West Virginia
Data centers are West Virginia’s new strip mines
West Virginia is now on the frontline of a national shift that most people won’t notice until it shows up in their own bills, water tables or the substation down the road. This goes far beyond the typical Appalachian tragedies people are used to ignoring. Data centers and bitcoin mines are remaking rural America the same way coal once did. They move into weak regulatory terrain, rewrite the rules in their favor, drain the resources that communities rely on and send the value somewhere else. According to the National Conference of State Legislatures, 37 states have modified tax codes and regulatory structures specifically to attract data centers, with billions in exemptions granted annually. But the pattern is clearest in West Virginia, where the script is old and the state has lived through every version of it.
There’s a familiar smell to the data center boom in West Virginia. It’s the same old rot that came with coal, but now it’s wired up and rebranded so people can pretend it’s clean. Coal took the hills, the streams, the air and young men’s lungs. You could see the damage from the road. Strip mining leveled ridgelines so flat you could land a plane on them. Slurry ponds sat above towns like loaded guns. Everyone knew what was happening even if they pretended not to.
Data centers are the same kind of extraction, only this time the corporations are hiding them behind fences, nondisclosure agreements and a lot of glossy PR about “upcycling” coal mines and powering the future. Local reporting shows Blockchain Power Corp. bragging about being the first industrial data center in the state, dropping five bitcoin mines into abandoned coal sites at Hazelton, Ben’s Run, Tunnelton, Miracle Run and Blacksville. They pull 107 megawatts of power to keep their specialized computers humming so a global ledger can update itself every ten minutes for people who will never set foot in West Virginia. One hydrocooling site alone sits on 200,000 gallons of water to keep stacks of machines from overheating so someone else’s balance sheet can tick upward. For all that, they employ only 44 people.
Strip mining used to at least throw a few hundred jobs at a county while it hollowed everything else out. Now, West Virginia is trading away water, land, noise and grid capacity for a workforce small enough to fit inside a school bus.
Strip mining used to at least throw a few hundred jobs at a county while it hollowed everything else out. Now, West Virginia is trading away water, land, noise and grid capacity for a workforce small enough to fit inside a school bus.
The sales pitch hasn’t changed since coal. But instead of coal barons in hardhats, there are executives in tech vests talking about “work ethic,” “perfect climate” and how there’s “an abundance of water in the Mon[ogahela River].” They say things like “we lighten the load on residential customers” while they pull megawatts off the same system everyone else is struggling to pay for.
The new Power Generation and Consumption Act, which was signed into law by Republican Gov. Patrick Morrisey in April, is just strip mining written into energy policy. Morrisey and the West Virginia legislature built a special lane for these projects. Microgrids. Off-grid gas plants. Custom tax structures. Counties get 30% of the tax revenue while the state scoops the rest and the companies get their incentives. Local governments lost almost all power. There is no zoning, noise rules, light ordinances or land-use limits. If a data center wants to roar like a jet engine all night, that’s the deal. It’s the coal playbook, but this time the blast pattern is invisible. Instead of blowing the top off a mountain, you build a gas plant next to a town and run it 24/7 for server racks.
Tucker County is living this right now. A Virginia company wants to construct an off-grid gas plant between the towns of Thomas and Davis to power its own private data complex. People there are asking basic questions: Where is the water coming from? How much noise? What happens to the air? How many jobs, really? How long before they leave? They’re getting redacted permits and shrugs in return.
Mingo County is considering two more off-grid plants branded as the “Adams Fork Data Center Energy Campus.” Jefferson and Berkeley counties have another complex in the works. Fidelis wants to build in Mason County.
Data centers can use several million gallons of water a day, the same as a town of 10,000 to 50,000 people. In a lot of places around the country, residents already fight them over wells running low and rivers running hot. Harvard University’s electricity lawyers have already documented what common sense told everyone here a long time ago: When industrial customers demand more power, regular people end up footing the bill.
In coal country, we watched this cycle play out for a century. First came the promises of jobs, prosperity, schools and roads. Then came the exemptions. No local control; the state would handle it. The externalities that never made it into the press releases. Flooded hollers. Black water. Broken roads. Sick workers.
When the coal gave out, the companies left and the bills stayed. Now data centers are pulling cheap power and water out of the ground and shipping the value out of state in the form of bitcoin, cloud storage, AI training runs and corporate “efficiency.” Instead of company towns, there are company microgrids. Rather than coal dust, you get a constant low-frequency hum and diesel backups.
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The state knows exactly what it’s doing. You don’t strip local governments of zoning, noise control, and land-use authority by accident. It’s a modernized method of extraction. The same agencies that refuse to release unredacted permits are the ones writing the compliance rules. They hold the hearings, take industry testimony and call it public input, even when no one from the public has enough information to challenge what is being approved. The regulatory framework is built around the assumption that these projects must happen and that whatever collateral damage emerges can be managed later or ignored entirely. West Virginians keep being told the state is “open for business,” but what it means is that communities have been positioned as collateral.
