Originally published by the Alaska Beacon, an independent, nonpartisan news organization that covers Alaska state government.





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Opinion: Alaskans pay global prices and get little in return. Here’s how to fix it.

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Opinion: Alaskans pay global prices and get little in return. Here’s how to fix it.


The Trans-Alaska Pipeline is seen at the Pump Station 1 on Monday, June 2, 2025, located near Deadhorse, Alaska, on the state’s prodigious North Slope. (AP Photo/Jenny Kane)

Alaskans are still paying high prices for oil.

We are paying outrageously high prices for a resource from our own ground while seeing too little benefit. This is not a resource problem. It is a system problem. And it is fixable.

When oil prices rise, Alaska should not just collect more revenue. It should capture more value and return it to Alaskans in a way that is timely, predictable and meaningful.

There is a clear path to do that. When oil prices rise above certain thresholds, the state can be structured to capture a larger share of that increase and return a portion of it to Alaskans more quickly.

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This is not a new concept. Alaska has adjusted its fiscal system before in response to changing economic conditions. It can and should do it again.

First, the state can structure its production taxes so that when prices spike, the public share increases accordingly. If companies benefit from higher global prices, the state should as well.

Second, a portion of the additional revenue should be automatically reserved for immediate relief, not debated months later.

That could mean energy rebates, fuel cost offsets or direct payments tied to price increases, so people get this benefit when they are paying higher costs.

Third, relief efforts should be targeted where they are needed most. In many parts of Alaska, especially rural communities, energy costs are not just high; they are a barrier to living in your own home.

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When geopolitical events like the Russian invasion of Ukraine spike prices and disrupt energy supply, those rural energy costs skyrocket, as described in a recent Alaska Beacon op-ed written by a chief scientist at the Alaska Center for Energy and Power and the president of the Alaska Federation of Natives. Any serious policy must recognize and address this reality.

To get there, we have to stop leaving our fair share of Alaska’s resource income on the table.

We also need the will to implement a forward-thinking energy policy that breaks our dependence on overpriced oil and gas.

This means eliminating outdated oil and gas tax credits that still pay out even when those companies are highly profitable, closing loopholes and special carve-outs that reduce what large producers contribute as their fair share of corporate income taxes, and creating a Department of Energy to bring Alaska’s energy operations under one roof rather than scattering them across agencies.

Alaska holds enduring advantages in global energy markets: political stability, established regulatory systems and long-term production potential. These strengths give the state leverage in how it structures its fiscal framework.

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This is about more than fuel prices. It is about whether Alaska can generate stable, long-term revenue to grow an economy that will sustain its population.

In recent years, the state has faced ongoing challenges in funding education, maintaining infrastructure and retaining residents. At the same time, a significant share of the value generated from resource extraction does not remain in state.

That imbalance should concern all of us. The resource-based fiscal solutions outlined above are part of a comprehensive plan that can address that imbalance.

Alaska should not be a place where resources are extracted, profits leave and communities are left to manage the consequences.

If nothing changes, the pattern is likely to continue: Prices rise, Alaskans pay more and the long-term challenges persist.

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Alaska has the resources, the position and the leverage to get our fair share and invest in its future. I have a plan to do it. No more excuses. Let’s get it done.

Tom Begich is a former Alaska state senator, a small-business owner and a candidate for governor of Alaska. He has worked with communities across the state on education, energy policy and juvenile justice.

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The Anchorage Daily News welcomes a broad range of viewpoints. To submit a piece for consideration, email commentary(at)adn.com. Send submissions shorter than 200 words to letters@adn.com or click here to submit via any web browser. Read our full guidelines for letters and commentaries here.





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Wildlife agents can kill bears from helicopters to protect caribou in Alaska, judge rules

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Wildlife agents can kill bears from helicopters to protect caribou in Alaska, judge rules


Alaska wildlife agents can resume shooting and killing black and brown bears — including from helicopters — as part of a plan to help recover a caribou herd that was once an important source of food for Alaska Native hunters, a judge ruled Wednesday.

Two conservation groups, the Alaska Wildlife Alliance and Center for Biological Diversity, sought to halt the program while their lawsuit challenging its legality plays out. But Superior Court Judge Adolf Zeman said the groups had failed to show that the state acted without a reasonable basis for approving the plan.

The timing of the ruling is important: The Mulchatna caribou herd in southwest Alaska is expected to begin calving soon. The babies are particularly susceptible to being eaten by bears or wolves.

State officials see the bear-killing program as important to helping the caribou herd recover. The herd, which once provided up to about 4,770 caribou a year for subsistence hunters from dozens of communities, peaked at around 190,000 animals.

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But the caribou population began declining in the late 1990s and early 2000s, and by 2019 numbered around 13,000 animals. Last year, the population was estimated around 16,280, according to the state Department of Fish and Game. Hunting has not been allowed since 2021.

The state killed 180 bears from 2023 to 2024, most of them brown bears, plus 11 more last year, according to the conservation groups’ lawsuit. According to the Alaska Wildlife Alliance, 99 bears, including 20 cubs, were killed by the state from the air in less than a month in 2023.

The groups argue that the Alaska Board of Game last year authorized reinstating the program without key data on the bears’ population numbers and sustainability.