There is also a political calculation under all of this. Lawmakers know that most of these sites break ground long before the public even hears about them. By the time residents learn where the water is coming from or how loud the turbines will be, the permitting infrastructure is already locked into place and the tax structure has been negotiated behind closed doors. And that’s the point: The process moves faster than the opposition.If the public wants answers, they are told to wait until the next comment period, by which time the project is too entrenched to stop.
West Virginians have been told their whole lives that they have to choose between being poor and in the dark, or selling themselves cheap to a jobs number that collapses under scrutiny. Data centers are being presented as permanent fixtures, but the industries they serve are some of the most volatile on earth.
Bitcoin can collapse in a single bad cycle. Artificial intelligence workloads spike and fall depending on capital flows and investor appetite. Corporate cloud contracts shift between hyperscalers every quarter. When the economics turn, these companies will not hesitate to walk away. A data center stays only as long as it can pull cheap power. When they leave, the economic floor drops out from under the town with no warning. A data center that no longer fits a global balance sheet becomes nothing more than a warehouse full of dead machines and a power hookup the utility still has to maintain.
People in this state carry the outcomes of past booms in their daily lives. School closures came after projections that never held. Heavy industrial traffic tore up rural roads that were never built for that kind of weight, and the counties hit the hardest didn’t have the money or manpower to keep up with the damage. Streams turned chemical when operators left and the cleanup passed to taxpayers.
None of this fades from memory, and it shapes how every new proposal is received. Any promise of economic renewal is measured against a long record of industries that took what they wanted — and left residents to manage the fallout.
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West Virginia
Months of mudslinging is almost over – WV MetroNews
It’s almost over!
That seems to be the dominant feeling swirling around the 2026 Republican Primary.
Almost to a man (or woman), people I have spoken to about this primary have all expressed the same sentiment – they can’t wait until it is over.
That is not that unusual to hear from the candidates, the media covering the election, or your average resident. Running for office is difficult. Campaigning can be exhausting. Meanwhile, voters have grown weary of the advertisements invading their social media, mailboxes, televisions, and radio.
This is especially true this year, in what has become one of the most contentious and expensive primary elections anyone can remember. That is certainly true for a Republican Party that has had the majority in both chambers of the legislature since 2014.
As of May 8, seven Political Action Committees had poured $4.97million into the legislative primary races. Most of that money came from PACs associated with Governor Patrick Morrisey and funded by out-of-state interests.
Morrisey-associated PACs have spent nearly $3 million on legislative races, flooding voters with campaign material, often attacking their political opponents.
The attacks being levied in the ads would lead you to believe West Virginia voters were at a crossroads, forced to pick between a staunch conservative and a radical liberal. One mailer that stood out informed me that this particular candidate “will have my back” when the radical left comes for my guns.
Good to know.
I just wish someone could tell me who the radical left is in West Virginia and where they are coming from.
Many of the attack ads may be technically true, but lack any context or nuance and mislead the voters. Pointing out a candidate’s record, for instance, opposing Governor Morrisey’s $250 million tax cut plan, is certainly fair game. However, it misleads the voter when that same candidate voted in favor of a $150 million tax cut in the most recent legislative session and previously voted for the largest income tax cut in the state’s history.
With that context, the voter gets a very different perspective of the candidate, a perspective that is purposefully omitted from campaign rhetoric.
The purpose of the mailers and other campaign materials attacking candidates is to motivate supporters to go to the polls. Chris Stirewalt pointed out in a 2022 article he penned for the American Enterprise Institute that the political parties are “very much arranged around the idea of motivation over persuasion.”
He continued to point out that the parties have created an atmosphere that “has pushed previously apathetic voters into action.”
Will it work?
It’s hard to say.
Recent polling by State Navigate looked at several key senate races and determined that most of them are neck and neck battles.
Secretary of State Kris Warner reported that early voting totals were actually about 8 percent higher than early turnout for the last off-year primary in 2022.
At least by this time Wednesday, it will all be over… for now.
West Virginia
West Virginia delegate candidates in Wood County split on top issues, from manufacturing to health care rules
PARKERSBURG, W.Va. (WTAP) – Candidates running for seats in the West Virginia House of Delegates in Wood County say their top priorities if elected range from job creation and workforce development to health care policy changes and infrastructure, as they make their case to voters ahead of the election.
Incumbent Delegate Vernon Criss, a Republican running in House District 12, said jobs would be his top focus, arguing Wood County has been left out of state efforts to attract manufacturing.