Cooper Freeman, Alaska director at the Center for Biological Diversity, said in a statement the groups want to see the caribou herd thrive, “but the state simply hasn’t shown that the unrestrained killing of bears is going to help us get there.”

“We need to stop this disgraceful waste of the state’s limited resources and work based on science to protect all our wildlife,” Freeman said.

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State attorneys have said that officials took a “hard look” at factors related to bear numbers in adopting the plan. Alaska is home to an estimated 100,000 black bears and 30,000 brown bears.

“The herd has persisted at low numbers but started showing a positive response since 2023, when bear removal during calving seasons began,” they wrote in a court filing.

The Alaska Department of Law welcomed Zeman’s decision “to allow this management program to continue during the upcoming caribou calving season, a crucial time for herd recovery,” spokesperson Sam Curtis said by email. The department represents the board and Department of Fish and Game.

“Continuing this program makes sense in light of the scientific record,” Curtis said.

Caribou traverse a ridgeline on Aug. 11, 2025, in Denali National Park and Preserve, Alaska.

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Becky Bohrer/AP


Attorneys with Trustees for Alaska, representing the conservation groups, are reviewing the ruling and “will consider all available options,” spokesperson Madison Grosvenor said by email.

The program has been the subject of ongoing litigation. A judge last year, in a case previously brought by the Alaska Wildlife Alliance, found fault with the process in which it was adopted and concluded the state lacked data on bear sustainability.

Emergency regulations implemented by the state were later struck down. A subsequent public process was announced surrounding plans to reauthorize the program, which the board did last July.

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According to the Alaska Wildlife Association, a group of state biologists in 2020 determined that the main reasons for the herd’s decline were disease and a lack of food and “bear predation isn’t even in the top three identified causes of mortality among the Mulchatna herd.”

“We are concerned that big game management in Alaska has become a process whereby population objectives for wild ungulates are established based on public demand rather than on habitat capacity, promoting unsustainable management,” the alliance says in a position paper.



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Anchorage international airport jumps into first for cargo volume in the US

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Anchorage international airport jumps into first for cargo volume in the US


Air cargo is unloaded from a UPS Boeing 747 at Ted Stevens Anchorage International Airport on Monday, May 4. (Bill Roth / ADN)

The Ted Stevens Anchorage International Airport has reached new heights, becoming the largest cargo hub in the U.S. last year.

It may be a first for the Anchorage airport, based on historical data from the Airports Council International.

The ascendance is based partly on the airport’s steady growth in cargo volume landed there in recent years, according to figures from the group.

It came even as President Donald Trump’s tariffs upended global trade patterns, the group’s latest rankings show.

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A key part of the rise? The state’s strategic perch near much of the industrialized world.

But perhaps more important in the latest figures was the large decline in cargo volume at the Memphis International Airport last year.

The FedEx superhub has long been the dominant cargo airport in the U.S., and sometimes the world. But FedEx has restructured its operations, contributing to the airport’s drop in cargo volume.

That helped the Anchorage airport leapfrog past Memphis last year.

A FedEx Boeing 777 freighter prepares to depart from Ted Stevens Anchorage International Airport en route to Singapore on April 23. (Bill Roth / ADN)

With 3.9 million tons of cargo landed, Anchorage was behind only the Hong Kong and Shanghai airports, globally.

In recent years in particular, the Anchorage airport has become a critical crossroads for aviation shippers, in part due to the increase in e-commerce packages moving between Asia and the U.S.

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Carriers often drop into Anchorage to refuel, allowing them to haul more of their valuable payload, and less fuel traveling between continents.

“Aircraft can reach 90% of the industrialized world within 9 1/2 hours from the airport,” said Teri Lindseth, the airport’s development manager, in an interview Friday.

Also important is the “targeted effort by the airport development team and the (Alaska) Department of Transportation to expand Anchorage’s cargo presence and overall airport development,” she said. “We’ve focused on supporting our existing partners at the airlines, creating opportunities for growth, and we’re seeing that strategy pay off.”

Over 30 cargo carriers using the airport have helped boost those numbers, Lindseth said.

Some of the carriers have significantly increased their cargo landings in Anchorage last year, she said, including China Airlines and Taiwan-based EVA Air Cargo, and Kalitta Air and Atlas Air, based in the U.S., she said.

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Greg Wolf, head of the Alaska International Business Center, said that the airport has done a good job marketing the benefits of the Alaska route to cargo carriers.

The extra cargo each jet can carry as it lands in Anchorage helps give extra oomph to the numbers, compared to other airports, he said.

A Nippon Cargo Boeing 747 freighter departs from Ted Stevens Anchorage International Airport en route to JFK in New York on Monday, May 4. (Bill Roth / ADN)

The Anchorage airport’s rise to first place came as Alaska reached its highest-ever volume in foreign exports, at $6.7 billion, Wolf said.

Some of that product moved by air, adding to the airport’s cargo numbers, he said.

And while Trump has slapped extra-high tariffs on China, Alaska exports still traveled there, apparently after first reaching other Asian countries with lower tariffs before making their way to China, Wolf said.

Alaska’s export value to China fell to fourth last year — behind Korea, Australia and Japan — though it’s typically been the state’s top export partner.

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“I’ve talked to businesses, not just from Alaska, but other American businesses, and they’ve done their best to work around the tariffs,” he said.





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