“It would be jobs,” Criss said. He pointed to what he described as $340 million available through a high-impact, jobs-related manufacturing fund for companies returning to West Virginia, saying the governor “has refused to use these dollars to help the county.” Criss also cited restoring highway funding and funding for drinking water and sewer projects as priorities.
Criss said he would also push for foster care legislation in the next session, noting the governor vetoed a foster care bill this year that he said would have helped families and relatives caring for children in the system.
In House District 13, Republican candidate Melissa McCrady said her leading priority is repealing the state’s certificate of need program, which she said restricts medical facilities and practices from opening in the state.
“The main issue that I would prioritize is the repeal of the certificate of need,” McCrady said, calling it a program that limits a “free market” approach to health care by requiring approvals before certain services can expand.
McCrady said she would also like to repeal the inventory tax on businesses, which she said makes West Virginia less attractive for economic growth. She also said she supports religious and philosophical vaccine exemptions for children and adults in response to future outbreaks.
On education, McCrady said she wants to give teachers and families more voice in Wood County and reduce what she called burdensome requirements and restrictions placed on classrooms. On jobs and cost of living, she said reducing taxes and regulations and allowing the market to develop would create more opportunity for residents.
Incumbent Delegate Scot Heckert, a Republican running in House District 13, said his top issues include “infrastructure, accountability” and school funding.
“Top issues right now is infrastructure, accountability, for the school funding,” Heckert said. He said policy changes depend in part on what he hears from residents, but added he believes the school aid formula should be reviewed and that traditional public schools, homeschooling and charter schools should be held to the same set of rules.
Heckert said the state needs to do more to support teachers and address long-term retirement funding costs. On jobs and workforce development, Heckert said building a workforce is essential and suggested the state should look at incentives and assistance programs to encourage employment.
Asked about transparency and accountability, Heckert said constituents can contact him directly.
“Any constituent of District 13 can call me anytime,” he said, adding, “You can’t have one without the other.”
Criss and McCrady also emphasized transparency as a priority. Criss said the budget process should remain open to the public, while McCrady said she wants to be accessible through office hours and multiple communication channels.
Candidate for House of Delegates district 12 Charles Hartzog was not available to be interviewed.
Voters in Wood County will choose their delegates in House Districts 12 and 13 in the upcoming election. Details on early voting and Election Day locations are available through the county clerk’s office.
Editor’s note: The video for this story will be added once it airs. Please check back for the updated video.
Copyright 2026 WTAP. All rights reserved.
West Virginia
Former PAAC House residents find hope and housing after sudden closure
Charleston, W.Va. — An abrupt closure at a Charleston recovery home last week left residents searching for a new place to stay, but members of the local recovery community stepped in to help keep many of them on track.
PAAC House closed its doors Friday after funding issues left employees unpaid for nearly a month, displacing 14 residents, many of whom were still in early sobriety.
For former resident John Boso, the closure came after weeks of uncertainty.
“Services started dropping off, we’d have less counseling, less things going on,” Boso said. “And then before we know it, it’s like, you’ve got to find somewhere else to go.”
Caroline Paxton, a founder of the nonprofit True Freedom, said the sudden disruption raised immediate concerns about residents’ stability.
“I think especially in early sobriety, that’s really stressful for anyone. And so our biggest concern was we want to make sure they were able to continue to stay sober and continue on this like recovery journey,” Paxton said.
Paxton and fellow True Freedom founder Michael Paxton said they already knew many of the men through the nonprofit’s meetings. When they learned the residents had just four days’ notice to find new housing, they began working to secure placements — a process that often involves applications, interviews and fees.
They connected with HopeWorks, a recently opened home, and worked to fast-track interviews the next day. HopeWorks Director Catherine Tyler said she fortunately had many beds open and their transition has been smooth so far.
“They’re doing great so far,” said Tyler. “They are already buddies from the PAAC House, and I think that’s going to be really good for them.”
Six of the men were able to stay together, something former residents said has been critical to their recovery.
“It’s awesome that we’re all together,” one resident said. “Brotherhood was the biggest thing we had going for us. That was the only thing we were sure of.”
The men said despite the sudden closure, due to securing placements they have been able to continue attending meetings and focusing on recovery.
Several residents said they feared the disruption could have pushed them backward in their recovery.
“I was hopeless thought I was going to go right back to the life I was living then bam Mike and Caroline to the rescue it was great,” Alden Smith said.
“I thought I had come all this way for nothing,” said Christian Taylor.
Michael Paxton said helping the men find stability has been worth every effort.
“Just to know these guys, know that they’re safe and they have a place they’re loved. You know, they still have another chance at life,” he said.
Those involved encouraged anyone struggling with addiction to reach out to True Freedom.
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